1949年西宁解放前夕一银行烧钱4330亿，达7小时【图】

原文《1949年西宁一银行烧钱7小时》写于

2011-09-25 08:37   jixuie

李克勤（jixuie）题记：近些年有个新名词“烧钱”，其实真正的烧钱，用火烧钱的事情，在青海一家银行真的发生过。

1949年4月17日,国民党政府中央银行西宁分行的工作人员全部出动,将库存的约4330亿元金圆券,分别装入86个大纸箱,两辆大卡车将纸箱运往南山山坡。

他们这么做不是把钱藏起来，而是要烧掉。

随即,他们就把所有的钱放在了浇汽油的木柴上,点火焚烧。

焚烧时间从上午9时持续到了下午4时,时间长达7个小时。

有意思的是，这批被烧掉的金圆券,按当时的市场价只有两块大洋的购买力。而这次行动的人力物力耗费成本却高达20块大洋。

1949年9月5日西宁解放。解放前夕,国民党政府发行的金圆券大幅度贬值,引起市场混乱,老百姓的生活苦不堪言，可谓民不聊生。

在抗日战争前,百姓拿100元金圆券就可以买到一头牛,而到了解放前夕,只能买到一根火柴了。

根据历史资料，1949年4月20日上午9时,一块银元可兑换金圆券12万元,到10时就已上涨到15万元。此后,兑换价格持续上涨,到下午5时前后已经涨到24万元。到了4月24日,一块银元已经可以兑换金圆券150万元了。

这份资料显示,在西宁解放前夕,国民党政府发行的金圆券贬值速度令人吃惊。

电视剧《北平无战事》里面，对于国民党搞金融改革，发行金圆券的过程，有过生动描述。

参见：

金圆券是解放战争后期，蒋介石政府为支撑其崩溃局面而发行的一种本位货币。1948年8月19日开始发行，至1949年7月停止流通。金圆券流通不到一年，形同废纸，国民党政府财政金融陷于全面崩溃。

老百姓拒用金圆券，就是对蒋介石国民党反动统治的表态。

学习毛主席著作：

《迎接中国革命的新高潮》

（一九四七年二月一日）

　　【（一）目前各方面情况显示，中国时局将要发展到一个新的阶段。这个新的阶段，即是全国范围的反帝反封建斗争发展到新的人民大革命的阶段。现在是它的前夜。我党的任务是为争取这一高潮的到来及其胜利而斗争。 

　　 （二）目前军事形势，已向有利于人民的方向发展。去年七月至今年一月的七个月作战，已歼灭蒋介石进犯解放区的正规军五十六个旅，平均每月歼敌八个旅；被歼灭的大量伪军和保安部队，被击溃的正规军，都未计算在内。蒋介石的攻势，在鲁南、鲁西、陕甘宁边区、平汉北段和南满等地虽然还在继续，但是比较去年秋季已经衰弱得多了。蒋军兵力不敷分配，征兵不足规定数额，这同他的战线之广和兵员消耗之多，发生了严重的矛盾。蒋军士气日益下降。最近在苏北、鲁南、鲁西、晋西等地几次作战中，许多蒋军部队士气的下降已到了很大的程度。我军已在几个战场上开始夺取了主动，蒋军则开始失去了主动。预料今后数月内可能达到歼灭蒋军连前共计一百个旅的目的。蒋介石共有正规军步骑九十三个师（军），二百四十八个旅（师），一百九十一万六千人，伪军、警察、地方保安部队、交通警察部队、后勤部队和技术兵种等，都未计算在内。进攻解放区的为七十八个师（军），二百一十八个旅（师），一百七十一万三千人，约占蒋军正规军兵力百分之九十。留在蒋管区后方的仅十五个师，三十个旅，二十万三千人，约占百分之十。因此，蒋介石不可能再从他的后方调动很多有战斗力的军队向解放区进攻。进攻解放区的二百一十八个旅中，被我歼灭者已超过四分之一。虽然有些部队在被歼灭后又以原番号补充恢复，但其战斗力很弱。有些补充后又被歼灭，有些则根本没有补充。我军如能于今后数月内，再歼其四十至五十个旅，连前共达一百个旅左右，则军事形势必将发生重大的变化。 

　　 （三）同时，蒋介石区域的伟大的人民运动发展起来了。去年十一月三十日因国民党压迫摊贩而引起的上海市民骚动⑴和去年十二月三十日因美军强奸中国女学生而引起的北平学生运动⑵，标志着蒋管区人民斗争的新高涨。由北平开始的学生运动，已向全国各大城市发展，参加人数达数十万，超过“一二九”抗日学生运动⑶的规模。 

