卫报 | 希拉里的七个时代
Seven ages of Hillary Clinton: a woman who in her time has played many parts
, the first question posed to Hillary Clinton was from a first-time caucus-goer called Taylor Gipple.
在本周的一次市政会议上，Taylor Gipple把第一个问题抛给希拉里·克林顿，他第一次参加党团预选会。
“It feels like there are a lot of young people like myself who are very passionate supporters of Bernie Sanders,” he said. “And, I just don’t see the same enthusiasm from younger people for you. In fact, I’ve heard from quite a few people my age that they think you’re dishonest, but I’d like to hear from you on why you feel the enthusiasm isn’t there.”
“感觉很多像我一样的年轻人是伯尼·桑德斯的热情支持者，没看有多少年轻人支持你。事实上，我听说很多我的同龄人认为你不诚实，我想听听你的想法，为什么他们对你不感冒。”
Clinton’s response sounded like a mix of Edith Piaf and Sir Elton John: Je Ne Regrette Rien blended with I’m Still Standing; stern resolve with a touch of telegraphed theatricality. “Look, I’ve been around a long time,” she told him.
克林顿的回答听来像埃迪·琵雅芙和埃尔顿·约翰爵士的混搭：“无悔于心”+“我还站着”，决绝又故作夸张。“那，我可不是一天两天了。”
注：法国歌手Edith Piaf的代表作《我无怨无悔》。
“They throw all this stuff at me and I’m still standing. But if you’re new to politics, if it’s the first time you really paid attention, you go ‘oh my gosh, look at all of this’. And you have to say to yourself, ‘why are they throwing all of that’? Well, I’ll tell you why. Because I’ve been on the frontlines of change and progress since I was your age.”
“他们用这些搞我，可我仍然挺过来了。如果你初涉政治，你头一回关注，你会说‘天啊！看看这些’。你不得不对自己说，‘他们为什么这样？好吧，我告诉你，因为我从你这个年纪起，就站在变革和进步的前沿。’”
Not for the first time, Clinton finds herself in an existential battle with a rank outsider – Bernie Sanders cast in the role of Barack Obama – which threatens to derail her anticipated processional journey to the White House. Her experience and ever-presence on the public stage seem to be equal parts hindrance and help.
并非第一次，克林顿和一个不起眼的人展开一场殊死的战斗，上次是奥巴马，这次是桑德斯，他们都可能破坏她稳步通往白宫的旅途。她一直活跃在公众场合，这是把双刃剑，既有妨碍，又有帮助。
In the generation since first entered the public gaze, attitudes to women, feminism, politics, marriage and the presidency have undergone fundamental shifts.
从希拉里进入公众视线以来的这一代时间，公众对女人、女性主义、政治、婚姻和当选总统的态度发生了诸多深刻变革。
Her challenge, as a presidential candidate, is to tell a personal story and embrace a political platform that are both true to her past and chime with the electoral mood of the present.
作为总统侯选人，她的挑战是讲好自己的故事，并玩转一个政治平台，两者都要忠实于她的过去，并和当前的选民心理合拍。
That, in turn, demands that she reminds some – particularly the young – of what she has done and been while hoping that others – particularly those who are older or on the left – forget much of what she has said and done.
这反过来要求她要让一些人知道，尤其是年轻人，她做过些什么，是什么样的人，同时寄望另一些人，尤其是有些年纪的人或左翼，忘记大多数她说过的话和做过的事。
A showcasing various clips of her throughout her career speaking about the rights of children – panning through the range of hairstyles and speaking styles of her adult life, from bookish to bullish – intends to leave the viewer with a sense of her longevity and consistency as a campaigner.
一个新的宣传片中截取了各种她职业生涯中谈及关于儿童权利的话，镜头摇过各种发型和演讲风格，有学究气的，也有气壮如牛的，这旨在让观看者感觉在一个竞选者的漫长历史中，她始终如一。
Truly, it sets forth the Seven Ages of Hillary, and ends with the line: “I’m Hillary Clinton and I have always approved this message.”
