普京与默克尔：权力的游戏 | 纽约时报

BERLIN — He was skinny in his trim, dark suit, an almost lupine figure, nervous and unexpectedly youthful for a president of . Taking the lectern beneath the dome of the restored Reichstag,  soon shifted to German, with a fluency that startled the German lawmakers and a pro-West message that reassured them. The Cold War seemed over.

柏林。他身着笔挺的黑西服，身形瘦削，如狼似豺。作为一个俄罗斯总统，他神情紧张，又出乎意外地意气风发。站在翻修过的德国国会大厦穹顶下的讲台旁，弗拉基米尔·普京立即操起一口德语，其流利程度让德国议员大吃一惊，他还表达了让人欣慰的亲西方态度——冷战似乎已成前尘往事。

It was 2001, just weeks after , and Mr. Putin pledged solidarity with America while also sketching a vision of Russia’s European destiny. He was the first Russian leader to address the German Parliament, and lawmakers jumped to their feet, applauding, as many deputies marveled that he could speak their language so well.

这是2001年，9.11袭击发生仅数周后，普京先生承诺与美国团结抗敌，并开始勾画俄国的欧洲命运。他是第一位在德国议会发表演讲的俄国领导人，德国议员们欢呼雀跃，掌声雷动，没想到他能说自己国家的语言，这让许多代表啧啧称奇。

Except for , then the relatively untested leader of the opposition. She joined the standing ovation but turned to say something to a lawmaker who had grown up in the formerly Communist East, as she had. She knew how Mr. Putin’s German had gotten so good.

只有安格拉·默克尔除外，当时她还是一位未经考验的反对党领导人。尽管也和大家一样站立鼓掌，她转头与一位在东德长大的议员说了句话，她知道普京的德语怎么说得这么好。

“Thanks to the Stasi,” Ms. Merkel said, a reference to the East German secret police Mr. Putin had worked alongside when he was a young K.G.B. officer in Dresden.

“多亏了斯塔西。”默克尔指的是与普京共事的东德秘密警察，他当时是德累斯顿年轻的克格勃官员。

Fast-forward more than 15 years, to a world where the Cold War seems resurgent, which has seen a procession of , and only Ms. Merkel and Mr. Putin remain. 

让时间快进十五年，在一个冷战即将复活的世界，当一连串美欧领导人试图与俄国接触未果，只有默克尔女士和普京先生还在继续。

Their relationship, and rivalry, is a microcosm of the sharply divergent visions clashing in Europe and beyond, a divide made more consequential by the uncertainty over President Trump’s policy toward Russia and whether he will redefine the traditional alliances of American foreign policy.

二人的关系与对抗正是欧洲及更广大地区尖锐分歧的缩影，这一分歧因特朗普总统对俄政策的不确定性以及他是否将重新定义美国外交政策中的传统盟友而尤显重要。

, 62, is now the undisputed leader of Europe, weary but resolute, the stolid defender of an embattled European Union and of Western liberal values. 

如今，62岁的默克尔女士是无可争议的欧洲领导人。她一脸疲惫，却刚毅果断，是欧盟和西方自由价值的坚定捍卫者，而欧盟如今正处于困境之中。

, 64, is now the equivalent of a modern Russian czar, who wants to fracture Europe and the liberal Western order. He has outlasted George W. Bush and Barack Obama in America, and Tony Blair, David Cameron, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy in Europe. His state-sponsored hacking teams are accused of helping to derail Hillary Clinton’s predicted ride to the White House.

64岁的普京先生是当代的俄罗斯沙皇，意图瓦解欧洲和西方自由秩序。他的政治生命比美国的小布什和奥巴马更久，比欧洲的托尼·布莱尔、大卫·卡梅伦、雅克·希拉克和尼克拉·萨科齐更久。他的国家黑客组织被控参与阻遏希拉里·克林顿入主白宫之路。

Now Europe’s fate is on the line, with coming elections in the Netherlands, France, possibly Italy and in , where Ms. Merkel is seeking a fourth term as chancellor. 

现在，欧洲的命运悬而未决，荷兰、法国可能还有意大利和德国即将迎来大选，默克尔也正谋求第四次连任总理。

If not on any ballot, Mr. Putin is a shadow figure in every race, inspiring angry European populists who embrace his nationalistic ethos, while Russia is also suspected of meddling through cyberhacking and spreading disinformation. Toppling Ms. Merkel would mean Mr. Putin had bested his last rival.