　　 （四）解放区人民解放军的胜利和蒋管区人民运动的发展，预示着中国新的反帝反封建斗争的人民大革命毫无疑义地将要到来，并可能取得胜利。 

　　 （五）这一形势，是在美国帝国主义及其走狗蒋介石代替日本帝国主义及其走狗汪精卫的地位，采取了变中国为美国殖民地的政策、发动内战的政策和加强法西斯独裁统治的政策的情况之下形成的。在美蒋这些反动政策下，全国人民除了斗争，再无出路。为独立、为和平、为民主而斗争，仍然是现时期中国人民的基本要求。还在前年四月，我党第七次全国代表大会即曾预见美蒋实施这些反动政策的可能性，并为战胜这些反动政策而制定了完整的和完全正确的政治路线。 

　　 （六）美蒋的上述反动政策，迫使中国各阶层人民处于团结自救的地位。这里包括工人、农民、城市小资产阶级、民族资产阶级、开明绅士、其他爱国分子、少数民族和海外华侨在内。这是一个极其广泛的全民族的统一战线。它和抗日时期的统一战线相比较，不但规模同样广大，而且有更加深刻的基础。全党同志必须为这个统一战线的巩固和发展而奋斗。解放区在坚决地毫不犹豫地实现耕者有其田的条件下，“三三制”⑷政策仍然不变。在政权机关和社会事业中，除共产党人外，必须继续吸收广大的党外进步分子、中间分子（开明绅士等）参加工作。解放区内，除汉奸分子和反对人民利益而为人民所痛恨的反动分子外，一切公民不分阶级、男女、信仰，都有选举权和被选举权。在彻底实现耕者有其田的制度以后，解放区人民的私有财产权仍将受到保障。 

　　 （七）由于蒋介石政府长期施行反动的财政经济政策，由于蒋介石的官僚买办资本在著名的卖国条约——中美商约⑸中同美国的帝国主义资本相结合，使恶性通货膨胀迅速发展，中国民族工商业日趋于破产，劳动群众和公教人员的生活日趋于恶化，为数众多的中等阶级分子日益丧失了他们的积蓄而变为毫无财产的人，罢工、罢课等项斗争因之不断发生。中国空前严重的经济危机，已经威胁着各阶层人民。蒋介石为了继续内战，恢复了抗日时期极端恶劣的征兵、征粮制度，这将迫使广大的乡村人民首先是贫苦农民不能生活，因而民变运动已经起来，并将继续发展。这样，蒋介石反动统治集团就将在广大人民面前日益丧失自己的威信，遭到严重的政治危机和军事危机。这个形势，一方面推动蒋管区反帝反封建的人民运动日益向前发展，另方面影响蒋军士气更加下降，增加人民解放军的胜利的可能性。 

　　 （八）以孤立我党和其他民主势力为目标而召开的蒋介石的非法的分裂的国民大会⑹及其所制造的伪宪法，在人民面前没有任何威信。它们没有使我党和其他民主势力陷于孤立，反而使蒋介石反动统治集团自己孤立起来。我党和其他民主势力采取了拒绝参加伪国大的方针，这是完全正确的。蒋介石反动统治集团已将青年党、民社党⑺两个历来在社会上毫无威信的小党派和某些所谓“社会贤达”拉拢到自己方面，并且中间派队伍中预计今后还可能有一部分人投到反动派方面去，这是因为中国民主势力日益壮大和反动势力日益孤立，所以敌我两条阵线不得不划分得这样清楚。一切隐藏在民主阵线中欺骗人民的分子，最后都将露出自己的原形而为人民所唾弃，而人民的反帝反封建的队伍则将因为同隐藏的反动分子分清了界限，而更加壮大起来。 

　　 （九）国际形势的发展，对于中国人民的斗争，极为有利。苏联力量的增长及其外交政策的胜利，世界各国人民的日益左倾及其反对本国和外国反动势力的斗争的日益发展，这两大因素，已经迫使并将继续迫使美帝国主义及其在各国的走狗日益陷于孤立。如果再加上无可避免的美国的经济危机这一因素，必将迫使美帝国主义及其在各国的走狗更加处于困难地位。美帝国主义及其走狗蒋介石的强大仅仅是暂时的，他们的进攻是可以粉碎的。所谓反动派进攻不能粉碎的神话，在我们队伍中不应有它的位置。中央曾经多次指出这一点，国际国内形势的发展日益证明这一判断的正确性。 