没错，《希拉里的七个时代》以此结尾：“我是希拉里·克林顿，我一直支持这一信念。”
“What I love most about America,” the late Susan Sontag once told me, is that, “you’re allowed to change your life, to reinvent yourself.” There have been several versions of Hillary Clinton. Her success will depend in no small part on which one people think they’re voting for.
“我最喜欢美国之处”，已故的苏珊·桑塔格曾告诉我，“你可以改变你的生活，重塑自己。”希拉里有许多版本，她的成功并不依赖于你为她投票的那一小部分原因。
It is easy to forget what a mould-breaking, badass figure Hillary cut when she first appeared on the national stage in 1992. Neither the media nor the political establishment knew quite what to do with her.
想必你已忘记1992年初登美国政坛时，希拉里打破常规的坏小子形象，媒体和政坛旧客都不只到怎么对付她。
“Meet the new political wife,” said Ted Koppel as he introduced her on Nightline in 1992. “She has a career, she has opinions. A partner in every way … Never in a presidential campaign has the candidate’s wife become such a strong symbol of the campaign’s strength and weakness.”
“认识一下新的政治夫人吧。”Ted Koppel在晚间报道中介绍她。“她有事业，有想法。在各个方面都是搭档……在总统竞选中，从没有一个竞选人的妻子成为选举的优点和缺陷如此强烈的象征。”
She courted controversy simply by existing, working and thinking. She was a late-20th-century woman, in a modern, troubled marriage, being publicly interviewed for an 18th-century job as first lady – a job only available through the achievements of her serially philandering husband.
她就是她，她工作，她思考，仅仅如此就足以引发争议。她是二十世纪末的女性，她的婚姻是现代式的，充满危机；可接受公开采访时，却被外界视作拥有了一份十八世纪的工作：第一夫人——这一工作要多亏她不断沾花惹草的丈夫。
The contradictions were manifest and multiple; the couple’s ambitions were insatiable and undeniable.
这些矛盾显而易见，危机重重，克林顿夫妇的野心难以抑制，无可争辩。
The appeal, for some, was enduring. “When Bill was running for president, I knew she was something special,” said 76-year-old Norma McCuen, who saw Hillary speak at a bowling alley in the small town of Adel, Iowa, (population 4,047) earlier this week.
对于某些人而言，这种吸引力历久弥新。“当比尔竞选总统时，我就看出她不同凡响。”76岁的Norma McCuen本周早些天在爱荷华州小镇Adel的保龄球馆里聆听了希拉里的演讲。
“I liked him, but I was hoping that one day she would run. She stands up for women. I know she had to work hard herself, and I think she wants women to have the same opportunities as men and to stand alongside them shoulder-to-shoulder.”
“我喜欢她，我希望有一天她也能参选。她为女人说话。我知道她必须努力工作，我想她想让女人也有和男人一样的机会，和他们并肩作战。”
The mould had been set by a patriarchal political culture in which women could rarely be viable candidates themselves and as candidates’ wives were supposed to be essentially decorative and supporting, not independent and engaging.
男性政治文化的常规中，女性鲜能成为有力的候选人，作为候选人的妻子，他们主要是点缀和支持，而非独立和参与。
“I had watched her when she was the first lady of Arkansas,” the late Maya Angelou told me, explaining why she backed Clinton over Obama in 2008.
已故的马娅·安杰卢解释自己在2008年何以支持希拉里时对我说，“她是阿肯色第一夫人时，我就在观察她。”
“I thought this white girl would come to Arkansas and play croquet on the lawn and throw tea parties. And she was just the opposite. She worked on public health and education … even prisons. When her husband ran for the presidency and she said she was not going to bake cookies, I thought, ‘I’m going to watch her for a while.’”
“我本以为这个白人女孩来到阿肯斯，就只会在草坪上打门球，开茶话会。结果正相反，她在公共卫生和教育领域工作，甚至还去监狱。她丈夫竞选总统时，她说我不准备烤饼干，我当时就想，我要观察她一段时间。”
Almost everybody had a view about her and few of those views were moderate. Feminist author Susan Faludi described her at the time as a symbol of “the joy of female independence”.
