“小题”大作：毛主席为山区盐价高几分专门作批示

原文 

40年前毛主席就食盐价格高到1角1的批语

2015-12-31 15:56   jixuie

李克勤（jixuie）题记：在《毛泽东建国以来文集》第13卷里有“对红线女关于降低山区农村食盐价格来信的批语”，是关于食盐价格问题的。

粤剧表演艺术家红线女1975年8月5日给毛主席写信说，最近我到延安、大寨、红旗渠参观学习，发现那里的食盐卖得太贵了。太原食盐是一角一分一斤，林县卖一角三分，昔阳县臬落大队卖一角六分，其他有的地方还卖到了一角八分。山区的盐比城市贵那么多，我觉得这是对待山区，特别是老解放区的态度问题。像食盐、布匹这类人人不可少的生活必需品，必须照主席历来关心群众生活的教导去办。因此，僻野山区的盐价，就是要比城市低廉才对。

这封来信和毛主席的批语，曾作为中共中央一九七五年九月二十三日至十月二十一日召开的农村工作座谈会会议文件印发。

今天读这段历史典故，十分感概。

第一，毛主席一直到晚年依然一如既往地重视人民来信。并且说办就办；

第二，当时食盐价格到了1角1分，就算是高，这也说明当时人们收入虽然少，但是支出也是相应很小的。我记得小时候买米1角3分5的，就很好了，1角4分2就相当好了。

第三，毛主席关心群众生活，是一种习惯，也是一种文化习惯，这个文化叫毛泽东文化。毛主席相信群众，群众相信毛主席，只有毛泽东文化才会有这样的状态，在这种状态里的道器变通，必然神奇。

关心群众生活，注意工作方法

（一九三四年一月二十七日）

　　【这是毛主席在一九三四年一月二十二日至二月一日在江西瑞金召开的第二次全国工农兵代表大会上所作的结论的一部分。】

　　有两个问题，同志们在讨论中没有着重注意，我觉得应该提出来说一说。 

　　如果我们单单动员人民进行战争，一点别的工作也不做，能不能达到战胜敌人的目的呢？当然不能。我们要胜利，一定还要做很多的工作。领导农民的土地斗争，分土地给农民；提高农民的劳动热情，增加农业生产；保障工人的利益；建立合作社；发展对外贸易；解决群众的穿衣问题，吃饭问题，住房问题，柴米油盐问题，疾病卫生问题，婚姻问题。总之，一切群众的实际生活问题，都是我们应当注意的问题。假如我们对这些问题注意了，解决了，满足了群众的需要，我们就真正成了群众生活的组织者，群众就会真正围绕在我们的周围，热烈地拥护我们。同志们，那时候，我们号召群众参加革命战争，能够不能够呢？能够的，完全能够的。 

　　在我们的工作人员中，曾经看见这样的情形：他们只讲扩大红军，扩充运输队，收土地税，推销公债，其他事情呢，不讲也不管，甚至一切都不管。比如以前有一个时期，汀州市政府只管扩大红军和动员运输队，对于群众生活问题一点不理。汀州市群众的问题是没有柴烧，资本家把盐藏起来没有盐买，有些群众没有房子住，那里缺米，米价又贵。这些是汀州市人民群众的实际问题，十分盼望我们帮助他们去解决。但是汀州市政府一点也不讨论。所以，那时，汀州市工农代表会议改选了以后，一百多个代表，因为几次会都只讨论扩大红军和动员运输队，完全不理群众生活，后来就不高兴到会了，会议也召集不成了。扩大红军、动员运输队呢，因此也就极少成绩。这是一种情形。 