　　 （十）为着取得休息时间补充军队，重新进攻，为着向美国取得新的借款和军火，为着缓和人民的愤怒，蒋介石又在施行新的骗术，要求和我党恢复所谓和谈⑻。我党方针是不拒绝谈判，借以揭露其欺骗。 

　　 （十一）为着彻底粉碎蒋军的进攻，必须在今后几个月内再歼蒋军四十至五十个旅，这是决定一切的关键。为达此目的，必须充分地实行去年十月一日中央关于三个月总结的指示和去年九月十六日军委关于集中兵力各个歼敌的指示。这里特再着重指出几点，引起各地同志注意： 

　　 甲、军事问题。我军在过去七个月艰苦奋战中，已经证明自己有一切把握粉碎蒋介石的进攻，取得最后的胜利。我军的装备和战术，均有进步。今后军事建设方面的中心任务，是用一切努力加强炮兵和工兵的建设。各大小军区，各野战兵团，必须具体地解决为了加强炮兵和工兵而发生的各项问题，主要是训练干部和制造弹药两项问题。 

　　 乙、土地问题。各区都有约三分之二的地方执行了中央一九四六年五月四日的指示⑼，解决了土地问题，实现了耕者有其田，这是一个伟大的胜利。但是还有约三分之一的地方，必须于今后继续努力，放手发动群众，实现耕者有其田。在已实现耕者有其田的地方，还有解决不彻底的缺点存在，主要是因为没有放手发动群众，以致没收和分配土地都不彻底，引起群众不满意。在这种地方，必须认真检查，实行填平补齐⑽，务使无地和少地的农民都能获得土地，而豪绅恶霸分子则必须受到惩罚。在实现耕者有其田的全部过程中，必须坚决联合中农，绝对不许侵犯中农利益（包括富裕中农在内），如有侵犯中农利益的事，必须赔偿道歉。此外，对于一般的富农和中小地主，在土地改革中和土地改革后，应有适当的出于群众愿意的照顾之处，都照《五四指示》办理。总之，在农村土地改革运动中，务须团结赞成土地改革的百分之九十以上的群众，孤立反对土地改革的少数封建反动分子，以期迅速完成实现耕者有其田的任务。 

　　 丙、生产问题。各地必须作长期打算，努力生产，厉行节约，并在生产和节约的基础上，正确地解决财政问题。这里第一个原则是发展生产，保障供给。因此，必须反对片面地着重财政和商业、忽视农业生产和工业生产的错误观点。第二个原则是军民兼顾，公私兼顾⑾。因此，必须反对只顾一方面、忽视另一方面的错误观点。第三个原则是统一领导，分散经营。因此，除依情况应当集中经营者外，必须反对不顾情况，一切集中，不敢放手分散经营的错误观点。 

　　 （十二）我党和中国人民有一切把握取得最后胜利，这是毫无疑义的。但这并不是说我们面前已没有困难。中国反帝反封建斗争的长期性，中外反动派将继续用全力反对中国人民，蒋管区的法西斯统治将更加紧，解放区的某些部分将暂时变为沦陷区或游击区，部分的革命力量可能暂时遭受损失，在长期战争中人力物力将受到消耗，凡此种种，全党同志都必须充分地估计到，并准备用百折不回的毅力，有计划地克服所有的困难。反动势力面前和我们面前都有困难。但是反动势力的困难是不可能克服的，因为他们是接近于死亡的没有前途的势力。我们的困难是能够克服的，因为我们是新兴的有光明前途的势力。 

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　　 注　　释 

　　〔1〕从一九四六年八月起，上海国民党当局禁止黄浦、老闸两区的摊贩营业，至十一月下旬，拘捕和拘押继续营业的摊贩近千人。摊贩于十一月三十日举行三千余人的请愿游行，并包围黄浦区警察局。国民党当局下令开枪镇压，摊贩死七人，受伤被捕者甚多。十二月一日，摊贩请愿游行队伍增至五千余人，继续进行斗争，当日又被杀十人，受伤百余人。上海全市商店曾经停业表示同情。这样就形成了全市性的反蒋群众运动。 

　　〔2〕一九四六年十二月二十四日，北平发生了美军强奸北京大学一名女生的事件。十二月三十日至一九四七年一月，国民党统治区几十个大中城市的学生，为此相继罢课，举行反美反蒋的示威游行，要求美军退出中国。参加这一运动的学生人数在五十万以上。 