几乎所有人都对她有自己的看法，但鲜有温和持平之论。女性主义作家苏珊·法露迪把当时的她形容为“女性独立的快乐”的象征。
The American Spectator branded her the “Lady Macbeth of Arkansas”. Asked to pick out words that best described her years later, members of the public chose “intelligent” and “smart”. The third word, pollsters at the Pew Research Center said, is a pejorative term that “rhymes with rich”.
《美国观察家》杂志将她标榜为“阿肯色的麦克白夫人”。被要求选一些词汇形容此后的她，公众选择了“智慧”“伶俐”，皮尤研究中心的调查显示，第三个词是贬义的“与富共舞”。
注：莎士比亚悲剧《麦克白》中的麦克白夫人是帮麦克白登上皇位最早的煽动者，她野心勃勃，对权力有很强的渴望，其表现构成了她丈夫野心的背后驱动力，历来作为诱导教唆其丈夫走上不归路的恶妇最终不明不白的死去。
When Bill failed to be re-elected as Arkansas governor in 1980, Hillary was told that it was in part because she didn’t take his second name. Ever aware of the need to be strategic in pursuit of power, she changed it to Hillary Rodham Clinton. He won re-election in 1982.
1980年，当比尔连任阿肯色州长失利时，有人说原因部分在于希拉里沿用婚前名。一直都明白追逐权力要讲究战略的她改名为希拉里·罗德姆·克林顿。克林顿1982年再次当选。
As the presidential campaign continued in 1992 she actually entered a bake-off against other candidates’ wives in Family Circle with a recipe for chocolate chip. (She won.) By the time she stood for president in her own right for the first time 16 years later she went by Hillary Clinton and she baked cookies.
1992年的总统大选中，她参加了和其他竞选者夫人的烘焙大赛，她的巧克力棒胜出了。16年后，她自己第一次竞选总统时，她自称希拉里·克林顿，她也烤饼干。
Today, she’s just Hillary, no second name necessary. Earlier this week, before a hundred or so supporters in Adel she delivered her stump speech, focusing her fire on the Republicans.
如今，她就是希拉里，不需要其他称谓。本周早几天在Adel，她在丈夫和支持者面前发表了政治演说，集中火力对付共和党人。
“We live in reality, they live in ideology,” she says.
“我们生活在现实中，他们生活在观念里。”她说。
She’s a more fluent orator than her chief opponent, Bernie Sanders, and has a far less abrasive style.
她比最大的对手桑德斯更长于演讲，可谓炉火纯青。
But while Sanders unfurls a vision, on huge canvas in broad strokes, of the kind of society he would like to see – free healthcare, no state tuition, $15 minimum wage – Hillary paints by numbers.
可桑德斯大笔如椽，挥毫擘画他想看到的世界时——免费医疗，没有州内学费，15美元每时的最低工资——希拉里却用数字说话。
Better rates of interest for student loans; an infrastructure bank; building on Obamacare. All of it possible; none of it exciting.
给助学贷款提供更优惠的利率，一个基础设施银行，做强奥巴马健康体系：所有都可能办得到，却没一件激动人心。
“When are in power the economy improves,” she says citing her husband’s tenure. “We lifted people out of poverty,” and “We created jobs.”
“民主党在位时，经济改善，”她引用丈夫在位时的名言。“我们让人们摆脱贫困”，“我们创造就业”。
It is problematic to judge a woman by her husband’s deeds. In Hillary’s case it is also impossible not to because she weaves herself so seamlessly into Bill Clinton’s story.
以丈夫的功绩衡量一个女人是有问题的。可就希拉里而言，又不可能不如此，因为她将自己无缝地接入比尔·克林顿的故事中去。
Being first lady is part of her “experience”. “It was Hillarycare before it was Obamacare,” she reminds the crowd, referring to the time she was appointed by her husband to head up healthcare reform and failed.
第一夫人也是她资历的一部分。“希拉里医保在前，奥巴马医保在后。”她提醒众人说，说得是她丈夫委任她推动医保改革，但最终失败。
Before she ran in 2008, the New Yorker’s Judith Thurman wrote: “It’s not that Mrs Clinton hasn’t paid her dues. But rather that she hasn’t paid most of them from her own account. Her official credit history in national politics starts in 2000 [when she was elected to the Senate].”
