谁主法兰西（上）

Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron face off for the soul of France

“As Victor Hugo once proclaimed, we have not yet done with being French”

“维克多·雨果曾说，我们一直都还是法国人。”

Marine Le Pen, launching her presidential campaign in Lyon on 4 February 

“What keeps  united is the acceptance of the diversity of origins and destinies and the refusal of fatalism”

“让法国团结起来的是接纳种族和命运的多样性，并拒绝宿命论。”

From Revolution, Our Battle For France, by Emmanuel Macron

Marie-Solange Werner’s eyes glisten with pride as she recalls the tumultuous life and times of her grandfather Auguste, who fought for France in both the first and second world wars.

回忆爷爷奥古斯特峥嵘倥偬的一生，玛丽-索朗热·维尔纳的双眼闪烁着自豪，她的祖父在一战和二战中为法国出战。

“He was an extraordinary patriot. He grew up in Alsace in territory that was contested, so he had to choose whether he fought for France or Germany. The Germans tried to enlist him, but he was a true Frenchman and put his life on the line for France. With a family history like that, how can I use my life for anything other than fighting for French values? How could I not be in the Front National?”

“他是个非凡的爱国者。在领土有争议的阿尔萨斯省长大，他必须选择为法国而战还是为德国而战。德国人也想召他入伍，可他是个真正的法国人，他的生命属于法国。有这样的家族史，我的一生不为法国价值而战还能怎样呢？我怎么可能不站在国民阵线一边呢？”

Werner, a 55-year-old who has a small business, is an elected FN councillor in the historic Burgundy town of Sens. In a packed hall on the outskirts of town, she is not the only one buzzing on a surge of patriotic elation. Along with about 700 other FN supporters – and some curious onlookers – Werner is at Sens’s Salle des Fêtes to listen to Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the party’s MP for Vaucluse and niece of , the first FN presidential candidate to have a genuine chance of power.

55岁的维尔纳做小买卖，在勃艮第地区历史悠久的森斯镇当选为国民阵线市议员。在城郊一所坐满听众的礼堂中，她并非唯一被爱国主义热情感染的人。维尔纳与700多国民阵线的支持者和一些好奇的旁观者坐在“森斯之家”听玛丽昂·马雷夏尔-勒庞演讲，她是国民阵线沃克吕兹省议员、玛琳·勒庞的侄女。玛琳·勒庞是国民阵线第一个真正有机会染指权柄的总统候选人。

“Marion is so right to put France first, and patriotism first,” says Werner. “I have limitless admiration for Jean-Marie Le Pen [the founder of the FN]. But the women of the family can appeal to a broader audience in this election.”

“玛丽昂说得对，法国第一，爱国主义第一，”维尔纳说。“我对（国民阵线创始人）让-马里·勒庞无比崇敬，可他家的女人们在这次大选中更受欢迎。”

At 27, Maréchal-Le Pen is already a political star. Beautiful and fervently Catholic, she has earned a reputation for remaining ideologically hardcore, even as her aunt has laboured to detoxify the FN’s historic association with racism, antisemitism and far-right extremism. 

马拉夏尔27岁时已经是政治明星了。她长得漂亮，是虔诚的天主教徒，以意识形态保持强硬而著称，就连她的姑姑都一直设法撇清国民阵线历史上与种族主义、反犹主义和极右翼极端主义的关系。

Around the hall, leaflets are scattered featuring a gentle soft-focus portrait of Marine, accompanied by a saccharine text which describes the rise of a “female politician in a world of men; a mother and a sister”. The genre is self-consciously Paris Match. 

讲堂周围四散着印有玛琳柔焦肖像的传单，配文文辞甜美，将她形容为“男人世界中女性政治家的崛起；母亲和姐妹”。风格不自觉地让人想到《巴黎竞赛》的杂志封面。

But on a mild spring evening, dressed in a simple white shirt and blue jeans, her niece does not disappoint those looking for stronger stuff. Maréchal-Le Pen’s theme is the defence of a core “Frenchness” endangered by three principal antagonists – Islam, globalism and the . 

可在春风拂面的一个傍晚，她的侄女身着白衬衫、蓝仔裤，她没让那些渴望硬货的人们失望。马拉夏尔-勒庞的主题是捍卫被三大敌人威胁的核心“法国性”，它们是伊斯兰、全球主义和欧盟。

As evidence, she offers the reported words of a Muslim cleric, Marwan Muhammed, at a conference in the mosque of Orly, near Paris. “Muhammed said: ‘Who has the right to say that France, in 30 or 40 years time, will not be a Muslim country? Who has the right to say that?’