　　〔3〕 指一九三五年十二月九日在北平爆发的学生爱国运动。见本书第一卷《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》注〔8〕。 

　　〔4〕见本书第二卷《论政策》注〔7〕。 

　　〔5〕 “中美商约”即《中美友好通商航海条约》，一九四六年十一月四日国民党政府和美国政府在南京签订。这个大量出卖中国主权的条约，共有三十条，其主要内容是：第一，美国人有在中国“领土全境内”居住，旅行，从事商务、制造、加工、科学、教育、宗教、慈善事业，采勘和开发矿产资源，租赁和保有土地，以及从事各种职业的权利。美国人在中国，在经济权利上得与中国人享受同样待遇。第二，美国商品在中国的征税、销售、分配或使用，享有不低于任何第三国和中国商品的待遇。中国对美国任何种植物、出产物或制造品的输入，以及由中国运往美国的任何物品，“不得加以任何禁止或限制”。第三，美国船舶可以在中国开放的任何口岸、地方或领水内自由航行，其人员和物品有经由“最便捷之途径”通过中国领土的自由。美国船舶，包括军舰在内，可以在遇到“任何危难”的借口下，开入中国“对外国商务或航业不开放之任何口岸、地方或领水”。 

　　〔6〕 见本卷《美国“调解”真相和中国内战前途》注〔4〕。 

　　〔7〕青年党，即中国青年党，一九二三年成立。参见本书第一卷《中国社会各阶级的分析》注〔1〕。民社党，即中国民主社会党，一九四六年八月由中国国家社会党和民主宪政党合并组成。青年党和民社党的主要成员都是大地主、大资产阶级的代表人物。抗日战争时期，它们曾参加中国民主同盟，后又依附国民党。一九四六年十一月参加了国民党包办的“国民大会”，拥护这次国民大会通过的所谓“中华民国宪法”，支持蒋介石发动反共反人民的内战。 

　　〔8〕一九四七年一月十六日，国民党政府由于它的军事进攻的不断失败和军事形势的日益恶化，为了取得喘息时间，准备再攻，经过美国驻中国大使司徒雷登向中国共产党要求允许派遣代表到延安进行“和平谈判”。美蒋这一新的骗局，立即为中国共产党彻底揭穿。中国共产党指出，恢复谈判，必须实现两个最低条件，即（一）废除国民党违背政治协商会议协议制定的伪宪法，（二）国民党军队退出一九四六年一月十三日停战协定生效以后侵占的解放区的一切土地；否则无法保证以后谈判中所获协议不再被国民党撕毁。国民党政府看到“和平”骗术无法实施，即于二月二十七日、二十八日，先后通知中国共产党驻在南京、上海、重庆等地担任谈判联络工作的代表全部撤退，宣布国共谈判完全破裂。 

　　〔9〕 指一九四六年五月四日中共中央《关于土地问题的指示》。见本卷《三个月总结》注〔5〕。 

　　〔10〕填平补齐，是在土地改革比较彻底的老区，为了解决某些贫雇农土地和其他生产资料不足以及土地改革中遗留下的其他问题，在较小的范围内，采用抽肥补瘦、抽多补少的办法，合理地调剂土地和其他生产资料。 

　　〔11〕 见本卷《一九四六年解放区工作的方针》注〔4〕。 

GREET THE NEW HIGH TIDE OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION 

February 1, 1947 

[This inner Party directive was drafted by Comrade Mao Tse -tung for the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.] 

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1. All circumstances now show that the situation in China is about to enter a new stage of development. This new stage is one in which the country-wide struggle against imperialism and feudalism will develop into a great new people's revolution. We are now on the eve of this revolution. The task of our Party is to struggle for the advent of this high tide and its triumph . 