　　同志们，送给你们的两个模范乡的小册子，你们大概看到了吧。那里是相反的情形。江西的长冈乡⑴，福建的才溪乡⑵，扩大红军多得很呀！长冈乡青年壮年男子百个人中有八十个当红军去了⑶，才溪乡百个人中有八十八个当红军去了。公债也销得很多，长冈乡全乡一千五百人，销了五千四百块钱公债。其他工作也得到了很大的成绩。什么理由呢？举几个例子就明白了。长冈乡有一个贫苦农民被火烧掉了一间半房子，乡政府就发动群众捐钱帮助他。有三个人没有饭吃，乡政府和互济会就马上捐米救济他们。去年夏荒，乡政府从二百多里的公略县⑷办了米来救济群众。才溪乡的这类工作也做得非常之好。这样的乡政府，是真正模范的乡政府。他们和汀州市的官僚主义的领导方法，是绝对的不相同。我们要学习长冈乡、才溪乡，反对汀州市那样的官僚主义的领导者！ 

　　我郑重地向大会提出，我们应该深刻地注意群众生活的问题，从土地、劳动问题，到柴米油盐问题。妇女群众要学习犁耙，找什么人去教她们呢？小孩子要求读书，小学办起了没有呢？对面的木桥太小会跌倒行人，要不要修理一下呢？许多人生疮害病，想个什么办法呢？一切这些群众生活上的问题，都应该把它提到自己的议事日程上。应该讨论，应该决定，应该实行，应该检查。要使广大群众认识我们是代表他们的利益的，是和他们呼吸相通的。要使他们从这些事情出发，了解我们提出来的更高的任务，革命战争的任务，拥护革命，把革命推到全国去，接受我们的政治号召，为革命的胜利斗争到底。长冈乡的群众说：“共产党真正好，什么事情都替我们想到了。”模范的长冈乡工作人员，可尊敬的长冈乡工作人员！他们得到了广大群众的真心实意的爱戴，他们的战争动员的号召得到广大群众的拥护。要得到群众的拥护吗？要群众拿出他们的全力放到战线上去吗？那末，就得和群众在一起，就得去发动群众的积极性，就得关心群众的痛痒，就得真心实意地为群众谋利益，解决群众的生产和生活的问题，盐的问题，米的问题，房子的问题，衣的问题，生小孩子的问题，解决群众的一切问题。我们是这样做了么，广大群众就必定拥护我们，把革命当作他们的生命，把革命当作他们无上光荣的旗帜。国民党要来进攻红色区域，广大群众就要用生命同国民党决斗。这是无疑的，敌人的第一、二、三、四次“围剿”不是实实在在地被我们粉碎了吗？ 

　　国民党现在实行他们的堡垒政策⑸，大筑其乌龟壳，以为这是他们的铜墙铁壁。同志们，这果然是铜墙铁壁吗？一点也不是！你们看，几千年来，那些封建皇帝的城池宫殿还不坚固吗？群众一起来，一个个都倒了。俄国皇帝是世界上最凶恶的一个统治者；当无产阶级和农民的革命起来的时候，那个皇帝还有没有呢？没有了。铜墙铁壁呢？倒掉了。同志们，真正的铜墙铁壁是什么？是群众，是千百万真心实意地拥护革命的群众。这是真正的铜墙铁壁，什么力量也打不破的，完全打不破的。反革命打不破我们，我们却要打破反革命。在革命政府的周围团结起千百万群众来，发展我们的革命战争，我们就能消灭一切反革命，我们就能夺取全中国。 

　　兴国的同志们创造了第一等的工作，值得我们称赞他们为模范工作者。同样，赣东北的同志们也有很好的创造，他们同样是模范工作者。像兴国和赣东北的同志们，他们把群众生活和革命战争联系起来了，他们把革命的工作方法问题和革命的工作任务问题同时解决了。他们是认真地在那里进行工作，他们是仔细地在那里解决问题，他们在革命面前是真正负起了责任，他们是革命战争的良好的组织者和领导者，他们又是群众生活的良好的组织者和领导者。其他，如福建的上杭、长汀、永定等县的一些地方，赣南的西江等处地方，湘赣边区的茶陵、永新、吉安等县的一些地方，湘鄂赣边区阳新县的一些地方，以及江西还有许多县里的区乡，加上瑞金直属县，那里的同志们都有进步的工作，同样值得我们大家称赞。 

