逝者 | 伊朗前总统拉夫桑贾尼 | 纽约时报

Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Ex-President of Iran, Dies at 82

Ayatollah , a former president of  and a founder of the Islamic Republic, who navigated the opaque shoals of his country’s theocracy as one of its most enduring, wiliest and wealthiest leaders, died on Sunday in Tehran. He was 82.

伊朗前总统和伊朗共和国国父阿亚图拉阿克巴尔·哈什米·拉夫桑贾尼——把舵祖国的神权政治穿越暗礁险滩，成为最持久、最狡猾、最富有的领导人之一——周日在德黑兰逝世，享年82岁。

His death was announced by Iran’s state television.

伊朗国家电视台宣布了死讯。

As his career seesawed through periods of revolutionary zeal and confrontation with powerful conservative rivals, he was portrayed as a Machiavellian and often ruthless player in the power struggles among Iran’s elite factions, protected by his close association with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the revolutionary leader who overthrew the shah in 1979.

他一生经历革命的狂热，并与强大的保守主义对手对抗，在两者间反复拉锯，他被视作马基雅维利式的人物，常常是伊朗各精英派系间权斗中的冷酷玩家，他与1979年推翻巴列维国王的革命领袖大阿亚图拉哈梅内伊关系密切而受到保护。

Known as a pragmatist and centrist inclined toward economic liberalism and political authoritarianism, Mr. Rafsanjani was accused by critics of corruption in amassing his fortune and of a readiness for harsh tactics to deal with dissent at home and abroad.

拉夫桑贾尼以倾向经济自由化和政治威权主义的务实派和中间派著称，批评者指控他涉嫌贪腐，集聚大量钱财并随时采用强硬手段对付海内外异见者。

Argentina has accused Mr. Rafsanjani and other senior Iranian figures of complicity in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, in which 85 people died. 

阿根廷指控拉夫桑贾尼和其他伊朗高层人物策划了1994年在布宜诺斯艾利斯犹太人社区的爆炸袭击，导致85人丧生。

In 1997, a German court concluded that the highest levels of Iran’s political leadership had ordered the killing five years earlier of four exiled Iranian Kurdish dissidents in Berlin. The events added weight to American assertions that Iran was a sponsor of terrorism. Mr. Rafsanjani was president from 1989 to 1997.

1997年，一德国法院得出结论，伊朗政界高层五年前下令杀害4名流亡在柏林的伊朗库尔德异见者。此类事件促使美国相信伊朗是恐怖主义的幕后老板。1989年到1997年间，拉夫桑贾尼担任总统。

Yet many Western analysts believed that he sought a less confrontational relationship with the United States than other powerful figures in the Iranian hierarchy, for whom hostility toward Washington was a touchstone of ideological purity.

然而，许多西方分析人士认为他寻求弱化与美国的对抗性关系，这与伊朗上下其他权势人物不同，对于后者而言，敌对华盛顿是意识形态纯洁性的试金石。

Mr. Rafsanjani, for instance, was credited with suggesting that “Death to America” be dropped from the litany of slogans at Tehran’s Friday prayers, a weekly moment of fervor in Iran’s political and religious calendar.

比方说，拉夫桑贾尼因提议在德黑兰星期五祷告中去掉“美国去死”的口号性悼词而受到称赞，这是伊朗政治和宗教日历中每周的重要时刻。

In the closing stages of the Iran-Iraq war, which lasted from 1980 to 1988, Mr. Rafsanjani was appointed acting commander in chief of Iranian forces and was widely credited with persuading the leadership in Tehran to accept a United Nations resolution that ended the fighting.

1980年持续到1988年发生两伊战争，战争后期，拉夫桑贾尼被委任为 伊朗军队执行总司令，因劝说德黑兰领导层接受联合国停战决议而受到赞扬。

For much of his career, he maintained roles in Parliament and on influential clerical panels, under the tutelage of Ayatollah Khomeini and then, less durably, of his successor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

他一生中在议会和阿亚图拉霍梅尼领导下的僧侣团中担任职务，后来又在继任者阿亚图拉哈梅内伊手下任职，尽管地位不如与前者稳固。

Mr. Rafsanjani’s clout declined sharply during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, from 2005 to 2013. A populist conservative, Mr. Ahmadinejad had a strong following among poor Iranians, many of whom resented the affluence that endeared Mr. Rafsanjani to his wealthier compatriots.