不投票时，普京先生是所有比赛中的幽灵人物，他激励着愤怒的欧洲民粹主义者，后者拥护普京的民族主义理念。俄国还涉嫌通过网络黑客和散布假消息干预他国事务。推翻默克尔女士意味着普京战胜他最后一个对手。

“Chancellor Merkel is the most steadfast custodian of the concept of the liberal West going back 70 years,” said Strobe Talbott, who was President Bill Clinton’s leading adviser on Russia, “and that makes her Putin’s No. 1 target.”

“默克尔总理是70年前自由西方理念的最坚定的监护人。”曾任比尔·克林顿总统俄国首席参议的斯特罗布·塔尔伯特说。“这让她成为普京的头号目标。”

The new geopolitical dynamics will be on display on Tuesday, when Ms. Merkel visits the White House for her first meeting with Mr. Trump. Mr. Putin, in turn, on Thursday invited the German chancellor to visit Moscow in the near future. It is a poker game featuring two inscrutable players with a long history — and a new, inscrutable third participant.

周二，新的地缘政治格局即将显现，默克尔女士要访问白宫，首次会晤特朗普总统。相反，普京在上周四邀请德国总理在不久的未来访问莫斯科。这堪称两个难以预料的老对手打扑克，如今又新来了一个同样难以预料的第三方。

Back in 2000, , the puzzlement was distilled in a panel question at the elite talkfest at Davos, Switzerland: “Who is Mr. Putin?” Years later, Mr. Putin remains an enigma, sometimes depicted as a cartoonish, shirtless macho man, or drawn as a master political strategist, a Slavic Machiavelli.

回到2000年，当时西方正试图打量这位新的俄国领导人，瑞士达沃斯的精英侃山会上回荡着一个困惑：“谁是普京先生？”几年后，普京依然是一个谜，他有时被形容为一个裸着上身卡通式猛男，或是政治战略高手，斯拉夫的马基雅维利。

But equally apt is this question: “Who is Ms. Merkel?” Pragmatic, nonideological and cautious, Ms. Merkel, too, remains largely unknowable. Her status as Germany’s “Mutti,” or “Mother,” is mostly a reflection of the biases of the country’s male-dominated media and political class, still unsure how to categorize a powerful woman.

“谁是默克尔女士？”同样适用。务实、谨慎、不尊奉意识形态的默克尔女士也不为人了解。她被称为德国“妈妈”，这反映出那个以男性为主导的媒体和政治阶层抱有偏见，后者还不知该如何定义一位强势的女人。

Between them, there have been dozens of meetings and scores of telephone calls over the years, if never a breakthrough moment nor a partnership of the sort that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of Britain once forged with the Soviet Union’s last leader, Mikhail S. Gorbachev. 

这些年来，二人会晤达数十次，通电话上百次，尽管并未取突破，也未达成玛格丽特·撒切尔首相和苏联最后领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫一度实现的那种伙伴关系。

If that pair helped the world out of the Cold War, Mr. Putin and Ms. Merkel’s relationship often seems trapped in it, shaped by their very different experiences in East Germany.

如果说撒切尔和戈尔巴乔夫让世界从冷战中抽身而出，普京和默克尔的关系却似乎复陷其中，二人在东德迥然不同的经历塑造了这一局面。

Never a friend nor an open foe, Ms. Merkel has always sought to nudge Mr. Putin and Russia toward a relationship rooted in rules rather than emotion, a comity built on clearly defined common interests, not personal chemistry. 

默克尔既不是朋友，也非公开的敌人，她一直试图推动建立与普京和俄罗斯的基于规则而非情感的关系，一种建立在清晰的共同利益而非个人好感之上的友谊。

Mr. Putin, in turn, has longed for a transactional leader in Europe, someone who would strike a grand bargain and guarantee Russia a fixed, even privileged, place at the decision-making table.

普京先生也一直渴望找到一位可以交易的欧洲领导人，一个可以讨价还价的人，确保俄国能在决策桌上有一席之地，甚至还有特权。

Before Ms. Merkel took power, Mr. Putin had that rapport with her predecessor, Gerhard Schröder. Now it is one of Mr. Schröder’s heirs,  

默克尔掌权之前，普京和她的前任格哈德·施罗德关系密切。如今，施罗德的继承者马丁·舒尔茨领导的中左翼社会民主党，对默克尔连任构成最大挑战。

Having the Social Democrats back in power, with their warmer embrace of Russia, would be a boon to Mr. Putin — just as he is hoping for friendlier leadership in France, and with Mr. Trump in the United States.