　　一切我们领导的地方，无疑有不少的积极干部，群众中涌现出来的很好的工作同志。这些同志负担着一种责任，就是应该帮助那些工作薄弱的地方，帮助那些还不善于工作的同志们作好工作。我们是在伟大的革命的战争面前，我们要冲破敌人的大规模的“围剿”，我们要把革命推广到全国去。全体革命工作人员负担着绝大的责任。大会以后，我们一定要用切实的办法来改善我们的工作，先进的地方应该更加前进，落后的地方应该赶上先进的地方。要造成几千个长冈乡，几十个兴国县。这些就是我们的巩固的阵地。我们占据了这些阵地，我们就能从这些阵地出发去粉碎敌人的“围剿”，去打倒帝国主义和国民党在全国的统治。

　　注　　释 

　　 〔1〕 长冈乡是江西省兴国县的一个乡。 

　　 〔2〕 才溪乡指福建省上杭县的上才溪、下才溪两个乡。 

　　 〔3〕毛泽东在一九三三年十一月写的《才溪乡调查》中记载：“长冈乡全部青年壮年男子（十六岁至四十五岁）四百零七人，其中出外当红军、做工作的三百二十人，占百分之七十九。上才溪全部青年壮年男子（十六岁至五十五岁）五百五十四人，出外当红军、做工作的四百八十五人，占百分之八十八。下才溪全部青年壮年男子七百六十五人，出外当红军、做工作的五百三十三人，也占了百分之七十。” 

　　 〔4〕公略县是当时中央革命根据地的一个县，以吉安县东南的东固镇为中心。一九三一年九月，红军第三军军长黄公略在这里牺牲。因此，中华苏维埃共和国临时中央政府设立这个县以纪念他。 

　　 〔5〕一九三三年六月，蒋介石在江西南昌召开军事会议，决定在革命根据地周围普遍建筑碉堡，作为第五次“围剿”的新军事策略。据统计，至一九三四年一月底，江西共筑碉堡四千多座。后来日本侵略者在中国同八路军新四军作战，也采用蒋介石的这种堡垒政策。根据毛泽东关于人民战争的战略，这种反革命的堡垒政策是完全可以打破和战胜的，这已为历史的事实所充分证明。 

　　 〔6〕 见本卷《必须注意经济工作》注〔3〕。

BE CONCERNED WITH THE WELL-BEING OF THE MASSES, PAY ATTENTION TO METHODS OF WORK

January 27, 1934

[This was part of the concluding speech made by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at the Second National Congress of Workers' and Peasants' Representatives held in Juichin, Kiangsi Province in January 1934.]

There are two questions which comrades have failed to stress during the discussion and which, I feel, should be dealt with.

The first concerns the well-being of the masses.

Our central task at present is to mobilize the broad masses to take part in the revolutionary war, overthrow imperialism and the Kuomintang by means of such war, spread the revolution throughout the country, and drive imperialism out of China Anyone who does not attach enough importance to this central task is not a good revolutionary cadre. If our comrades really comprehend this task and understand that the revolution must at all costs be spread throughout the country, then they should in no way neglect or underestimate the question of the immediate interests, the well-being, of the broad masses. For the revolutionary war is a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them.

If we only mobilize the people to carry on the war and do nothing else, can we succeed in defeating the enemy? Of course not. If we want to win, we must do a great deal more. We must lead the peasants' struggle for land and distribute the land to them, heighten their labour enthusiasm and increase agricultural production, safeguard the interests of the workers, establish co-operatives, develop trade with outside areas, and solve the problems facing the masses-- food, shelter and clothing, fuel, rice, cooking oil and salt, sickness and hygiene, and marriage. In shots, all the practical problems in the masses' everyday life should claim our attention. If we attend to these problems, solve them and satisfy the needs of the masses, we shall really become organizers of the well-being of the masses, and they will truly rally round us and give us their warm support. Comrades, will we then be able to arouse them to take part in the revolutionary war? Yes, indeed we will.

