【变局专栏20】同情伊朗，谴责美国（中英双语）

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编者按：中国人民大学重阳金融研究院执行院长王文在《环球时报》英文版专栏“Wang Wen on Changing World”的第二十篇专栏文章《同情伊朗，谴责美国》于1月7日刊出，原英文标题为《Global efforts needed to restrict US adventurism》(可点击查看原文)，现将中英文内容转发如下：

An Iranian friend of mine asked me what I thought about the killing of Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran's elite army Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps by a US drone strike in Iraq the day after Soleimani's death. I answered without hesitation - this is an act of state terrorism. There was no trial, no congress authorization, no public debate, and the US simply killed a senior official of a sovereign country by arbitrary use of force and accusations from its hegemonic discourse power.

伊朗精锐部队“圣城旅”最高指挥官苏莱马尼被美国袭击身亡事件发生的第二天，一位伊朗朋友问我的看法。我不假思索地回答：这是国家恐怖主义行为啊！没有法律审判，没有国会授权，没有公开辩论，肆意就用国家军事暴力与舆论霸权指控，谋杀了一位主权国家的高官。

This makes me feel fear and anger with more negative views toward the US, a country that has been flaunting itself over freedom and democracy.

这令我感到恐惧与愤怒，也对美国这个标榜自由与民主的国家产生更多的否定与批判。

My Iranian friend says there are not too many Chinese who would say it like I do and says he has heard a lot of pro-US voices in China.

这位伊朗朋友很欣慰地说，像你这样敢讲话的中国人真是不多啊。我在中国看到的都是一些亲美言论。

I responded, this is not the case. Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi has reiterated that the US should stop abusing the use of force, calling US behavior military adventurism. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov also urged Washington to "stop using unlawful methods of force."

我赶紧回应，不是的！我观察了中国国务委员兼外交部长王毅的公开表态。他反复“敦促美方不要滥用武力”，美国这种行为是“军事冒险”。俄罗斯外长拉夫罗夫也在“谴责”，认为“美方行为是非法的”，“粗暴践踏别国主权”。

I have also observed quite a few countries' public opinion about the case. It is believed the majority people across the world loathed the rudeness and cruelty of the current US administration.

我还仔细观察了不少国家舆论的看法，在这件事情上，我相信，世界多数人内心非常反感特朗普政府的粗暴与残忍。

I don't know if my words could convince my Iranian friend. But Chinese people's understanding of Iran is deepening.

我不知道，这样的表述是否能让伊朗朋友信服？但中国人对伊朗的理解的确深化。

Both China and Iran are continuations of ancient civilizations. People of these two countries nowadays still can recognize their respective ancient languages dated back to thousands of years ago. This is not commonly seen in world history. Chinese and Iranians should be proud of the vitality of their civilizations.

从历史进程看，中国与伊朗都是文明古国，2700年前波斯文明兴起并扎根于伊朗高原。中国的文化基因在本土延绵不断三千年，波斯文明同样是如此。2000多年前的波斯文与古汉语，都被当下的伊朗人与中国人识别。这一点西方文明、非洲文明、印度文明都无法做到。中国人与伊朗人有必要为两国文明的伟大生命力而自豪。

China and Iran were both victims of external invasions, particularly in modern times. Such experience has enhanced the two peoples' national identity, which is shown in their pursuit of independence, autonomy and national rejuvenation. This sentiment has also led to the mainstream society of China and Iran - especially elites' - dissatisfaction with US and European double standards on human rights issues as well as serious doubts on the so-called universal values of the West.

从民族情感看，中国与伊朗都有沉重的历史悲情。历史上，两国的东、南、西、北都受过外族的入侵，尤其是近代以来，两国觉醒的民族意识都在内化了历史悲情，强化了自我的民族认同。这种认同体现在独立自主、民族复兴的梦想追求上，也表现在两国主流社会尤其是精英层，对欧美双重标准人权指责的不满，以及对美国所谓的普世价值带有浓重怀疑意识。

The two countries have complicated geopolitical environments. However, China and Iran have many neighboring countries and the geopolitical environment is extremely complicated, which is a great challenge to the political strategy of the two countries' politicians. With a little carelessness, these two countries could be in danger of being infiltrated, impacted or even dismembered by external forces.