让社会民主党人再度上台，更亲近俄国，这对普京是一种好处，正如他希望法国能选出更亲善的领导人，而美国能选出特朗普。

The Merkel-Putin relationship is defined by wariness, mutual suspicion, if also mutual respect. Yet along the way, there have been missed opportunities and misjudgments, which are culminating now in a moment of reckoning, as Ms. Merkel tries for another term — and Mr. Putin’s Russia is accused of working to thwart her.

默克尔-普京之间相互提防、相互猜忌，即便还算相互尊敬。但一直以来，他们也不时错失机会，做出误判。如今默克尔谋求连任，普京俄国被控推翻默克尔，真是到了清算的时刻。

Shaped by East Germany

Ms. Merkel traces her first political memory to when she was 7, living in East Germany in the town of Templin, where her father was a Lutheran pastor. On Aug. 13, 1961, a Sunday, the news came that the Soviets had started constructing a wall to divide Berlin between East and West. As young Angela watched, many of her father’s parishioners wept openly in church that morning.

默克尔对政治的记忆可以追溯到七岁时，她当时住在东德的滕普林城，父亲是一位路德派牧师。1961年8月13日是个星期天，消息传来，苏联人开始建一堵把东德和西德隔开的墙。那天早上，年轻的安格拉看到，父亲教区的许多人在教堂里痛哭流涕。

Her most fateful moment came in November 1989, when the  fell. The long years between those bookend events shaped the politician Ms. Merkel would become: cautious, calculating, yet also idealistic; deeply suspicious of Russia, if fascinated by it, having studied Russian literature and culture and attained enough of a fluency in the language to win a prize and travel around the Soviet Union as a student.

她的人生转折点发生在1989年11月，当月柏林墙被推倒。两件划时代的事件塑造了长期生活在其间的默克尔，使她变得谨慎、精明，却不失理想；虽然她研究俄国文学文化，学生时的她还因俄语流利获得奖学金并周游苏联，她为俄国倾倒，可骨子里对俄国并不信任。

Growing up in East Germany, in what she would describe as a dictatorship, Ms. Merkel became accustomed to regurgitating nonsensical Soviet platitudes, or listening to the mind-numbing decrees broadcast daily on state radio. “We had to deal with this every day,” Ms. Merkel recalled in a 2009 interview with the newsmagazine Der Spiegel. “It’s a miracle that we could even unlearn it.”

在被她形容为专制国家的东德长大，默克尔女士对苏联那种毫无意义的车轱辘话习以为常，听惯了国家电台每天播送的令人大脑麻木的训令。默克尔2009年接受《明镜》采访时说。“每一天都这样捱过来，我们能将之抛之脑后，这真是一个奇迹。”

Not surprisingly, Ms. Merkel doesn’t get misty-eyed about the Russians, as do some of the Social Democrats who grew up in democratic West Germany and recall the reconciliation with the Soviets born of  

并不令人吃惊，默克尔女士不会像有些在民主西德长大的社民党人一样，对俄国人泪眼朦胧，她不会念及七十年代的对东方缓和政策，后者使西方与苏联达成和解。

In East Germany, the Stasi and the K.G.B. oversaw one of the Soviet bloc’s most extensive spy states. Mistrust and mediocrity were rife, yet, Ms. Merkel has noted, few really thought the system would collapse.

在东德，斯塔西和克格勃监管下的苏联集团，间谍无处不在。人与人相互猜忌，浑浑噩噩，可默克尔说，几乎没人认为体系会崩塌。

“And just when almost nobody believed it possible anymore,” she once recalled, “it happened.”

“就当几乎没人以为还有可能时，”她曾回忆道。“事情发生了。”

For Ms. Merkel, the lesson is that resolving some things, , takes a long time, and patience is essential. Yet for Mr. Putin, now eager to undermine the cohesion of the European Union, the lesson may be that seemingly impregnable political systems can be unexpectedly vulnerable.

默克尔女士得到的教训是，要解决某些事情，例如乌克兰危机，需要很长时间，耐心至关重要。但对急于破坏欧盟团结的普京而言，教训在于看起来坚不可摧的政治体系其实令人难以置信的脆弱。

Born in 1952, Mr. Putin grew up in a communal apartment in the tough back streets of what was then Leningrad, the city that had survived a Nazi siege and famine, which claimed the life of an older brother he never knew. 

