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南华早报 | 王义桅发表“中俄关于国际规则的十大差异”评论

王义桅 王义桅 2024-03-21
The second Multipolarity Forum was held in Moscow last month, attended by representatives from 130 countries. During a dinner at the forum, a top Russian official asked the Chinese representative why it was that China was able to rise within the Western rules, but Russia could only achieve its goals by overturning those rules. This question highlights Russia’s grievances about why it cannot integrate into Europe even though its leaders see themselves as part of Europe.

How did China do it? By manipulating the rules? Of course not. Beijing has been playing by the rules. Since joining the World Trade Organization, China has developed quickly.
However, it has advanced not just because it has benefited from the rules of globalisation and other international norms. The Chinese people’s diligence and wisdom, the nation’s vast size, and the advantages of its system of socialism with Chinese characteristics have all played a role.
It is necessary to compare the Western concept of a “rules-based international order” with the outlook of emerging nations. During a panel discussion at the 60th Munich Security Conference in February, for example, Indian foreign minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar was asked about his country buying oil from Russia and then exporting it to Europe in spite of Western sanctions on Moscow.
“Is that a problem?” he replied. “Why should that be a problem? If I am smart enough to have multiple options, you should be admiring me.” Jaishankar’s retort elicited a smile from US Secretary of State Antony Blinken who was also part of the panel.
This provides some insight into how differently Brics countries and the West view the rules. However, there are also differences among the Brics nations of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Exploring those differences is important to understand the rules-based international order, the China-Russia comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination, and how cooperation happens within multilateral groups like Brics and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
An attendant fills a vehicle with petrol at a fuel station in Mumbai, India, on June 11, 2022. The Indian economy has become a major source of oil revenue for Russia amid US sanctions. Photo: AP
Specifically, there are major differences between China and Russia with regard to their views of international rules.
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First, China seeks harmony and common good, while Russia pursues differences, a view rooted in Eurasianism. Russia has tried to integrate into Europe but has failed to be accepted. As a representative of Eastern civilisation, China is obviously different from Europe. China’s history is replete with exchanges of knowledge between civilisations, which point to how it has focused on pursuing harmony.
Second, China is a “tai chi” culture, where the emphasis is on pushing an opponent without using force. Russia, however, is a “bear” culture. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 2024 re-election campaign adverts, for example, feature footage of bears overlaid with Putin’s speeches about “not giving up the taiga”, an indication that Russia will safeguard its home and not back down when fighting enemies.
A woman whose husband was drafted to join the Russian military in Ukraine visits Russian President Vladimir Putin’s election headquarters in Moscow on January 20, along with other soldiers’ wives, to demand the return of their loved ones from the front line. Photo: Reuters
Third, China leverages the rules of the world order and strives to internalise them through its actions and ideas. Russia, by contrast, is a product of externalisation, having expanded to what it is today with significant influence from the Mongol Empire.
Fourth, China and Russia differ not only on international law and norms but also behave differently on the world stage and therefore get different results. China stresses inclusiveness whereas Russia’s relationship with the West has always been more confrontational.
Fifth, since ancient times, China has emphasised the importance of mutual relationships and the whole world. Russia, on the other hand, is more focused inwards.
Sixth, China has a comparatively restrained national character passed on from its early days as an agricultural civilisation with a sedentary lifestyle. Russians have inherited the tendency to move to seek expansion from their nomadic ancestors.
Seventh, the two countries diverge on their attitudes. When it comes to engaging with other countries, Chinese culture stresses the importance of upholding justice in the face of wrongdoing. Meanwhile, Russia’s approach is often about beating others at their own game.
Eighth, China observes the international rules itself rather than just asking others to follow them. In China, there is a common saying that nothing can be accomplished without norms or standards. Russia asks others to follow the international rules and considers itself exempt from such rules.
An infantry combat vehicle leaves a Polish Navy warship during military drills conducted with Nato soldiers on April 17, 2023. Photo: Reuters
Ninth, China takes a forward-looking view and detests imperialist thinking. Russia tends to look backwards, focusing on reclaiming its lost territory and retaining its imperialist mindset. For example, Russia feels guilty about the fall of the Berlin Wall.
When Germany was reunited, the West did everything it could to give Moscow the impression that Nato would not expand to include countries east of Germany. Yet, Russians believe the West tricked the Soviet Union and broke its promises by adding more members.
Finally, China seeks to improve the international order while Russia wishes to challenge the West and the unipolar world. One religious leader who attended the Multipolarity Forum told me that Russia’s top bishop, the Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, has had a huge influence on Putin’s plans to reshape the world order. Under these plans, Russia would first join hands with China to destroy Nato. Then, Russia would revive the Eastern Orthodox Church and, together with the Islamic world, become the great liberator.