2008年参选总统前，《纽约客》的朱迪斯·瑟曼写道：“并非克林顿夫人不尽职，而是她没法以自己的名义努力。她参与国家政治的官方历史始于2000年当选参议员开始。”
Bill is not simply her spouse but her most loyal and fiercest advocate and a former president. The chairman of her campaign, John Podesta, was his chief of staff.
比尔不仅是她的配偶，也是她最忠诚和坚定的支持者，还是前总统。她的竞选主席John Podesta是比尔的白宫幕僚长。
For two years she sat on the board of what is now the Bill, Hillary and Chelsea Clinton Foundation – the multimillion-dollar global philanthropic venture he set up.
她主掌比尔-希拉里-切尔西克林顿基金会两年，这是比尔创建的上千万美元的全球慈善基金。
But if she is to align herself with the economic successes of those years then she must also claim ownership of less attractive elements of its legacy.
可想沾克林顿在位期间经济成就的光，她也必须对这一遗产中不那么令人悦目的部分负责。
While her husband was president the rate of black incarceration grew exponentially, key elements of financial regulation were repealed, paving the way for the economic crash, welfare reform was passed, removing essential support from the most vulnerable (of whom women of colour were over-represented) and the Defence of Marriage Act was signed, defining marriage exclusively as the union of one man and one woman for the purposes of federal law.
克林顿执政期间，黑人入狱率大幅增长；重要的金融管制被废止，为经济危机铺平导率；通过的福利改革缺少对最弱势群体的核心支持，有色人种妇女代表又过多；签署了《捍卫婚姻法案》，在联邦法律层面排他性地主张婚姻由一男一女组成。
It is true that millions emerged from poverty and incomes grew: it is also true that economic inequality skyrocketed. Given the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement, Occupy Wall Street and marriage equality, these are all liabilities for those asking: “How did we get here and whom should we hire to get us out”?
数百万人摆脱贫困，工资增长，这倒没错。经济不平等大幅攀升，这也真切地发生了。考虑到“黑人的命也是命”运动、占领华尔街运动和婚姻平等的诉求，这会让他们有义务问：“我们何以如此，谁能帮我们摆脱？”
Finally there are the revived claims of her husband’s sexual harassment and infidelities and the accusation – unsubstantiated but no less accusatory – that she was complicit in either denigrating the victims or slut-shaming his mistresses.
最后，还有人抓着丈夫性骚扰、不忠和受到指控的事不放，尽管指控证据不足可还是引发诸多非难，在诋毁受害者或侮辱情妇方面，她被认为是共谋。
Those who lived through the drama of the Monica Lewinsky scandal – the witch-hunting by the special prosecutor, Kenneth Starr, the hounding of the intern Lewinsky, the barefaced lies of the president, the lurid details of the report – will in part draw their conclusions about her loyalty, credibility and humanity through the prism of that moment.
特别检察官Kenneth Starr捉巫、实习生莱温斯基被擒、总统公然撒谎、调查报告的色情描述……那些目睹莱温斯基丑闻的人都难免透过这一时刻，推定她的忠诚、可信度和人性。
In an episode of The Sopranos, Carmela Soprano and three friends are lamenting their men’s unfaithful ways over lunch .
在美剧《黑道家族》中，卡米拉·索普拉诺及其三个朋友在午饭时提到男人不忠，对话指向了希拉里。
“I can’t stand that woman,” says one.
“真受不了那个女人。”一个人说。
“I don’t know. Maybe we could all take a page from her book,” responds the second.
“不知道，可能我们都从她那儿学点什么。”第二个人回答。
“What, to be humiliated in public, and then walk around smiling all the time? That is so false,” argues Carmela.
“什么？公开被羞辱，还满面春风地出来？这简直离谱。”卡米拉争辩说。
“All I know is she stuck by him and put up with the shit and in the end, what did she do? She set up her own little thing,” says the second.
“我知道的是她被他害了，一团屎，最后怎么办？她做了点自己的事。”第二个人说。
“She took all that negative shit he gave her, and spun it into gold. You got to give her credit,” says another.