普京出生于1952年，在当时还叫列宁格勒的胡同里长大，这个城市历经纳粹围困和饥荒，他从未谋面的一个哥哥在那段日子中死去。

Mr. Putin studied law in Leningrad, while Ms. Merkel chose science, a subject where, she said decades later, “you could change the facts less” than in something like history or law as taught by the Communists.

普京在列宁格勒学习法律，默克尔则选择了科学，几十年后她谈起这门专业时说，相比历史和法律，在科学中“你不太能改换事实。”

He joined the K.G.B. and in 1985 was stationed in Dresden, a backwater posting in East Germany. After the  fell, Germans rejoiced at the reunification of their country and the departure of Soviet troops, while Ms. Merkel soon plunged into the newly democratic politics of her new country.

普京加入克格勃，1985年被派至德累斯顿，这是东德的一处偏僻据点。柏林墙被推倒后，德国人庆祝国家统一和苏联军队撤离，默克尔很快投身于新国家的新民主政治之中。

By contrast, Mr. Putin has lamented that it all happened too fast, once describing the collapse of the Soviet Union as the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.”

相反，普京则哀叹一切发生得太快，他曾说苏联垮塌是“这个世纪最大的地缘政治灾难”。

“We would have avoided a lot of problems if the Soviets had not made such a hasty exit from Eastern Europe,” he told three Russian journalists commissioned by the Kremlin to write a book about him in 2000.

“如果苏联没这么仓促就退出东欧，我们会少很多问题。”他对2000年受克里姆林宫之命为他著书的俄国记者们说。

Mr. Putin, the K.G.B. agent, watched in horror from Dresden. The local Stasi boss, with whom the K.G.B. worked closely, was detained and committed suicide by taking sedatives and lying down beside an oven belching gas. 

在德累斯顿的克格勃探员普京恐慌地看着这一切发生。与克格勃密切合作的斯塔西当地头目被捕，服用镇静剂自杀，倒在喷吐煤气的炉子旁。

Mr. Putin later recalled how an angry crowd in “an aggressive mood” gathered outside the K.G.B. offices. Fearing mayhem, Mr. Putin asked for help from Soviet military forces stationed nearby but was told that the order must come from Moscow.

普京后来回忆说，愤怒的群众“情绪激动”，聚集在克格勃办公楼外。因担心被蓄意伤害，普京向驻扎在附近的苏联军队求援，得到的答案是命令必须来自莫斯科。

“Moscow is silent,” he was told. The crowd finally dispersed, but the drama left Mr. Putin with “the feeling that the country no longer existed.”

“莫斯科没有反应。”他被告知。人群最终散去了，可这一冲突让普京“感到他的那个国家不存在了。”

Mr. Putin later described the lesson he learned: that power had to be asserted boldly, at home and abroad, if Russia was to avoid the same fate as the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union, he recalled, “had a terminal illness without a cure: a paralysis of power.”

后来普京认为他学到，如果俄国想避免苏联的命运，必须大胆主张权力，无论在国内还是国外。他回忆说，苏联“患了不治之症——权力的瘫痪。”

On the Rise

If not accidental leaders, Ms. Merkel and Mr. Putin were unexpected ones. Little known to the outside world or even to the Russian public, Mr. Putin became president after Boris N. Yeltsin dramatically resigned on New Year’s Eve 1999. 

即便说并非偶然，默克尔女士和普京先生都是令人意料之外的领导人。1999年新年前鲍里斯·叶利钦戏剧性辞职，普京成为总统，当时世界没听说过他，甚至俄国民众也不甚了解。

Soon afterward, Ms. Merkel took charge of the center-right Christian Democratic Union by pushing aside her mentor, former Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Underestimated as a female politician, Ms. Merkel proved the skeptics wrong when she became chancellor in 2005.

不久后，默克尔女士执掌了中右翼基督教民主联盟，挤走了导师、前总理赫尔姆特·科尔。作为一名女性政治家，她受到轻视，可2005年一举成为总理，证明了那些怀疑者想错了。

During Ms. Merkel’s first official visit to Moscow in early 2006, Mr. Putin demonstrated his style of gamesmanship, presenting her with a stuffed toy dog even though the Kremlin had been alerted that she was uneasy around dogs. During talks held a year later on the Black Sea, he let his large black Labrador into the room.