2. The military situation has now developed in a direction favourable to the people. In seven months of fighting, from last July to this January, we wiped out 56 brigades of Chiang Kai-shek's regular forces which invaded the Liberated Areas, a monthly average of 8 brigades, not counting the numerous puppet troops and the peace preservation corps which were wiped out and those of Chiang's regular forces which were routed. Although Chiang Kai-shek's offensive continues in southern and western Shantung, in the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region, along the northern section of the Peiping-Hankow Railway and in southern Manchuria, it has become much feebler than it was last autumn. Chiang Kai-shek's army does not have enough troops to dispose and cannot fulfil its conscription quotas; this fact is in serious contradiction with its extended battle lines and the enormous drain on its manpower. The morale of Chiang's army is sinking lower every day. During the recent fighting in northern Kiangsu, southern and western Shantung and western Shansi, the morale of many of Chiang's forces sank to a very low level. On several fronts our armies are beginning to seize the initiative, while Chiang Kai-shek's armies are beginning to lose it. We can foresee that in the next few months we may achieve the objective of wiping out a grand total of 100 of Chiang's brigades, including those previously destroyed. Chiang Kai-shek has altogether 93 regular infantry and cavalry divisions (corps), composed of 248 brigades (divisions), totalling 1,916,000 men, not counting the puppet troops, police, local peace preservation corps, communications police corps, rear services and technical arms. The forces attacking the Liberated Areas number 78 divisions (corps), composed of 218 brigades (divisions), totalling 1,713,000 men, or about 90 per cent of Chiang Kai-shek's regular troops. Only 15 divisions, with 30 brigades, totalling 203,000 men, or about 10 per cent of the total, remain in the Kuomintang rear areas. Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek can no longer send large combat-worthy reinforcements from his rear areas to attack the Liberated Areas. We have already wiped out more than a quarter of the 218 brigades attacking the Liberated Areas. Although some have been replenished and restored under their original designations after having been wiped out, their combat effectiveness is very low. Some have been wiped out a second time. Some have not been replenished at all. If our armies can wipe out another 40 to 50 brigades in the next few months and bring the total up to about 100, there will be an important change in the military situation. 

3. Meanwhile, a great people's movement is unfolding in the Kuomintang areas. The riots of the people in Shanghai, [1] which began on November 30 of last year as a result of the Kuomintang's persecution of the street vendors, and the student movement in Peiping, which began last December 30 as a result of the rape of a Chinese girl student by U.S. soldiers, [2] both mark a new upsurge in the struggle of the people in the Chiang Kai-shek areas. The student movement which began in Peiping has spread to other big cities all over the country, with hundreds of thousands taking part and on a larger scale than the December 9th Student Movement against Japanese imperialism.[3] 

4. The victories of the People's Liberation Army in the Liberated Areas and the development of the people's movement in the Kuomintang areas foretell that a great new people's revolution against imperialism and feudalism is surely approaching and can be victorious. 

5. The circumstances in which this situation has arisen are that U.S. imperialism and its running dog Chiang Kai-shek have replaced Japanese imperialism and its running dog Wang Ching-wei and adopted the policies of turning China into a U.S. colony, launching a civil war and strengthening the fascist dictatorship. Confronted by these reactionary policies of U.S. imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese people have no way out except through struggle. The struggle for independence, peace and democracy still constitutes the basic demand of the Chinese people in the present period. As far back as April 1945, our Party's Seventh National Congress foresaw the possibility that U.S. imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek would carry out these reactionary policies and formulated a complete and fully correct political line to defeat them. 

6. These reactionary policies of U.S. imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek have forced all strata of the Chinese people to unite for their own salvation. These strata include the workers, peasants, urban petty bourgeoisie, national bourgeoisie, enlightened gentry, other patriotic elements, the minority nationalities and overseas Chinese. This is a very broad united front of the whole nation. In comparison with the united front in the period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, it is not only as broad in scope but has even deeper foundations. All Party comrades must strive to consolidate and develop this united front. In the Liberated Areas the policy of the "three thirds system"[4] is to remain unchanged, on the condition that the policy of land to the tillers is carried out resolutely and unhesitatingly. In addition to Communists, we should continue to draw the broad ranks of progressives outside the Party and the middle elements (such as the enlightened gentry) into the organs of political power and into social undertakings. In the Liberated Areas, all citizens, irrespective of class, sex or belief, have the right to elect and stand for election, except traitors and those reactionaries who have opposed the interests of the people and incurred their bitter hatred. After the system of land to the tillers has been thoroughly carried out, the right to private property of the people in the Liberated Areas will continue to be guaranteed. 

7. Because the Chiang Kai-shek government has pursued reactionary financial and economic policies for a long time and because Chiang Kai-shek's bureaucrat-comprador capital [5] has become linked with U.S. imperialist capital through the notorious and treasonable Sino-U.S. Treaty of Commerce,[6] malignant inflation has swiftly developed; the industry and commerce of China's national bourgeoisie are daily going bankrupt; the livelihood of the working masses, government employees and teachers is deteriorating every day; large numbers of middle class elements are losing their savings and becoming penniless; and therefore strikes of workers and students and other struggles are constantly occurring. An economic crisis more serious than China has ever faced before is threatening all strata of the people. 