据报道，一名叫马尔万·穆罕默德的穆斯林教士在距离巴黎不远的奥利镇清真寺的大会上发言，她引用他的演讲作为证据。“穆罕默德说：‘谁有权说再过三四十年，法国不是一个穆斯林国家？谁有权这么说？”

“We have the right!” answers Maréchal-Le Pen, as the overwhelmingly white audience chants a Front National favourite: “On est chez nous.” (“We are at home.”)

“我们有权！”马拉夏尔-勒庞回答说。这时，满场的白人听众齐声高喊起国民阵线的口号：“我们在自己家。”

“France is a country with Greco-Latin and Christian roots,” she continues, to some of the loudest cheers of the evening. “We will place this heritage in our constitution, and we will put an end to those eternal debates which lead to .”

“法国是一个希腊-拉丁文化的国家，根植于基督教传统。”她继续说，这句话赢得当晚最热烈的几次喝彩之一。“我们将把这一传统写进宪法，我们要终结那些把基督诞生马槽像逐出市政厅的永恒讨论。”

The EU officials in Brussels, she continues, have undermined France on another front, eroding sovereignty through the rules of the single market. The FN, says Maréchal-Le Pen, is committed to an “economic patriotism” which will penalise those firms that seek to relocate factories to countries such as Poland where labour is cheaper. The French state, its powers restored, will protect and revive French industry. French farmers will be protected from cut-throat competition by foreign producers who ignore environmental standards to drive prices down.

她说，布鲁塞尔的欧盟官员在另一条战线上危害着法国，他们通过单一市场法则侵害他国主权。马拉夏尔-勒庞说，国民阵线致力于惩罚那些把工厂搬到波兰等劳动力更便宜国家去的公司。法国重掌权力后，将保护和复兴法国工业。法国农民将免受来自外国生产者的激烈竞争，后者不顾环境标准压低价格。

Mass migration is threatening the identity and the security of a country scarred by the horrors of terror attacks in ,  and most recently , she says. 

她说，大规模移民威胁到一个国家的身份和安全，这个国家因恐怖袭击而伤痕累累，在尼斯，在巴黎，最近又发生在巴黎-奥利机场。

If Marine Le Pen becomes president, there would be no more unnecessary guilt over France’s colonial past and no more suggestions “that we should accept immigrants because we have a debt to pay”.

如果玛琳·勒庞成为总统，我们不会再为法国过去的殖民行为感到没有必要的内疚，不会再提议“我们该接受移民，因为我们要还债”。

Withdrawal from the EU (on which the FN promises a referendum) would give France, like Brexit Britain, the chance to close its borders to would-be terrorists, economic migrants and bogus asylum seekers. “And yes, if there is evidence that travellers from another country pose a threat to the nation, France would not hesitate to impose a blanket ban, as Donald Trump has sought to do in America.”

退出欧盟（国民阵线承诺发起全民公投）将让给法国一个机会，正像英国退欧对英国一样，把潜在的恐怖分子、经济移民和假难民拒于边境之外。“是的，没错，如果有证据显示另一个国家的旅行者对国家构成威胁，法国将毫不犹豫地施以全面禁令，就像美国的唐纳德·特朗普想做的那样。”

As for those immigrants entitled to residency, they must respect the culture and history of France, from its Christian roots to the rights of its women to sit on a cafe terrace unveiled and speak with whom they choose.

对于那些有权居留的移民，他们必须尊重法国的文化和历史，包括基督教传统和女人们有权不戴头巾坐在咖啡厅里自由与别人交谈。

Delivered with quiet ferocity, it is a speech that burns with resentment at a perceived betrayal of France by social and economic liberalism. Free trade, open borders, multiculturalism and loss of sovereignty have combined to undermine the country’s blue-collar workforce, muddle its cultural identity and destroy its self-confidence.

她的演讲言辞激愤，充满了对社会和经济自由主义的憎恶，她认为后者背叛了法国。自由贸易、开放边境、多元文化以及丧失主权，这些共同伤害了国家的蓝领工人，搞乱了文化身份并毁掉了自信。

Maréchal-Le Pen reserves particular venom for the Frenchman who she claims embodies the values that have led the country to such a humiliating dead end: , the independent candidate for the presidency who has emerged as Marine Le Pen’s chief rival. 