“她把屎都收了，还弄成了金子，我们真得佩服她。”
“She is a role model for all of us,” concludes Carmela.
“她是我们女人的榜样。”卡米拉总结。
Today her “own little thing” amounts to an impressive record in its own right. She was elected to the Senate from New York in 2000, ran for president in 2008 and was secretary of state for four years. For a significant portion of the electorate under the age of 35, this is the only Hillary they really know.
如今，她“自己的那点事儿”了不得了。她2000年当选参议员，2008年竞选总统，做了四年国务卿。35岁以下的大部分选民，他们熟悉的希拉里就是这些。
But thanks to strides in women’s representation her presence in those roles no longer feels groundbreaking in a way it would have done when she first appeared on the scene.
但由于女性代表权的进步，她出任这些角色已不如她首次登上舞台时让人感觉那么开天辟地。
The first female secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, was appointed by , and there has been another (Condoleezza Rice) since. There were four female senators when Bill was elected president; by the time Hillary went to the Senate there were three times as many.
比尔·克林顿任命了美国第一任国务卿奥尔布赖特，后来还有赖斯。比尔当选总统时，有过四位女参议院，希拉里进入参议院时，有12名。
And her experience cuts both ways. It’s true that she was in the situation room when Osama bin Laden was executed; it’s also true that she was one of the Democratic senators who voted for the Iraq war.
但她的经历是把双刃剑：抓捕本拉登时她坐在作战室里，这没错，可她也是投票支持伊拉克战争的民主党参议员。
The depiction of her as an establishment candidate is a paradox, she argues, given that Sanders was elected to Congress two years before she became first lady.
她说将她描述成老练的候选人是矛盾的，因为她成为第一夫人两年前，桑德斯就进入众议院。
But throughout that time Sanders has been railing against entrenched interests as an “idealist” while she has been horse-trading with them as a “pragmatist”.
可一直以来，桑德士都是反抗既得利益者的“理想主义者”，而她一直是与之讨价还价的“实用主义者”。
Those who have followed her for the past 25 years might see the Benghazi hearings and furore over her email account as more smears by the right.
二十五年一直跟随她的人可能认为班加西听证会和沸沸扬扬的邮件门事件不过是右翼对她的抹黑。
But as she pointed out to the young questioner at the town hall meeting, those not familiar with her past may well see her as damaged goods – a scandal magnet to which something will inevitably stick.
可正如她向市政会议上年轻的质疑者指出的一样，那些不熟悉她过去的人有理由将她视作负面的，总是丑闻缠身。
“I don’t like Hillary,” said Karen Sanchez, a 19-year-old Sanders supporter from Marshalltown, Iowa, who attended a Trump rally for the pure spectacle of it.
19岁的桑德斯支持者凯伦.桑切斯来自爱荷华州的Marshalltown，她参加了特朗普的集会只为一睹盛况。她说：“我不喜欢希拉里。”
She has no memory of Clinton facing down patronising media questions with chutzpah – “You know, I’m not sitting here like some little woman standing by my man, like Tammy Wynette. I’m sitting here because I love him, and I respect him, and I honour what he’s been through and what we’ve been through together. And you know, if that’s not enough for people, then heck, don’t vote for him.”
她不记得希拉里肆无忌惮地压服媒体居高临下的问题，“你要明白，我不是那些坐在男人旁边的小女人，就像塔米.怀尼特。我坐在这，因为我爱他，我尊敬他，我尊敬他所作的和我们一起做的事，你要明白，如果这对人民而言是不够的，好吧，那别投他的票。”
Karen, a first-time voter, barely even remembers her stint as secretary of state. But she knows Clinton is being investigated and believes she promises little in the way of change.
凯伦第一次投票，她甚至记不得希拉里当过国务卿。可她知道希拉里被调查，认为她没有承诺什么变革。
“I think she should be in prison for all the embezzlement that she did and the emails that she sent. Setting that aside I just don’t think she would do much. I would love to see a woman president. But not her.”
“我认为她应该因贪污和那些邮件而入狱。除了这些，她干不了什么事，我希望有一位女总统，可偏偏不是她。”