In order to carry on the civil war, Chiang Kai-shek has restored the extremely vicious system of conscription and grain levies of the period of the War of Resistance; this makes life impossible for the vast rural population, particularly the poverty-stricken peasants; as a result, peasant revolts have already started and will continue to spread. Hence, the reactionary Chiang Kai-shek ruling clique will become more and more discredited in the eyes of the broad masses of the people and be confronted with serious political and military crises. On the one hand, this situation is daily pushing forward the people's anti-imperialist, anti-feudal movement in the areas under Chiang Kai-shek's control; on the other hand, it is further demoralizing Chiang's troops and increasing the possibility of victory by the People's Liberation Army. 

8. The illegal and divisive "National Assembly", which was convened by Chiang Kai-shek in order to isolate our Party and other democratic forces, and the bogus constitution fabricated by that body enjoy no prestige at all among the people. Instead of isolating our Party and other democratic forces, they have isolated the reactionary Chiang Kai-shek ruling clique itself. Our Party and other democratic forces adopted the policy of refusing to participate in the bogus National Assembly; this was perfectly correct. The reactionary Chiang Kai-shek ruling clique has brought over to its side the Youth Party [7] and the Democratic Socialist Party,[8] two small parties which never had the slightest prestige in Chinese society, as well as certain so-called "public personages",[9] and it can be foreseen that some of the middle-of-the-roaders may also go over to the side of reaction. The reason is that the democratic forces in China are getting stronger and stronger while the reactionary forces are becoming more and more isolated, and therefore the line between the enemy and ourselves has to be so sharply drawn. All elements which hide in the democratic front and deceive the people will eventually be revealed in their true colours and be cast aside by the people; and the people's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ranks will grow even stronger because they have drawn a clear line of demarcation between themselves and these hidden reactionaries. 

9. The development of the international situation is extremely favourable for the Chinese people's struggle. The growing might of the Soviet Union and the successes of its foreign policy, the growing radicalization of the peoples of the world and their ever-developing struggles against reactionary forces both at home and abroad -- these two great factors have forced U.S. imperialism and its running dogs in various countries into ever greater isolation and will continue to do so. If one adds the factor of an inevitable economic crisis in the United States, then U.S. imperialism and its running dogs will be forced into an even worse predicament. The power of U.S. imperialism and its running dog Chiang Kai-shek is only temporary; their offensives can be smashed. The myth that the offensives of the reactionaries cannot be smashed should have no place in our ranks. The Central Committee has pointed this out time and again, and the development of the international and domestic situation has increasingly borne out the correctness of this judgement. 

10. In order to gain a respite in which to replenish his troops and launch a fresh offensive, to obtain new loans and munitions from the United States and to allay the indignation of the people, Chiang Kai-shek is perpetrating a new hoax by demanding the resumption of so-called peace negotiations with our Party.[10] Our Party's policy is not to refuse negotiations and in this way expose his deception. 

11. In order to smash Chiang Kai-shek's offensive thoroughly, we must wipe out another forty to fifty of his brigades in the next few months; this is the key that will decide everything. To achieve this objective, we must put into full effect the Central Committee's directive of October 1 last year, "A Three Months' Summary",[11] and the Military Commission's directive of September 16 last year on concentrating our forces to destroy the enemy forces one by one.[12] Here, we are once again emphasizing a few points for the attention of the comrades in all areas: 

(a) The Military Problem. In the past seven months of bitter fighting our army has proved that it can certainly smash Chiang Kai-shek's offensive and win final victory. Our army has improved in both equipment and tactics. From now on, the central task in building our armed forces is to make every effort to step up the building of our artillery and engineer corps. All military areas, big and small, and all field armies should solve the concrete problems involved in strengthening the artillery and engineer corps and, first of all, the two problems of training cadres and manufacturing ammunition. 