她宣称有个法国人，他代表的价值观把国家推上这种屈辱的死路，马拉夏尔-勒庞对这个人恨意难平：她说的就是玛琳-勒庞的主要对手、独立总统候选人伊曼纽尔·马克龙。

Macron is a former investment banker with Rothschilds, a graduate of the École Nationale d’Administration, the elite training ground for France’s civil servants, and most recently the economy minister in François Hollande’s outgoing cabinet. 

马克龙曾供职于罗斯柴尔德的投资银行，毕业于国家行政学院，那里是法国公务员的精英训练所，不久前在即将离任的奥朗德总统内阁中担任经济部长。

Proudly liberal, pro-immigration and a committed pro-European, he ticks every box in the list of the FN’s pet hates. Maréchal-Le Pen accuses him of offering France’s soul up for sale.

他公开推崇自由主义，支持移民，支持欧洲，国民阵线每一个最憎恶的选项他都划了勾。马拉夏尔-勒庞指责他出卖法国灵魂。

“Macron has said that there is ... no ‘French’ culture,” she says, alluding to interviews in which the candidate has defended cultural diversity and pluralism. “For Macron, France should be seen like a startup business. For him, our country is not a nation, it’s a space. You can come in, move out of it as you like, enjoying the generosity of our system. Me, I gaze in wonder at the gothic cathedral you have here in Sens, the most splendid in France, and marvel at the majesty of Racine’s verse. But all that doesn’t exist [for people like Macron]. The only thing that counts is productivity, the economy, benefits.”

“马克龙说……没有‘法国’文化，”她说的是一次采访中，这位候选人捍卫文化多样性和多元主义时说的话。“对于马克龙而言，法国是一家初创企业。对他而言，我们不是一个民族，而是一个空间。你可以来，随时也可以走，尽情享受体制的宽宏。我惊叹地凝视着森斯这所哥特式大教堂，这是法国最雄伟的，我赞叹着拉辛的壮美诗句，可这一切对他而言都不存在。唯一有价值的是生产力、经济、利益。”

The forthcoming election is thus “a choice of civilisations”: between a borderless business culture and a patriotic country that protects the way of life of its own workers; between free movement of people and the cultivation of French identity and French jobs; between Christianity and Islam; between globalism and France. The themes that informed the Brexit referendum and Trump’s rise to power are percolating through the French body politic in dramatic fashion.

接下来的大选是一次“文明的抉择”：无边界的商业文化与保护我们工人生活方式的爱国主义国家之间的抉择；人民自由流动与涵养法国身份、保住法国工作之间的抉择；基督教与伊斯兰之间的抉择；全球主义与法国之间的抉择——英国退欧公投和特朗普崛起的主题以戏剧性的方式渗透进法国的身体政治之中。

Maréchal-Le Pen ends by evoking the memory of the soldiers who died in the first world war. “Fathers, uncles, brothers went to sacrifice themselves so that France would stay French. If, a century later, we fail to ensure that France remains French, it will mean that their sacrifices were in vain and we will have betrayed our ancestors. Let us be worthy of our heritage! Vote for Marine Le Pen.”

演讲结尾，马拉夏尔-勒庞提到在一战中丧生的士兵。“父亲们、叔叔们、兄弟们，他们牺牲了自己的生命才保住了法国。如果一个世纪之后，我们不能让法国还是法国，那意味着他们的牺牲是无谓的，我们背叛了我们的祖先。让我们对得起祖先的传承！给玛琳·勒庞投票吧！”

A standing ovation follows, as Marie-Solange Werner’s thoughts doubtless turn to her grandfather.

全场起立鼓掌，玛丽-索朗热·维尔纳的思绪肯定飘向了她的祖父。

‘A chemically pure confrontation’ | 不共戴天

In a month, when voters go to the polls in the first round of the presidential elections, they will participate in a contest like no other during the six decades of the Fifth Republic. The Front National, founded by Jean-Marie Le Pen in 1972, has never been this close to installing its leader inside the gilded rooms of the Élysée Palace.

一个月后，选民将进行第一轮总统大选投票，这是第五共和国过去六十年都未有过的竞争。让-马里·勒庞1972年创建了国民阵线，其领导人从没距离爱丽舍宫金碧辉煌的房间如此之近。

When Le Pen shocked France in 2002 , the nation treated the event as an affront to republican values. 