2006年初，默克尔首访莫斯科，普京展示出他的政治手腕，他送给她一个毛绒玩具狗，尽管克林姆林宫得到提示，她不喜欢狗。一年后在黑海会谈时，他还把黑毛拉布拉多放进家里来。

Toomas Ilves, Estonia’s president until last year, described the dog ploy as “classic K.G.B.” Mr. Ilves said Ms. Merkel “never had any illusions about Russia” and “was clearly one who understood” how Russia worked under Mr. Putin.

去年离任的爱沙尼亚总统托马斯·艾尔维斯认为，这种狗把戏正是“典型的克格勃做派”。埃尔维斯说默克尔“从未对俄国抱有任何幻想”，她是“唯一明白”普京治下的俄国如何运转的人。

“She grew up in Stasiland,” he said, “so of course she had his number all along.”

Yet Ms. Merkel continued the German tradition of frequent meetings with Russian leaders, positioning herself as Europe’s main interlocutor to Russia, while maintaining the centuries-old business relationships between the two powers.

“她成长于斯塔西之国，她知道他那一套。可默克尔还是遵循德国传统，一如既往地与俄国领导人频繁会晤，将自己定位于欧洲对俄对话的主要发言者，保持着两个大国间数个世纪以来的商业关系。”

She chided him, too, standing up for democracy and human rights, meeting with Russian opposition figures and voicing outrage over the 2006 murder of 

Just days after the murder, Mr. Putin was again visiting Dresden. He and Ms. Merkel gave a rare joint interview to a local German public broadcaster in which Mr. Putin lost his cool after being asked about Ms. Politkovskaya’s murder. 

谋杀发声几天后，普京再次造访德累斯顿。他和默克尔女士罕见地联合接受一家德国当地电视台的采访，采访中被问及

That exchange was deleted from the broadcast, but viewers did get to see Mr. Putin praise Ms. Merkel as a good listener, which he described as “a rare characteristic in women.”

这段谈话没有播出，可观众看到普京赞誉默克尔是个优秀的倾听者，他说她是“巾帼英雄”。

Konstantin Eggert, a Russian journalist who has spoken privately with Ms. Merkel over the years, said the Kremlin never understood the chancellor, believing that, like Mr. Schröder, “she would be in thrall to German business and the traditional German faith to Ostpolitik.

多年来与默克尔女士有接触的俄国记者康斯坦丁艾格特说，克林姆林宫从未理解总理，他们认为她与施罗德一样，“被德国商界和德国传统的东方政策信仰束缚。”

“But she was not in thrall to anybody, or anything.”

“可她不被任何人、任何事束缚。”

Scrambled Signals

 in the sauna. Mr. Schröder appealed to Mr. Putin as a kindred manly spirit. Not Ms. Merkel. “What she always found distasteful was these man things,” said Stefan Kornelius, a Merkel biographer.

科尔和戈尔巴乔夫在桑拿房里搞关系。施罗德先生因是条汉子与普京先生惺惺先息。默克尔女士没法如此。“她最看不惯那些臭男人。”默克尔传记作者史蒂芬•科内柳斯说。

Instead, Ms. Merkel has impressed Mr. Putin with her grasp of detail, a quality he shares, and her knowledge of Russia and its culture and her readiness to stand up for her views — just as he does for his own. 

默克尔女士以她对细节的掌控感染普京，普京也是这样的人。她对俄国和俄国文化知之甚多，并时刻准备捍卫自己的观点，普京也是如此。

At a security conference attended by Ms. Merkel in Munich in February 2007, Mr. Putin made what is now considered a pivotal speech, signaling his turn against the West and lambasting American domination of world affairs.

2007年2月慕尼黑，在默克尔参加的一个安全会议上，普京发表了被认为至关重要的演讲，标志着他矛头转向西方，抨击美国主导世界事务。

Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, who was Ms. Merkel’s defense minister, recalled that while many in the audience, including American officials, were shocked and alarmed by Mr. Putin’s tone, Ms. Merkel “did not seem to be surprised. She already had an extremely cautious view about Mr. Putin’s wider strategy.”

