攻击特朗普 | 卫报
How Donald Trump took residence in our anxious brains
After the incredulity, the despair, and then the cautious return to optimism, the presidential campaign has entered a phase of almost intolerable anxiety.
从失信到失望，再到谨慎地回归乐观，总统大选已进入一个令人几乎难以忍受的焦虑阶段。
例句：Partitioned flats and cage homes are not novelties in Hong Kong, but netizens react to the "space capsules" with incredulity and fury. (BBC)
分割公寓和笼子房屋在香港并不新鲜，可网友们对“空间胶囊”还是难以置信，非常愤慨。
National polls that don’t signify much are instantly interpreted as omens of the apocalypse; tiny anecdotes about early voting figures induce heart-stopping panic, or get clung to like life-rafts, depending on the direction in which they point. Until Tuesday, no new information is likely to bring any sense of closure, only more stress, but that doesn’t stop us from seeking it compulsively.
指导性不大的全国调查结果马上被解读为末世征兆，小道流言说早期的投票数据引发令人心脏骤停的恐慌，或是命悬在什么救生筏上，任凭它们指向何方。截至周二，没有新消息让人感到解脱，只让人更加焦虑，可我们却又忍不住四处打听。
Never mind that a victory for Donald Trump, at this point, would still require him to have executed a turnaround , or that the nervous comparisons with Brexit have been so overblown. (Plenty of polls predicted a victory for Brexit – and there are to assume the tapestry of state and national US polls is less error-prone than for a simple majority referendum.)
别以为特朗普此时获胜仍需要发生一次记忆中未为人知的转变；别以为忧心忡忡地比附英国退欧一直以来都夸大其词。（众多调查结果都预计退欧会取得胜利，还有许多理由认为花花绿绿的州调查和全国调查比简单多数的公投更容易出错。）
In the closing days of an election that has kept Americans and non-Americans alike in a state of clenched-stomach tension for months, allowing yourself any confidence in a victory for Hillary Clinton feels like mocking the gods.
这场大选几个月来让美国人和非美国人全都焦虑得肝肠寸断，在最后几天里，放任自己以为希拉里·克林顿稳胜就好像在嘲笑诸神。
Even assuming Trump loses, the relief will be superficial: Trumpism will remain, and the world will have to contend with the fact that about 40% of the US electorate saw little wrong with his racism and misogyny, alleged , , lies, misrepresentations of his wealth and , probable failure to pay taxes, lack of impulse control, profound ignorance and tiny attention span.
就算特朗普输了，也没法真松一口气：特朗普主义还在，世界必须应对如此事实：40%的美国选民认为他推崇的种族主义、厌恶女性、涉嫌性侵、商业丑闻、谎话、谎报财富和慈善、涉嫌逃税、难以自控、全然无知和难以集中注意力，这些都没什么错。
But the relief will still be real.
但还真是松了口气。
In a way that feels unprecedented in modern politics, Trump has burrowed deep into our psyches, stimulating anxiety that isn’t confined to the borders of the US, or to those who are the direct targets of his bigotry.
特朗普以现代政治中史无前例的方式掘进了我们精神深处，激发着并不局限于美国边缘地区的焦虑，这种焦虑并不局限于他偏执言行的直接攻击目标。
A for the American Psychological Association published in October found that the election was a source of stress for 52% of American adults; during the summer, 70% of registered voters – that is, including Trump supporters – said the prospect of a Trump presidency made them anxious, according to a Washington Post . (The figure for Clinton was 50%.)
美国心理协会10月出版的调查发现，大选成为52%的美国成年人焦虑的原因。《华盛顿邮报》的调查显示，夏天，70%的注册投票者（包括特朗普的支持者）表示特朗普可能当选总统让他们感到焦虑，克林顿的这一数据是50%。
There have been multiple reports of election-related fears arising as never before, along with anecdotes of relationships damaged by political disagreement.