勒庞2002年杀入第二轮对阵雅克·希拉克，国民认为这是对共和国价值的冒犯。

Popularly viewed as a motley ragbag of racist colonialists, Vichy sympathisers, antisemites and oddball royalists, Le Pen’s party was dismissed as a nasty coalition of history’s losers. He was crushed 82%-18%, as voters on left and right formed a republican “cordon sanitaire” to isolate the virus in the political system.

大众认为勒庞先生的党派是收纳着宗族殖民主义、维希政府同情者、反犹者和古怪的保皇党的垃圾袋，一干历史输家的肮脏的联合体。当年，他被对手以82%对18%的优势击败，左右翼选民组成了共和党“防疫封锁线”，孤立那种政治体制中的病毒。

This spring, polls suggest his daughter is on course to top the first ballot, on 23 April, with more than a quarter of the total vote. And nobody really knows what will happen after that. It remains unlikely she will persuade 51% of voters to back her in the second round. But few now believe it cannot be done.

今年春天，民调表明他的女儿在4月23日得票几近最高，超过四分之一。没人知道接下来会如何发展。她能在第二轮让超过51%的人支持她，这依旧可能性不高，可没人认为那是不会发生的。

Since taking over the leadership of the FN in 2011, Marine Le Pen has sought to refocus the party’s attention on a different set of losers – ones with a greater claim to sympathy than her father’s old guard. 

自2011年接掌国民阵线领导人以来，玛琳·勒庞试图讲党的注意力重新定位于另一伙失败者，比父亲的旧卫士更值得同情的人。

Attracting plenty of former communists and socialists along the way, the party has reached out to those marginalised by 30 years of globalisation and de-industrialisation. 

该党吸引了众多曾经的共产主义者和社会主义者，30年的全球化和去工业化把这些人边缘化了。

Former steelworkers in Alsace-Lorraine and mining communities in the Pas de Calais heeded the call, as Le Pen merged the battle to better the lives of the “left behind” with the conservative cause of defending a supposedly threatened French culture. The polling speaks to the success of the strategy.

阿尔萨斯-洛林省曾经的钢铁工人和加莱海峡采矿工人蒙召而来，勒庞把改善“被遗忘者”生活的战斗与捍卫所谓受到威胁的法国文化的保守主义事业融合起来，民调反映了这一策略的成功之处。

As postwar Europe’s most notorious far-right party has advanced to the gates of power, the traditional bastions of French politics have crumbled amid splits, scandals and a crisis of confidence and direction. 

战后欧洲最臭名昭著的极右翼政党敲响权力的大门，而法国政治的传统堡垒则在分歧、丑闻和缺乏信心、失去方向的危机中垮塌。

To the relief of most of the Parti Socialiste, Hollande, the most unpopular president since polling began,  for a second term. Manuel Valls, Hollande’s centrist prime minister, was then  in the contest to succeed him as Socialist candidate for the presidency by the leftwing Benoît Hamon. As he struggles to unite the broader left, Hamon languishes at about 13% in the polls – 13% behind Le Pen.

让多数法国社会党人欣慰的是，自有民调以来最不受欢迎的总统奥朗德选择不再连任。奥朗德的中间派总理曼纽尔·瓦尔斯谋求继任总统，但被左翼的伯努瓦·哈蒙击败。可哈蒙无法联合更广泛的左翼，在民调中仅获13%的支持，比勒庞落后近13个百分点。

The right has fared no better, placing its faith in the campaign of François Fillon, a conservative Catholic who looked likely to steal some of Le Pen’s clothes. But the former prime minister’s reputation has been wrecked by  that he used public funds to pay his family for work they never did. Placed under investigation by the police (unprecedented in a presidential contest), Fillon is limping on doggedly but has fallen behind in the race.

把信仰放在弗朗索瓦·菲永身上的右翼也表现不佳，菲永是保守派天主教徒，看上去可能会分流勒庞的部分选民。但这位前总理因涉嫌滥用公款为家人虚假开支而名誉受损。菲永正在接受警方调查，这在总统竞选中是史无前例的。尽管他顽强地坡脚而行，但支持率落后。

Another former prime minister, Alain Juppé, refused to come to the rescue of les Républicains, arguing that – for this election at least – the centre-right was beyond saving. Whichever way you look, the French political establishment is on the ropes, gasping for air.