Highlighting these differences is not intended to portray China-Russia relations in a negative light. Rather, they should be borne in mind when examining the bilateral relationship and the two countries’ positions within the global system.
英文原文链接:
https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/asia/article/3254514/10-reasons-china-and-russia-differ-their-approach-international-rules
中文原文:
从多极化论坛看中俄关于国际规则的十大差异
王义桅
在刚落幕的第二届多极化论坛欢迎晚宴上,俄罗斯外长罗夫罗夫问中方代表:“为什么中国能够通过西方规则而崛起,而俄罗斯只有通过推翻西方规则才能实现自己的愿望?”这个问题,充分展示俄罗斯式憋屈:
灯火璀璨繁花景,
宏伟建筑罗马风。
洋葱头下我正统,
问我哪点不欧洲?
玩规则?当然不是。中国是按照规则办事。中国加入WTO实现快速发展,不只是全球化规则成就,是因为中国人的勤劳智慧,中国的体量足够大,还有制度优势。
实际上,比较新兴国家国际秩序观与西方所谓的基于规则的国际秩序,很有意义。关于规则,第60届慕尼黑安全会议上,印度外长苏杰生直接就被CNN的主持人调侃:“印度怎么四面八龙,又买俄罗斯的石油,又倒卖到欧洲,好处沾尽?〞他直接就说,“那证明我很智慧”!旁边的美国国务卿布林肯只能憨憨的笑。
这说明,金砖国家对待规则的态度跟西方是不一样的,内部也各有千秋。从中窥测政治文化理念的不同,对于我们正确理解有规则的国际秩序,理解中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系、把握上合与金砖合作是非常有意义的。
概括说,中俄国际规则观有十大差别:
第一,求同还是求异?
中国尚求同,且求大同;俄罗斯比较求异,这是它的双头鹰欧亚主义决定的。俄一直想融入欧洲却始终不能被欧洲接纳。中国显然跟欧洲不同。我们是东方文明的代表。所以近代有东学西渐,西学东渐。但是我们追求大同。
第二,借力还是打力?
中国是太极文化,借力;俄罗斯是熊文化,讲打。普京这次竞选广告就是熊要保护好自己的家园,不要被人家拔掉了牙。暗含:俄罗斯的天下是打出来的!
第三,内化还是外化?
中方强调“吃猪肉,长人肉”,用好规则并内化为自己的行为理念;而俄罗斯比较多的强调是外化。这跟他的民族文化构成与历史有关:蒙古扩张成就今日俄罗斯,战胜金帐汗国的喀山之战,又奠定了东正教文化,这是莫斯科红场圣瓦西里升天教堂前雕塑的主题,所以它是一个外化的产物。
第四,包容还是抗争?
中俄国际观不仅理念起点,过程到结果上,都有区别:中国强调包容,而俄罗斯一直到今天还在抗争,与西方对抗。
第五,以大家为中心,还是以我为中心?
中国自古以天下为中心,秉持关系主义思维,强调相互性,以天下为己任;俄罗斯地大物博,以自我为中心。
第六,内敛还是扩张?
在民族性格上,中国人是比较内敛的,呈现农耕文明的保守性;俄罗斯是游牧民族基因,具有扩张基因。
第七,否定自己还是否定别人?
中国倡导自我革命,反求诸己,以德报怨,一日三省吾身;而俄罗斯的革命是常态,对外常常以其人之道还治其人之身。所以,自我革命和革他人的命,成为中俄秩序观一个重要区别。
第八,规范自我还是规范别人?
中国强调规则,既规范自己,而且首先是规范自己,然后也规范别人。笃信“不依规矩,难得方圆”;俄罗斯认为规则首先是规范别人,自己尽量不受规则约束。
第九,往前看还是往后看?
中国强调长远往前看,对帝国思维深恶痛绝;俄罗斯常常往后看,总琢磨着收拾失去的领土,难弃帝国思维。拉夫罗夫直接对中方代表讲对不起东德,当时以为东西德统一,实际上就是西德兼并东德,上了北约东扩当。
第十,改良还是革命?
中国强调改良国际秩序,俄罗斯强调革西方的命,革单极世界的命。据参会的多米尼克大阿訇告诉笔者,普京大牧首对普京外交思想影响深远:第一步联合中国干掉北约,第二步复兴东正教并联手伊斯兰世界,实现弥赛亚。
当然,讲中俄不同并没有唱衰中俄关系,只是想表达上不封顶同时要心中有数。
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