因大选而恐惧以至于需要治疗，这样的案例数量史无前例，还有诸多传言说因政治分歧导致人际关系破裂。
“I think what’s been so uniquely distressing isn’t just that there’s one person out there who thinks like that, but that there are clearly so many people who agree,” says , an associate professor of psychiatry at Yale University and an expert in traumatic stress. (She thinks Trump’s hardcore supporters, meanwhile, are in the grip of , as with Stockholm syndrome – an emotional dependence forged through abuse.)
耶鲁大学精神病学副教授、创伤应激专家Joan Cook说：“我认为尤其令人忧虑的并非有个人站出来表达那样的观点，而是显然有那么多人同意那样的观点。”（她认为特朗普的铁杆支持者患上了“创伤羁绊”，就像斯德哥尔摩综合征，对虐待的情感依赖。）
This is a kind of psychological entanglement with national and international news that most of us, most of the time, are spared; but the Trump candidacy has removed the possibility of such distance.
这是一种与全国和国际新闻的心理纠缠，我们多数人在多数情况下都置身于外，可特朗普成为候选人消除了这种距离感。
The Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network reported a to its support hotline during the weekend following the release of Trump’s notorious Access Hollywood tape.
强奸、虐待和乱伦全国网络显示，特朗普臭名昭著的《通往好莱坞》录像带泄露后的周末，打热线电话寻求帮助的数量增长了33%。
Armchair diagnosis: dos and don’ts
Alongside its psychological impact on the rest of us, the campaign has also felt distinctive – and distinctively disturbing – in the ways that Trump’s own psychology has come to dominate it.
除了对我们所有人的心理冲击，本次大选与众不同且尤其令人担心的是特朗普自己的心理蔓延其上的方式。
While Hillary Clinton’s inner life remains largely mysterious, information about Trump’s insecurities leaks from his every public statement – even before the New York Times of interviews with a biographer in which Trump’s morbid fear of public humiliation was made plain.
希拉里的私人生活更多神秘不为人知，有关特朗普不安全感的信息却从他每天的公开发言中泄露出来，更何况《纽约时报》得到一个传记作者的采访录像带，清楚地表明特朗普对公众羞辱近乎变态的恐惧。
His former ghostwriter, , has pointed out how Trump’s attacks on others aren’t random, but constitute a precise inventory of his own faults: “unstable”, “reckless”, “bigoted”, “trigger-happy”, exhausted and prone to lying.
特朗普曾经的写手Tony Schwartz指出，特朗普攻击他人并非偶然，这构成了他自身缺点的集合：“不安”、“鲁莽”、“偏执”、“爱放炮”、歇斯底里、张口撒谎。
As Sheena Monnin, the former Miss Pennsylvania sued by Trump after she criticized his Miss USA pageant, put it in with CNN: “I have a degree in psychology, and I understand that underneath the bullying tactics, there’s usually a lot of emptiness, and a strong need to feed the ego.”
前宾夕法尼亚小姐Sheena Monnin批评特朗普的美国小姐选美后被特朗普起诉，她接受CNN访谈时说：“我拥有心理学学位，我明白恃强凌弱的策略背后通常是空洞，存在着喂食自我的强烈需求。”
Trump told his biographer Michael D’Antonio: “I don’t like to analyse myself, because I might not like what I see.” But the rest of us haven’t had much choice.Like a traffic pile-up, the candidate’s involuntary self-exposure has been impossible not to gawp at. (On that note, the October APA survey found that the election was having a significant negative impact on productivity.)
特朗普对他的传记作家Michael D'Antonio说：“我不喜欢分析自我，因为我可能和看起来不一样。”可我们没有太多办法加以了解。就像汽车追尾一样，候选人的自然流露不可能不令人关注。说到这儿，10月APA调查显示选举对生产力产生重要的负面影响。
Yet throughout this intensely psychological election, psychology professionals have been restrained by a widespread, though fragmenting, consensus that Trump’s mental health ought not to be discussed at all.
然而在这场强烈的有关心理的大选中，心理学专家受到一种尽管破碎却广泛共识的限制，即特朗普的心理健康根本不该被讨论。
This stance is most clearly expressed in the American Psychiatric Association’s so-called – the prohibition on diagnosis-at-a-distance introduced following the incident in 1964 when 1,100 psychiatrists told a news magazine they believed that Barry Goldwater, the Republican candidate for president, was unfit for office.