(b) The Land Problem. In about two-thirds of the territory in each Liberated Area, the Central Committee's directive of May 4, 1946, [13] has been put into effect, the land problem has been solved and the policy of land to the tillers has been carried out; this is a great victory. There remains around one-third of the territory, however, where further efforts must be made to arouse the masses fully and put the policy of land to the tillers into effect. In places where the policy of land to the tillers has been carried out, there are still shortcomings insofar as the solution was not thorough -- mainly because the masses were not fully aroused, so that the confiscation and the distribution of land were not thorough and the masses became dissatisfied. In such places, we must check carefully and must "even up" [14] to ensure that the peasants with little or no land obtain some and the bad gentry and local tyrants are punished. In the entire process of carrying out the policy of land to the tillers, we must unite firmly with the middle peasants, and it is absolutely impermissible to encroach on the interests of the middle peasants (including the well-to-do middle peasants); if cases occur where the interests of the middle peasants are encroached upon, there must be compensation and apology. Moreover, during and after the land reform, appropriate consideration in accordance with the will of the masses should be given to ordinary rich peasants and middle and small landlords, and it should be given in accordance with the "May 4th Directive". To sum up, in the land reform movement in the rural areas we must unite with the more than 90 per cent of the masses who support the reform and isolate the small number of feudal reactionaries who oppose it so that we can speedily realize the policy of land to the tillers. 

(c) The Production Problem. All places must plan on a long-term basis, work hard at production, practice economy and correctly solve the financial problem on the basis of production and economy. The first principle here is to develop production and ensure supply. For this reason, we must oppose the wrong view which lays one-sided emphasis on finance and commerce and neglects agricultural and industrial production. The second principle is to give consideration to both the army and the people, to both public and private interests. Therefore, we must oppose the wrong view which takes only one side into account and neglects the other. The third principle is unified leadership and decentralized management. Therefore, except where conditions call for centralized management, we must oppose the wrong view which favours centralizing everything, regardless of circumstances, and which dares not give full rein to decentralized management. 

12. Our Party and the Chinese people have every assurance of final victory; there is not the slightest doubt about it. But that does not mean there are no difficulties before us. China's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle is protracted in nature, Chinese and foreign reactionaries will continue to oppose the Chinese people with all their strength, fascist rule in the areas under Chiang Kai-shek's control will be intensified; certain parts of the Liberated Areas will temporarily become enemy-occupied areas or guerrilla zones, some of the revolutionary forces may suffer temporary losses, and there will be losses of manpower and material resources in a long war. The comrades throughout the Party must take all this fully into account and be prepared to overcome all difficulties with an indomitable will and in a planned way. The reactionary forces and we both have difficulties. But the difficulties of the reactionary forces are insurmountable because they are forces on the verge of death and have no future. Our difficulties can be overcome because we are new and rising forces and have a bright future. 

NOTES 

1. Beginning in August 1946 the Kuomintang authorities in Shanghai forbade the street vendors in the Whangpoo and Louza districts to carry on their business. In late November nearly a thousand who were still operating were arrested. On November 30 three thousand street vendors demonstrated and surrounded the Whangpoo district police station. The Kuomintang authorities gave the order to fire; seven demonstrators were killed and a great many were wounded and arrested. On December 1, the street vendors continued their struggle. Despite the fact that ten more were killed and over a hundred wounded, the number taking part in the struggle grew to over five thousand. All shops in Shanghai closed down to show sympathy. Thus the incident developed into a city-wide mass movement against Chiang Kai-shek. 

2. This incident occurred in Peiping on December 24, 1946. A girl student of Peking University was raped by U.S. soldiers. Consequently, from December 30 through January 1947, students in scores of big and medium cities in the Kuomintang areas struck and demonstrated against the United States and Chiang Kai-shek, demanding the withdrawal of U.S. troops from China. More than half a million students took part in this movement. 

3. In 1935 a new upsurge began in the patriotic movement of the people of the whole country. Students in Peking, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, were the first to hold a patriotic demonstration on December 9, putting forward such slogans as "Stop the civil war and unite to resist foreign aggression" and "Down with Japanese imperialism!" This movement broke open the long reign of terror imposed by the Kuomintang government in league with the Japanese invaders and soon won the support of the people throughout the country. It is known as the "December 9th Movement". As a consequence, new changes became manifest in the relations among various classes in the country, and the Anti-Japanese National United Front proposed by the Communist Party of China became the openly advocated policy of all patriotic people. The Kuomintang government became very isolated with its traitorous policy. 

4. The "three thirds system" was the Chinese Communist Party's policy for united front organs of political power in the Liberated Areas during the War of Resistance Against Japan. According to this policy, the proportion of personnel in the and-Japanese democratic political organs was about one-third each for Communist Party members, for left progressives, and for middle elements and others. 