Here is the kind of thing we have found among some of our cadres. They talk only about expanding the Red Army, enlarging the transport corps, collecting the land tax and selling bonds; as for other matters, they neither discuss nor attend to them, and even ignore them altogether. For instance, there was a time when the Tingchow Municipal Government concerned itself only with the expansion of the Red Army and with mobilization for the transport corps and paid not the slightest attention to the well-being of the masses. The problems facing the people of Tingchow city were that they had no firewood, no salt was on sale because the capitalists were hoarding it, some people had no houses to live in, and rice was both scarce and dear. These were practical problems for the masses of the people of Tingchow and they eagerly looked to us for help in solving them. But the Tingchow Municipal Government did not discuss any of these matters. That is why when the new workers' and peasants' representative council was elected in the city, a hundred or more representatives were unwilling to attend after the first few council meetings had discussed only the expansion of the Red Army and mobilization for the transport corps, entirely ignoring the well-being of the masses, so that the council was unable to go on meeting. The result was that very little was achieved in regard to the expansion of the Red Army and mobilization for the transport corps. That was one kind of situation.

Comrades! You have probably read the pamphlets given you about two model townships. There the situation is entirely different. What a great number of people have joined the Red Army from Changkang Township in Kiangsi [1] and Tsaihsi Township in Fukien![2] In Changkang 80 per cent of the young men and women have joined the Red Army, and in Tsaihsi the figure is 88 per cent. There has been a big sale of bonds, too, and 4,500 yuan worth have been sold in Changkang which has a population of 1,500. Much has also been done in other fields. What accounts for this? A few examples will make the point dear. In Changkang when fire broke out in a poor peasant's house destroying one and a half rooms, the township government appealed to the masses to contribute money to help him. In another instance, three persons were starving, so the township government and the mutual-aid society immediately gave them rice. During the food shortage last summer, the township government obtained rice from Kunglueh County,[3] more than two hundred li away, for the relief of the masses. Excellent work was done along these lines in Tsaihsi as well. Such township governments are really models. They are absolutely different from the Tingchow Municipal Government with its bureaucratic methods of leadership. We should learn from Changkang and Tsaihsi Townships and oppose bureaucratic leaders like those in Tingchow city.

I earnestly suggest to this congress that we pay close attention to the well-being of the masses, from the problems of land and labour to those of fuel, rice, cooking oil and salt. The women want to learn ploughing and harrowing. Whom can we get to teach them? The children want to go to school. Have we set up primary schools? The wooden bridge over there is too narrow and people may fall off. Should we not repair it? Many people suffer from boils and other ailments. What are we going to do about it? All such problems concerning the well-being of the masses should be placed on our agenda. We should discuss them, adopt and carry out decisions and check up on the results. We should convince the masses that we represent their interests, that our lives are intimately bound up with theirs. We should help them to proceed from these things to an understanding of the higher tasks which we have put forward, the tasks of the revolutionary war, so that they will support the revolution and spread it throughout the country, respond to our political appeals and fight to the end for victory in the revolution. The masses in Changkang say, "The Communist Party is really good! It has thought of everything on our behalf." The comrades in Changkang Township are an example to all of us. What admirable people! They have won the genuine affection of the broad masses, who support their call for war mobilization. Do we want to win the support of the masses? Do we want them to devote their strength to the front? If so, we must be with them, arouse their enthusiasm and initiative, be concerned with their well-being, work earnestly and sincerely in their interests and solve all their problems of production and everyday life--the problems of salt, rice, housing, clothing, childbirth, etc. If we do so, the masses will surely support us and regard the revolution as their most glorious banner, as their very life. In the event of a Kuomintang attack on the Red areas they will fight the Kuomintang to the death. There can be no doubt about this, for is it not a plain fact that we have smashed the enemy's first, second, third and fourth "encirclement and suppression" campaigns?

The Kuomintang is now pursuing a policy of blockhouse warfare,[4] feverishly constructing their "tortoise-shells" as though they were iron bastions. Comrades! Are they really iron bastions? Not in the least! Think of the palaces of the feudal emperors over thousands of years, were they not powerful with their walls and moats? Yet they crumbled one after another the moment the masses arose. The tsar of Russia was one of the world's most ferocious rulers, yet when the proletariat and the peasantry rose in revolution, was there anything left of him? No, nothing. His bastions of iron? They all crumbled. Comrades! What is a true bastion of iron? It is the masses, the millions upon millions of people who genuinely and sincerely support the revolution. That is the real iron bastion which no force can smash, no force whatsoever. The counter-revolution cannot smash us; on the contrary, we shall smash it. Rallying millions upon millions of people round the revolutionary government and expanding our revolutionary war we shall wipe out all counter-revolution and take over the whole of China.