美国精神病协会所谓的戈德华特原则明确表达了这一立场，1964年，1100名精神病学家对一家新闻杂志说，他们认为共和党总统候选人巴里-戈德华特不适合从政，此后禁止进行远程诊断。
But while there are certainly strong arguments in favour of it – it risks undermining public confidence in psychiatrists, and stigmatising people with mental illness – it’s been far from obvious, in 2016, that these outweigh the ethical arguments for flouting it.
尽管有人强烈支持，但那可能伤害精神病学家的公共声誉，有用精神疾病污蔑别人之虞——在2016年，说这些担忧压倒了忽视它的道德论断，还远远看不出来。
, the psychologist Cedar Riener compared psychiatrists disregarding the rule to a doctor diagnosing cancer “just by looking at my behaviour or public statements”.
心理学家Cedar Riener在Vox撰文时，将无视这一原则的精神病学家比作“仅观察我的行为或公开言论”就诊断我患了癌症的医生。
But in the case of psychological disorders, unlike physical illnesses, behaviour and speech are always the primary sources of diagnostic data. And it has often seemed as if we might have more direct access to the darkest recesses of Trump’s mind than to some of our closest friends.
可和身体疾病不同，说到心理疾病，行为和言论常常是诊断数据的主要来源。常常看起来是这样，你可能直接接触到特朗普心灵的最深处，比有些你最亲近的朋友还深入。
“Like many Americans, I was more amused than alarmed by Trump at the beginning,” says , a marriage and family therapist from Minnesota. But as the Trump movement picked up steam, Doherty happened to be travelling in Austria, where he encountered a neo-fascist political demonstration and visited a concentration camp.
明尼苏达州的婚姻与家庭治疗者Bill Doherty说：“和许多美国人一样，一开始我觉得特朗普很有意思，而不是令人恐慌。”可随着特朗普运动势头日盛，Doherty当时在澳大利亚旅行，他遭遇了反对新法西斯主义的政治抗议，并参观了一所集中营。
“So I did some reading about the responses of mental health professionals in Germany and Austria in the 1930s, and they were largely silent, and some were complicit.”
“我阅读了30年代德国和奥地利心理健康人士的反应，他们都保持沉默，有人还默许了。”
Upon his return, he wrote a manifesto – – which more than 3,300 of his colleagues have now signed. Doherty insists this doesn’t violate the Goldwater rule – he’s condemning Trumpism as a threat to public health, not diagnosing Trump as, say, a or , the disorders most frequently attributed to him.
他回国后写了一个宣言——《反对特朗普主义的公民治疗者》，现在有3300多位同事已经签名支持。Doherty坚称这并不违反戈德华特规则，他谴责特朗普主义构成对公共健康的威胁，而不是将特朗普诊断为一个自恋者或反社会者，而经常有人说他患有这些心理疾病。
As “citizen therapists”, Doherty says, “we must be willing to speak out on issues that affect the mental health of our clients, instead of just sitting in our offices and dealing with the fallout.”
Doherty说，作为“公民治疗者”，“我们必须愿意对影响我们客户心灵健康的事公开发言，而不是坐在办公室里，应对其产生的后果。”
Trump-induced distress is especially acute, he says, for anyone who has been exposed to a personality style like his – focused on bullying, scapegoating and the kneejerk demeaning of critics – earlier in their personal lives.
他说，对于个人生活早年间碰到过类似情形的任何人而言，特朗普引发的痛苦特别尖锐，他倚强凌弱，替人受过，对批评者反射性地加以贬损。
His status as a presidential candidate “brings legitimacy to his way of relating to other people. ”
他成为总统候选人，“给予他对待他人的方式合法性”。
Daddy issues: ‘a fantasy of being rescued by a powerful father figure’
Beyond the confines of therapy, the rise of Trump has demonstrated more broadly how bad we are at understanding politics in psychological terms. For months, an between pundits has sought to establish whether Trump’s supporters are motivated by economic anxiety or by racism, as if the two could be neatly distinguished and measured.