默罕默德·内贾德2005年到2013年担任总统期间，拉夫桑贾尼的影响力锐减。内贾德是一个民粹保守主义者，在贫穷的伊朗人中追随者众多，他们许多人憎恨让拉夫桑贾尼与富人结缘的富庶。

In 2013, Mr. Rafsanjani was disqualified from standing in presidential elections and swung his political weight behind a moderate, longtime associate, Hassan Rouhani, who won the vote and went on to bring many of Mr. Rafsanjani’s supporters into his cabinet and to negotiate the nuclear agreement with the United States in 2015.

2013年，拉夫桑贾尼被剥夺参选总统的资格，转而支持其长期盟友、温和的哈桑·鲁哈尼，鲁哈尼赢得大选，让拉夫桑贾尼的众多支持者进入内阁，并于2015年与美国开展核谈判。

But Mr. Rafsanjani, himself an ayatollah, clashed with Ayatollah Khamenei, the supreme leader, over the extent to which Iran should modify its bellicose stance toward outsiders. In March, Mr. Rafsanjani  that the “world of tomorrow is one of negotiations, not the world of missiles.”

拉夫桑贾尼自己也是一名阿亚图拉，在伊朗该多大程度修正对外人的敌对态度上，他与最高领袖哈梅内伊有冲突。三月，拉夫桑贾尼在推特上说“明日之世界是谈判的世界，不是导弹的世界。”

Mr. Khamenei responded: “Enemies continue strengthening their military and missile sectors. How can anyone say the era of missiles has passed?”

哈梅内伊说：“敌人继续加强军事和导弹装备。怎么有人会说导弹时代过去了呢？”

Without identifying Mr. Rafsanjani by name, Mr. Khamenei said: “People say that tomorrow’s world is a world of negotiations and not a world of missiles. If they say this thoughtlessly, it shows they are thoughtless. However, if this is intentional, then this is treachery.”

哈梅内伊没有点拉夫桑贾尼的名，他说：“人们说明日的世界是谈判的世界，不是导弹的世界。如果他们没过脑子，这说明他们就是不过脑子。然而，如果是有意的，这是叛国。”

For all that, analysts in Tehran sensed that the pendulum was swinging toward the moderate camp, in which Mr. Rafsanjani played a defining role.

尽管如此，德黑兰的分析人士感觉到钟摆正摇向温和阵营，其中拉夫桑贾尼扮演了让决定性角色。

Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani was born on Aug. 23, 1934, in the village of Bahraman near the town of Rafsanjan in Iran’s southeastern Kerman Province. He was one of five sons and four daughters born to Mirza Ali Hashemi Bahramani, a prosperous pistachio farmer, and Mahbibi Safarian Hashemi.

阿克巴尔·哈什米·拉夫桑贾尼1934年8月23日生于伊朗东南部科尔曼省拉夫桑贾尼镇附近的巴哈拉曼村。他的父亲米尔扎·阿里·巴哈拉曼尼，有四个兄弟和四个姐妹，家里是富裕的开心果农，母亲是马哈比尼·萨法连·哈什米。

At 4, he left his home village to study theology in the Muslim holy city of Qum, Iran, where he became a disciple of Ayatollah Khomeini. By some accounts, at the time of his death, Mr. Rafsanjani was the last surviving member of an inner circle of Islamic revolutionaries active during Ayatollah Khomeini’s exile from 1964 to 1979, fighting an often bloody cat-and-mouse contest with the notorious Savak secret police loyal to Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi.

四岁时，他离开家乡去伊朗穆斯林圣城库姆学习神学，并在那里成为阿亚图拉霍梅尼的弟子。有记载称，拉夫桑贾尼死时是霍梅尼1964年到1979年流亡期间伊斯兰革命者核心人物中最后一位在世者，他们常常与巴列维国王臭名昭著的秘密警察萨瓦克上演血腥的猫鼠竞赛。

From 1963 to 1978, Mr. Rafsanjani was jailed five times for his opposition to the shah, but he remained in close contact with exiled clerics, including Ayatollah Khomeini, who was living in Najaf, Iraq.

1963年到1978年，拉夫桑贾尼因反对国王五次入狱，但他仍与包括霍梅尼在内的流亡教士保持密切联系，霍梅尼当时住在伊拉克纳贾夫。

During that period, in 1962, he married Effat Marashi, whose family included several respected Shiite clerics. They had five children — two daughters, Fatemeh and Faezeh, and three sons, Mohsen, Mehdi and Yaser. Information on survivors was not immediately available.

1962年，他迎娶伊法特·玛莎什，她家里有不少受人敬重的什叶派教士。二人育有五个孩子，两个女儿和三个儿子，目前的状况不得而知。

In the turbulence after Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran, Mr. Rafsanjani was elected to Parliament, known as the Majlis, and became its speaker, serving in that position until 1989.