另一位前总理阿兰·朱佩拒绝出手拯救法国共和党，他认为至少在本次大选中，中右翼无可救药。无论从哪边怎么看，法国政坛建制派都命悬一线，垂死挣扎。

That leaves the fresh-faced and handsome Macron, who last year invented his own liberal renewal movement, , from a standing start. Macron, 39, is neck and neck in the polls with Le Pen, despite running without the formal backing of an established party and in a straight runoff would, as things stand, win comfortably. But a large percentage of voters are still undecided and the inexperienced Macron’s support is fragile.

这让帅气的新面孔马克龙得以崭露头角，他去年刚刚创建了自由派革新运动“向前进”。39岁的马克龙在民调中与勒庞不相上下，尽管没有一个建制派政党的正式支持，照目前看来，在第二轮中，他可能轻松取胜。可很多选民还未拿定主意，马克龙经验不足，人们对他的支持还不牢靠。

Last week’s  was quickly seized on by Le Pen, who tweeted: “To combat terrorism, we must control our borders and deport all radicalised foreigners!”

上周在威斯敏斯特英国议会的恐袭正中勒庞下怀，她发推文说：“为了击败恐怖主义，我们必须管控边境，驱逐所有极端化的外国人！”

With sudden clarity the leaders of two insurgent movements face each other across a political landscape littered with the corpses of the old order: one offers a France that closes its borders and puts “les Français de souche” (core French) first; the other hopes to save centre-ground politics by reforming it from within.

在旧秩序尸身横陈的楚河汉界旁，两股泾渭分明的新兴力量剑拔弩张：一个要封锁法国边境，把“核心法国”置于首位；另一个希望通过内部改革拯救主流政治。

“It would be chemically pure if it came down to a runoff between Macron and Le Pen,” says Christophe Guilluy, the author of Peripheral France, a study of the effects of globalisation on the country’s smaller towns and communities. 

“要是马克龙和勒庞进入第二轮，那真是天雷撞地火。”《法国周边》作者克里斯托弗·居雷说，该书研究了全球化对法国小镇和社区的影响。

“It would be perfect! It would be a battle between ‘la France en-haut and la France en-bas’ [high France and low France]; between the prosperous in the cities and the provincials who know that this economic model doesn’t need them and feel the pain of that.

“这太完美了！这将是‘上层法国人’和‘下层法国人’之间的战斗，是城市的繁荣受益者和明白这种经济模式不需要他们并因此感到痛苦的乡下人之间的战斗。”

“In France, ‘la classe populaire’ used to live and spend their lives creating the wealth. Now the working classes live far from the zone where prosperity is generated. They voted for globalisation over the past 30 years, but it didn’t work for them. The FN is capturing these workers who are at the sharp end of global competition, as well as the young who find that the labour market has shut up shop.”

“在法国，‘下层法国人’过去一直在创造财富，可现在的工人阶级住在远离制造繁荣的地方。他们过去30来一直支持全球化，却没有为之工作。国民阵线吸引了这些在全球竞争的刀尖上生活的工人以及那些发现就业市场对他们大门紧闭的年轻人。”

Guilluy made serious waves in Paris with his latest book, The Twilight of the Elites, which accused metropolitan liberals such as Macron of failing, unlike the FN, to take the growing evidence of discontent outside the cities seriously.

居雷的最新作品《精英的黄昏》在巴黎引发轩然大波，该书指控像马克龙这样的都市自由派，与国民阵线不同，他们未能认真对待外省人日益增长的不满情绪。

“The globalised economy has come to be concentrated in the big global centres – in London, in Paris, in Lyon, in New York,” he says. “But no one was paying attention to the departing protests of those on their way out of the wealth-generating economy. The difficulty is this economic model has worked, in its own way, but not for a whole section of society which feels excluded. That’s a big intellectual impasse. How to put this society back together requires all our intelligence.”

“全球经济集中在伦敦、巴黎、里昂和纽约等大型国际中心。”他说。“没人注意到那些正在离开创造财富中心的抗议者们。困难在于，这种经济模式的确奏效，只以它自己的方式，可对被它摒弃于外的社会阶层而言却并非如此。这是巨大的智力僵局，如何将后者融合起来需要我们开动脑筋。”

未完待续