从地缘政治看，中国与伊朗都陷入了复杂的、天生的地缘宿命中。两国都没有美国那么幸运，美国只有两个邻国且都是相对弱国，但中国与伊朗的邻国众多，地缘环境极其复杂，对两国政治家的纵横捭阖能力是极大的挑战。稍有不慎，国家就会面临被外部力量浸入、冲击甚至肢解的危险。

In the US National Security Strategy issued in December 2017, Washington views Iran as a "rogue state" and China a "revisionist power," both of which are its "main sets of challengers." US elites also have a strategic consensus on their disapproval of Chinese and Iranian governments and their systems and even on attempts to overthrow the governments of China and Iran.

从西方战略看，中国与伊朗是被锁定在美国战略视野的对立面。比如，某一年的《美国国家安全战略报告》就唯独将伊朗、中国视为在中东地区、东亚地区的战略对手。对于中伊两国政权与体制的不认同甚至是颠覆意图，美国精英层也有相当的战略共识。

These similarities do not mean that China and Iran share the same policy toward the US. Tehran is pursuing a foreign policy of full confrontation with Washington, different from China's US policy - "at odds, but not at war."

当然，这些一致并不代表着中国与伊朗之间有着完全一致的对美政策。伊朗实行全面与美对抗的外交政策，与中国目前“斗而不破”的对美方针不同。

Iran's oil exports to China sometimes come with demanding requests. Iran strategists hold the belief that China's need for Iran far exceeds Iran's need for China. So far, China has established strategic partnership with dozens of countries, but hasn't built such relations with Iran yet. This has restricted China-Iran ties from getting closer.

伊朗对华的石油出口有时的要求较苛刻。伊朗战略界有时认为，中国对伊朗的需求，远高于伊朗对中国的需求。中国的对外关系中迄今有几十对“战略伙伴关系”，但至今还没有与伊朗商讨过类似关系，这些都是限制中伊关系进一步走近的问题。

However, it cannot be denied that Beijing-Tehran relations are now at an all-time high. China will definitely not join forces with Iran to confront the US, but the two countries can engage in broader strategic and political cooperation. Just as what I wrote in my book Iran Against Demonization, China strikes a chord with Iran that European and US media outlets are biased and misleading when reporting countries with big ideological divergences.

但不可否认，中伊关系正处在有史以来最好的阶段。中国肯定不会与伊朗联合反美，但中国与伊朗可以有更大的战略和政治合作。诚如我在《被妖魔化的伊朗》一书中所说，欧美媒体在报道意识形态差异较大的国度时存在着偏差与误导，中国与伊朗感同深受。

《伊朗：一个被妖魔化的国度》（王文著）

Chinese media, scholars and policy researchers are expected to look beyond Western perspectives and seek to analyze the world with more independent thinking and prudent judgment.

中国媒体、学者以其相关政策研究人员，恐怕都需要超越西方视角，寻求于更独立的思考、更谨慎的判断来分析这个世界。

Judging by the world reaction to the killing of Soleimani, I believe that the current US administration's global actions should be condemned and constrained. Iranians need to make more efforts, so do the people of the world. In an attempt to maintain the US image and the true spirit of freedom and democracy, Americans should restrict the unbridled moves of their president.

透过苏莱马尼事件，我更认为，美国特朗普政府的国际行为权力是应该受到谴责与限制的。伊朗人需要努力，世界人民需要努力。美国人民为了美国形象与真正的民主自由精神，也必须限制美国总统的放肆。

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中国人民大学重阳金融研究院（人大重阳）成立于2013年1月19日，是重阳投资董事长裘国根先生向母校捐赠并设立教育基金运营的主要资助项目。

作为中国特色新型智库，人大重阳聘请了全球数十位前政要、银行家、知名学者为高级研究员，旨在关注现实、建言国家、服务人民。目前，人大重阳下设7个部门、运营管理4个中心(生态金融研究中心、全球治理研究中心、中美人文交流研究中心、中俄人文交流研究中心)。近年来，人大重阳在金融发展、全球治理、大国关系、宏观政策等研究领域在国内外均具有较高认可度。