阿亚图拉霍梅尼回到伊朗后的动荡岁月中，拉夫桑贾尼进入伊朗议会，并成为发言人，一直干到1989年。

In many accounts of the maneuvering after Ayatollah Khomeini’s death in 1989, Mr. Rafsanjani was credited with promoting Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as supreme leader, possibly in the mistaken belief that he would prove a pliant figure.

霍梅尼1989年去世后，拉夫桑贾尼上下活动推选阿亚图拉哈梅内伊为最高领袖，可能他错以为哈梅内伊是顺从的人物。

Instead, Ayatollah Khamenei built his own power base. But Mr. Rafsanjani’s back-room dealings — often trading on his close relationship with Ayatollah Khomeini — earned him the nickname “kingmaker.”

然而，哈梅内伊建立了自己的权力基础。可拉夫桑贾尼背后的交易——他经常拿自己和霍梅尼的亲密关系做交易——让他获得“国王制造者”的外号。

Mr. Rafsanjani was president from 1989 to 1997, facing the challenge of reconstruction after the eight-year war with Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. While his economic liberalism and privatization policies were popular among Iran’s entrepreneurial classes, many poor Iranians perceived no improvement in their plight.

拉夫桑贾尼在1989年到1997年间任总统，面临与萨达姆的伊拉克八年战争后的重建挑战。他主张的经济自由主义和私有化政策在伊朗企业阶层很受欢迎，可许多贫困伊朗人的悲惨生活毫无改善。

As president, Mr. Rafsanjani showed little tolerance of dissent. While he sought improved ties with the West, he insisted on Iran’s right to develop its  and did not lift a fatwa declared by Ayatollah Khomeini that enjoined Muslims to kill the writer Salman Rushdie.

作为总统，拉夫桑贾尼对异见者毫不留情。他谋求改善与西方关系，坚持伊朗有发展核能项目的权利，他也没有撤销霍梅尼命令穆斯林诛杀作家拉什迪的裁决。

Moreover, critics asserted that the Rafsanjani presidency coincided with the spread of corruption and the infiltration by the hard-line Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps of important economic enterprises.

更甚之处在于，批评者认为拉夫桑贾尼任总统期间，正是腐败横行和强硬的伊斯兰革命卫队渗进重要经济领域之时。

By 2013, Mr. Rafsanjani was said to have built a family business empire that owned Iran’s second biggest airline, exercised a near monopoly on the lucrative pistachio trade and controlled the largest private university, Azad. 

到2013年，据说拉夫桑贾尼已经建立了一个家族商业帝国，拥有伊朗第二大航空公司，几乎垄断了利润丰厚的开心果贸易，并控制了最大的私立大学阿扎德。

The family’s business interests also included real estate, construction and oil deals. In 2003, Forbes magazine said Mr. Rafsanjani’s personal wealth exceeded $1 billion.

家族商业利益还包括房地产、建筑和原油交易。2003年，福布斯杂志称拉夫桑贾尼的个人财富达10亿美元。

His time as president left a bitter legacy for many Iranians who struggled to get by. In parliamentary elections, he fared badly and was awarded a seat only after the intervention of a high-powered clerical panel, prompting him to withdraw from the legislature.

他担任总统期间给在挣扎中生活的伊朗人留下痛苦的遗产。在议会选举中，他表现糟糕，在上层教士团的干预下才获得一个席位，这促使他离开立法机构。

In 2005, Mr. Rafsanjani sought to run for the presidency again but lost in a runoff to Mr. Ahmadinejad, whose tenure until 2013 was marked by hard-line nuclear policies, increasingly strained ties with the West and a mounting catalog of economic sanctions over Tehran’s efforts to expand its nuclear capability.

2005年，拉夫桑贾尼再次竞选总统，在第二轮中败给内贾德，内贾德任期到2013年，期间推行强硬的核政策，不断恶化与西方关系，这导致西方施加一系列经济制裁，反对德黑兰扩大核能力的努力。

In presidential elections in June 2009, Mr. Rafsanjani supported the moderate Mir Hussein Moussavi, who lost to Mr. Ahmadinejad. The outcome was widely disputed, and many Iranian protesters died or were detained challenging the authorities in the streets.

2009年6月的总统选举中，拉夫桑贾尼支持温和的米尔-侯赛因·穆萨维，后者败给内贾德。这一结果引发广泛争议，许多上街对当局发起挑战的伊朗抗议者死亡或被捕。

The protesters included Mr. Rafsanjani’s youngest daughter, Faezeh, who had campaigned for women’s rights and was arrested in large demonstrations against Mr. Ahmadinejad’s victory.