The second question concerns our methods of work.

We are the leaders and organizers of the revolutionary war as well as the leaders and organizers of the life of the masses. To organize the revolutionary war and to improve the life of the masses are our two major tasks. In this respect, we are faced with the serious problem of methods of work. It is not enough to set tasks, we must also solve the problem of the methods for carrying them out. If our task is to cross a river, we cannot cross it without a bridge or a boat. Unless the bridge or boat problem is solved, it is idle to speak of crossing the river. Unless the problem of method is solved, talk about the task is useless. Unless we pay attention to giving leadership to the work of expanding the Red Army and devote particular care to our methods, we will never succeed even though we recite the phrase "Expand the Red Army" a thousand times. Nor can we accomplish our tasks in any other field, for instance, in checking up on land distribution, or in economic construction, or culture and education, or our work in the new areas and the outlying districts, if all we do is to set the tasks without attending to the methods of carrying them out, without combating bureaucratic methods of work and adopting practical and concrete ones, and without discarding commandist methods and adopting the method of patient persuasion.

The comrades in Hsingkuo have done first-rate work and deserve our praise as model workers. Similarly, the comrades in northeastern Kiangsi have done good work and are also model workers. By linking the problem of the well-being of the masses with that of the revolutionary war, the comrades in both these places are simultaneously solving the problems of revolutionary methods of work and of accomplishing their revolutionary tasks. They are working conscientiously, solving problems with minute care and shouldering their revolutionary responsibilities in earnest; they are good organizers and leaders both of revolutionary war and of the well-being of the masses. Elsewhere, too, the comrades have made progress in their work and deserve our praise--as in some parts of the counties of Shanghang, Changting and Yungting in Fukien Province; in Hsikiang and other places in southern Kiangsi Province; in some parts of the counties of Chaling, Yunghsin and Kian in the Hunan-Kiangsi border area; in some parts of Yanghsin County in the Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi border area; in districts and townships of many other counties in Kiangsi Province and in the county of Juichin which is directly under our central government.

In all the places under our leadership, there are undoubtedly many active cadres, excellent comrades, who have sprung from the masses. These comrades have a responsibility to help in places where our work is weak and to help comrades who are not yet able to work well. We are in the midst of a great revolutionary war; we must break through the enemy's large-scale "encirclement and suppression" and spread the revolution to all parts of the country. All revolutionary cadres have a tremendous responsibility. After this congress we must adopt effective measures to improve our work, the advanced areas should become even more advanced, and the backward areas should catch up with the advanced. We must create thousands of townships like Changkang and scores of counties like Hsingkuo. They will be our strongholds. From these strongholds we should go forth to smash the enemy's "encirclement and suppression" campaigns and overthrow the rule of imperialism and the Kuomintang throughout the country.

NOTES

1. Changkang Township is in Hsingkuo County, Kiangsi Province.

2. Tsaihsi Township is in Shanghang County, Pukien Province.

3. Kunglueh County was then in the Red area in Kiangsi, with the town of Tungku lying southeast of Kian County as its centre. It was named after Comrade Huang Kung-lueh, Commander of the Third Army Corps of the Red Army, who laid down his life there in October 1931.

4. The building of blockhouses round the Red areas was decided upon by Chiang Kai-shek at his military conference held at Lushan, Kiangsi Province in July 1933, as a new military tactic for his fifth "encirclement and suppression" campaign. By the end of January 1934 an estimated total of 2,900 blockhouses had been built in Kiangsi Province. The Japanese aggressors later adopted the same tactic against the Eighth Route and the New Fourth Armies. Experience fully proved that the counter-revolutionary tactic of using blockhouses could be completely foiled and defeated by adhering to Comrade Mao Tse-tung's strategy of people's war.