曾任默克尔女士防长的卡尔-西奥多•古滕伯格回忆说，许多在场的人，包括美国官员，被普京的调门惊到了，默克尔女士“看起来并不吃惊。她对普京先生的大策略一向极度谨慎。”

On one notable occasion, Ms. Merkel’s resolve may have backfired. At a meeting of NATO leaders in Romania, in 2008, Ms. Merkel, backed by the president of France at the time, Mr. Sarkozy, successfully resisted pleas by Mr. Bush that Ukraine and Georgia be given a so-called Membership Action Plan, or MAP, a move that would have put the two countries on track to join the military alliance.

至少在一个问题上，默克尔的坚持玩砸了。2008年罗马尼亚北约领导人会议上，默克尔女士在时任法国总统萨科齐先生的支持下，成功抵制了小布什先生关于乌克兰和格鲁吉亚被加入所谓成员国行动计划的提议，这一举动本可让两国走上加入北约军事联盟的道路。

To let the White House save face, the chancellor took charge of drafting a communiqué that, while rebuffing a formal program toward membership, declared that Ukraine and Georgia would still, one day, join the alliance.

为了给白宫挽回面子，总理负责起草一个公报，公报回绝了让两国加入北约的官方计划，却宣布乌克兰和格鲁吉亚未来有望加入北约。

“Merkel was at the center of this negotiation about words, clearly enjoying it,” recalled Italy’s NATO envoy, Stefano Stefanini, who took part in the meeting. 

“默克尔在这一措辞选择的谈判中发挥主导作用。”参会的意大利北约公使斯蒂法诺•斯蒂凡尼回忆说。

But, in the end, Ms. Merkel may have miscalculated. Ukraine and Georgia were furious that they had been denied. Also furious was Mr. Putin, who took the vague pledge of ultimate membership for Ukraine and Georgia as evidence of NATO’s resolve to expand into former Soviet lands.

可结果默克尔想错了。乌克兰和格鲁吉亚因遭拒而怒不可遏，普京同样如此，后者把两国有望最终加入北约作为北约意图拓展前苏联领地的证据。

“For him, it was like a slap in the face, the sentence that said Ukraine and Georgia will be members of NATO,” Mr. Stefanini said. “At the same time, he felt emboldened” because Washington had not been strong enough to put the formal gears in motion toward NATO membership for the two former Soviet republics.

“对他而言，这就像被扇了一耳光。”斯蒂凡尼说。“同时，他又壮了胆子，”因为看到华盛顿还没强大到可以操控让两个前苏联共和国加入北约。

Four months later, Russia invaded Georgia, testing the West’s readiness to intervene — it didn’t — which, in turn, set a precedent that, in 2014, would encourage Mr. Putin to seize Crimea.

四个月后，俄国入侵格鲁吉亚，考验西方是否准备干预，结果并没有，这反过来成为一个先例，2014年普京又夺取了克里米亚。

Accustomed to being Europe’s leading interlocutor to Moscow, Ms. Merkel was now thrust into a new role as the driving force behind economic sanctions.

习惯了作为欧洲对莫斯科的首席对话者，默克尔女士如今担任着在背后推动经济制裁的新角色。

Vladislav Belov, head of the German Studies Center at the Institute of Europe in Moscow, said Mr. Putin took Ms. Merkel’s leading role in sanctions as a personal affront. 

莫斯科欧洲研究所德国研究中心主任弗拉迪斯拉夫•贝洛夫表示，普京认为默克尔在制裁中担任领导角色，这是一种个人冒犯。

“Putin did not understand why Germany did not just accept Crimea being absorbed into Russia,” Mr. Belov said, noting that Mr. Putin equated German reunification in 1990 with Russia’s “reunification” with Crimea.

“普京不明白德国为什么就是不接受克里米亚被并入俄国。”贝洛夫说，他说普京先生认为德国1990年统一和俄罗斯“统一”克里米亚是一个道理。

And if there is a symbol of how things have changed since Mr. Putin’s pro-West speech at the Reichstag in 2001, consider this: Last month, Russia’s Defense Ministry announced it would build a scale model of the Reichstag on the outskirts of Moscow. It is not a tribute or gesture of friendship. It will be used to train young Russian patriots on how to storm buildings in a time of war.

想知道普京2001年在德国国会大厦前的亲西方演讲是如何发生蜕变的，不妨看看上个月，俄国防长宣布将在莫斯科郊区新建等比德国议会大厦模型。这并非友谊的标志，那将用来训练年轻的俄国爱国者在战时攻占建筑物。