超越治疗的范围，特朗普的崛起更广泛地显示出，我们用心理学术语理解政治的方法有多糟糕。几个月以来，学究们几乎徒劳无功的讨论，试图确认特朗普支持者是出于经济方面的忧虑还是种族主义，就好像两者泾渭分明一样。
For Jonathan Shedler, professor of psychiatry at the University of Colorado school of medicine, his appeal is better understood through the lens of “transference”: in times of stress, whatever the complex blend of causes for that stress, people revert to a childhood desire for an omnipotent protector – an understandable need in young children, but dysfunctional in adulthood.
科罗拉多大学医学院精神病教授Jonathan Shedler认为，通过“转送”的透镜，特朗普的魅力更容易理解：在紧张时期，无论背后的原因有多复杂，人们回归到童年寻找万能保护者的欲望，在小孩中这种需求是可以理解的，但对于成年人而言则属于功能紊乱。
例句：Authorities have recovered most of the money and the city for the time-being has reverted to issuing paper checks to vendors. (华盛顿时报)
当局回收了大部分货币，目前该城市回归到给商贩打白条。
“Trump is benefiting from a childlike fantasy of being rescued by an all-powerful, larger-than-life father figure, so all of these qualities get attributed to Trump,” he says.
他说：“特朗普受益于一种童年幻想，以为一个无所不能、超现实的父亲形象能够拯救自己，所有这些品质都给予了特朗普。”
If the candidate’s serially outrageous behaviour fails to alienate them, that’s at least partly because the appealing qualities they’re seeing aren’t really in him; instead, “they’re in the minds of the people who are doing the attributing, expressing their not-quite-conscious yearnings.”
如果候选人一连串令人发指的行为都不能疏离支持者，那至少部分因为他们看到的吸引人的品质并不在他身上，相反，“他们在人们心中，他们在赋予、表达他们多半没有意识到的渴望。”
Meanwhile, the question of whether Trump himself is suffering from a personality disorder is beside the point, Shedler argues – the consequence of trying to force our thinking about personality into a “medical model” in which narcissism or antisocial attitudes, like cancer, are discrete diseases, invading an otherwise healthy body.
Shedler说，特朗普自己是否也有性格错乱问题这不在讨论范围，试图迫使我们对性格的思考成为一种“医学模式”，自恋或反社会态度和癌症一样是没有关联的疾病，侵害了我们健康的身体。
But Trump’s narcissism, insecurities and viciousness are intrinsic components of who he is, and they’ve already damaged the world’s wellbeing – whether or not they’re best thought of as formal disorders.
可特朗普的自恋、不安全感和恶毒是特朗普固有的品质，它们已经伤害了世界的幸福，不管你认为他们是不是心理疾病。
At a rally in Henderson, Nevada, earlier this month, Trump : “If I don’t win, this will be the greatest waste of time, money and energy in my lifetime.”
本月早些时候在内华达亨德尔森的机会对支持者说：“如果我没有获胜，这是我生命中对时间、金钱和经历的最大浪费。”
It was a fairly typical statement from Trump, in its profound self-absorption and total lack of interest in the impact of his victory or defeat on the country he proposes to lead.
这就是典型的特朗普言论，他只顾自己，对胜败对他想去领导的国家产生的影响毫无兴趣。
But it was also an especially infuriating one, given the extraordinary quantities of attention and emotional energy Trump has already squandered – not his, but ours.
可鉴于特朗普已经挥霍了异乎寻常的注意力和情感能量——不是他自己的，而是我们的，这让人特别愤怒。
If he loses on 8 November, that won’t mark the end of the problem he represents. But it may nonetheless be a rich source of delight to savor the departure of the toxic uninvited guest who has spent the last year so stubbornly resident in our brains.
就算11月8日他输了，那并不标志他所导致的问题的结束。但这是丰沛的快乐之源，一个恶毒的不速之客离了开，他过去一年中赖在我们的大脑中。