5. See "The Present Situation and Our Tasks", Section 6, pp. 167-69 of this volume. 

6. The "Sino-U.S. Treaty of Commerce" or "Sino-U.S. Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation" was concluded between the Chiang Kai-shek government and the U.S. government on November 4, 1946, in Nanking. This treaty, which sold out a large part of China's sovereignty to the United States, contains thirty articles, the main contents of which are as follows: 

(1) U.S. nationals shall enjoy in "the whole extent of . . . the territories" of China the rights to reside, travel, carry on commercial, manufacturing, processing, scientific, educational, religious and philanthropic activities, explore and exploit mineral resources, lease and hold land, and follow various occupations and pursuits. In regard to economic rights U.S. nationals in China shall be accorded the same treatment as Chinese. 

(2) In respect of taxation, sale, distribution and use in China, U.S. commodities shall be accorded treatment no less favourable than that accorded to the commodities of any third country or to Chinese commodities. "No prohibition or restriction shall be imposed" by China on the importation from the United States of any article grown, produced or manufactured in the United States, or on the exportation to the United States of any Chinese article. 

(3) U.S. vessels shall have the freedom of sailing in any of the ports, places or waters in China which are open to foreign commerce or navigation, and their personnel and freight shall have freedom of transit through Chinese territory "by the routes most convenient". On the pretext of "any . . . distress", U.S. vessels including warships, can sail into "any of the ports, places or waters" of China which are "not open to foreign commerce or navigation". 

Wellington Koo, then Chiang Kai-shek's ambassador to the United States, openly and shamelessly stated that this treaty meant "the opening of the entire territory of China to U.S. merchants". 

7. The Youth Party was the shortened name of the Chinese Youth Party, also called the Étatiste Party; its predecessor was the Chinese Étatiste Youth League. This party was composed of a handful of fascist politicians. They made counter-revolutionary careers for themselves by opposing the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and therefore received subsidies from various groups of reactionaries in power and from the imperialists. 

8. The Democratic Socialist Party was formed in August 1946 through the merger of the Democratic Constitutional Party and the National Socialist Party. It consisted mainly of reactionary politicians and feudal dregs from the time of the Northern warlords. 

9. "Certain so-called public personages" refers to shameless politicians like Wang Yun-wu, Fu Sze-nien and Hu Cheng-chih, who posed as persons with no party affiliation and served as a window-dressing for Chiang Kai-shek's "National Assembly". 

10. On January 16, 1947, because of repeated setbacks in its military offensives and because of its worsening military situation, the Kuomintang government, in an attempt to gain a respite and prepare a fresh offensive, asked the Chinese Communist Party, through the U.S. ambassador to China, Leighton Stuart, for permission to send delegates to Yenan for "peace negotiations". This new U.S.-Chiang deception was promptly and thoroughly exposed by the Chinese Communist Party. The Chinese Communist Party pointed out that negotiations could be renewed only if two minimum conditions were fulfilled: (1) the bogus constitution framed and adopted by the Kuomintang in violation of the resolutions of the Political Consultative Conference had to be abolished, and (2) Kuomintang troops had to evacuate all the territory of the Liberated Areas they had occupied since the truce agreement went into effect on January 13, 1946; otherwise, there would be no guarantee that the Kuomintang would not again tear up any agreement reached in renewed negotiations. The Kuomintang government realized that the ruse of "peace" did not work and on February 27 and 28 it notified all the representatives of the Chinese Communist Party stationed in Nanking, Shanghai and Chungking for negotiations and liaison that they had to leave and announced the complete breakdown of the negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. 

11. This refers to the article, "A Three Months' Summary", pp. 113-18 of this volume. 

12. This refers to the article, "Concentrate a Superior Force to Destroy the Enemy Forces One by One", pp. 103-07 of this volume. 

13. This refers to the "Directive on the Land Question" of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party dated May 4, 1946. See "A Three Months' Summary", Note 4, p. 118 of this volume. 

14. "Evening up" was a policy adopted in the old Liberated Areas; where a comparatively thorough land reform had been carried out. The purpose was to solve the problem of insufficient land and other means of production among some of the poor peasants and farm labourers and other problems left over from the reform. The method was, on a limited scale, to take from those who had better and give to those who had worse, to take from those who had a surplus and give to those who had a shortage, so that the distribution of land and other means of production could be rationally readjusted. 】

1949年国统区的米价，那个时候发工资用麻袋装，经济崩溃的状况

李克勤后记：

道器变通之变，有道变和变道。国民党在412政变后，从一个革命党变成了反革命党，那就是道变。国民党道变，也许开始还可以糊弄一下人，但终究是掩盖不住本来面目的。抗日战争结束时，蒋介石集团根本没有考虑人心向背——孙中山先生的革命精神，而是大发横财，这是其背叛革命的必然行为，其灭亡也是必然结果。