抗议者包括拉夫桑贾尼的小女儿菲伊杰，她代言女性权利，在反对内贾德获胜的大规模示威中被捕。

In September 2009, Mr. Rafsanjani seemed to be sidelined when the authorities barred him from addressing Friday prayers in Tehran on Quds Day, an annual display of solidarity with . Mr. Rafsanjani had delivered the Quds Day sermon for almost 25 years, but the authorities in 2009 feared his address would provoke antigovernment protests.

2009年9月，拉夫桑贾尼看起来被迫出局，当局禁止他圣城日在德黑兰的周五祷告中发言，这一天表达与巴勒斯坦人的团结，每年一度。拉夫桑贾尼在圣城日发表演讲达25年之久，但2009年，当局担心他的演讲引发反政府抗议。

Mr. Ahmadinejad’s second term was marked by mounting disputes with the United States and Israel over Tehran’s nuclear ambitions and its advances in missile technology. In 2011, Iran sided with President Bashar al-Assad of Syria during the Arab Spring, along with the Hezbollah Shiite militia in Lebanon, setting Tehran against Mr. Assad’s Western adversaries, including the United States.

内贾德的第二任期与美国和以色列冲突加剧，他展示了德黑兰的核野心，推动导弹技术。2011年，伊朗在阿拉伯之春中与叙利亚的巴沙尔·阿萨德和黎巴嫩什叶派真主党民兵站在一起，让德黑兰反对阿萨德的西方对手，包括美国。

In May 2013, Mr. Rafsanjani announced plans for a comeback, entering his name for presidential elections that June, calculating that, after the years of sanctions-driven decline under Mr. Ahmadinejad, Iranians would think that Mr. Rafsanjani’s reputation as a pragmatist and modernizer would offset some of the opprobrium attached to his staggering wealth. At the time, he argued that Iran was in an economic “danger zone” because of Mr. Ahmadinejad’s “amateurism.”

2013年5月，拉夫桑贾尼宣布回归计划，六月宣布参加竞选，他预测内贾德领导下，数年制裁导致的衰退让伊朗人认为作为务实派和现代派的拉夫桑贾尼能够对冲巨额财富给他带来的污名。当时，他称伊朗正处于经济“危险地带”，这都是因为内贾德的“玩票”。

But he was disqualified by the Guardian Council, an electoral vetting body controlled by hard-liners. Mr. Rafsanjani had long served on another critical panel, the 88-member Assembly of Experts, which is charged with choosing a successor to the Supreme Leader. 

可宪法委员会不允许他参选，这是强硬派控制的选举审查机构。拉夫桑贾尼一直供职于另一个关键机构——88人的专家会议，该机构负责选出最高领袖的继任者。

In 2016, Mr. Rafsanjani polled first in Tehran’s voting for the Assembly of Experts, whose role had assumed greater importance since Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader, was treated for prostate cancer in 2014.

2016年，拉夫桑贾尼在专家会议选举中得票第一，自从最高领袖哈梅内伊2014年患前列腺癌接受治疗以来，拉夫桑贾尼的作用更加重要。

In the manner of Iran’s competing power centers, however, a hard-liner, Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, who was already the head of the Guardian Council, was elected by the Assembly of Experts as its chairman. The vote signaled new obstacles for the modest changes sought by Mr. Rouhani in running the Islamic Republic.

可在伊朗竞争激烈的权力中心，强硬派阿亚图拉艾哈迈德·贾纳提已经成为宪法委员会主席，又当选为专家会议主席。这标志着鲁哈尼推动伊朗共和国温和变革面临新的障碍。

In another controversy, in May 2016, Mr. Rafsanjani was drawn into a ferocious debate over a meeting between his activist daughter, Faezeh, and Fariba Kamalabadi, a leader of the Baha’is, a minority religious group regarded by the clerical hierarchy as impure pagans.

2016年5月，拉夫桑贾尼再次卷入激烈讨论，他激进的女儿菲伊杰与巴哈伊教领导人法里巴-卡马拉巴蒂会晤，神职机构认为巴哈伊教是一个异教团体。

Mr. Rafsanjani showed little sympathy for his daughter, calling the Baha’is “heretics” and saying publicly that his daughter had “committed a wrong deed” and should be ashamed of herself.

拉夫桑贾尼并不同情他的女儿，他称巴哈伊“离经叛道”，公开表示他的女儿“犯了大错”，应该为自己感到羞耻。