国际顶刊 | 《欧洲政治研究杂志》2023年第62卷第3期

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期 刊 介 绍

European Journal of Political Research（EJPR，《欧洲政治研究杂志》）出版对欧洲比较政治研究的原创性和实质性研究。该刊专注于阐述具有广泛理论意义的概念和比较观点的文章，对各种子领域和主题的不同学术文献发表意见。该刊欢迎运用定量和定性方法的实证研究，以及来自其他子学科（包括国际关系和政治理论）和地理区域（包括北美和南美）与政治比较研究相关的文章。该刊强烈鼓励作者深入探索经验研究中所蕴含的更广泛理论意义，以吸引尽可能多的读者。该刊在《科睿唯安 2022 年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2022）中 JIF=5.3，在 187 种政治科学类（Political Science-SSCI）期刊中排名第 9（Q1）。

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期刊目录

1.Threat or corrective to democracy? The relationship between populism and different models of democracy

对民主的威胁还是纠正？民粹主义和不同民主模式之间的关系

2.Political tolerance in Europe: The role of conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism

欧洲的政治宽容：阴谋思想和世界主义的作用

3.It depends on personal networks: Feelings of stigmatisation among populist radical right party members

这取决于个人网络：民粹主义激进右翼党员的耻辱感

4.Subnational economic conditions and the changing geography of mass Euroscepticism: A longitudinal analysis

国家以下各级经济状况和大规模欧洲怀疑主义不断变化的地理：纵向分析

5.The transnational influence of natural disasters on environmental attitudes

自然灾害对环境态度的跨国影响

6.Uncooperative society, uncooperative politics or both? Trust, polarization, populism and COVID-19 deaths across European regions

不合作的社会，不合作的政治还是两者兼而有之？欧洲各地区的信任、两极分化、民粹主义和新冠肺炎死亡

7.Do populist parties in government produce unconstitutional policies? Evidence from Austria, 1980–2021

政策政府中的民粹主义政党是否制定了违宪的政策？来自奥地利的证据，1980-2021年

8.Daring to fail: Input-oriented voting under supranational policy constraints

敢于失败：在超国家政策约束下以投入为导向的投票

9.How rational are voters when expecting government parties to fulfil pledges? A cross-national survey experiment

当期望政府政党履行承诺时，选民的理性程度如何？一项跨国调查实验

10.Public support for deliberative citizens' assemblies selected through sortition: Evidence from 15 countries

公众支持通过排序选出的审议公民大会：来自15个国家的证据

11.Parties’ attack behaviour in parliaments: Who attacks whom and when

政党在议会中的攻击行为：谁攻击谁以及何时攻击谁

12.Investing in the knowledge economy: The comparative political economy of public investments in knowledge-based capital

投资知识经济：知识资本公共投资的比较政治经济学

13.How one gesture curbed ethnic discrimination

一个手势如何遏制种族歧视

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摘要译文

01 对民主的威胁还是纠正？民粹主义和不同民主模式之间的关系

【题目】

Threat or corrective to democracy? The relationship between populism and different models of democracy

【作者】

SASKIA PAULINE RUTH-LOVELL, SANDRA GRAHN

【摘要】

近年来，民粹主义现象及其与现代民主的关系引起了相当大的关注。本文旨在提高我们对民粹主义如何影响不同民主模式的理解，并实证地测试所提出的论点。在关于民粹主义和民主的大量学术文献的基础上，我们评估了现有的论点，并理论化了哪些民主模式可能会以积极或消极的方式受到民粹主义的影响。此外，我们超越了规范性辩论，从经验上分析了民粹主义对不同民主模式的影响。我们通过将1995年至今天欧洲和拉丁美洲民粹主义政府的数据与民主多样性数据集合并来做到这一点，这使我们能够捕捉这些地区民粹主义和不同民主模式之间的关系。尽管理论期望不一，但我们的结果表明，民粹主义对选举、自由和审议民主的模式产生了相当消极的影响。

The phenomenon of populism and its relationship with modern democracy has gained considerable attention in recent years. This article aims at advancing our understanding of how populism affects different models of democracy and tests the proposed arguments empirically. Building on a large scholarly literature on populism and democracy, we take stock of existing arguments and theorize which democratic models may be affected by populism in a positive or negative way. Moreover, we move beyond the normative debate and analyse the effect of populism in power on different models of democracy empirically. We do so by merging data on populist governments in Europe and Latin America from 1995 until today with the Varieties of Democracy dataset, which enables us to capture the relationship between populism and different democratic models in these regions. Despite mixed-theoretical expectations, our results suggest a rather negative impact of populism on the electoral, liberal and deliberative models of democracy.

02 欧洲的政治宽容：阴谋思想和世界主义的作用

【题目】

Political tolerance in Europe: The role of conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism

【作者】

ORIAN STOECKEL, BESIR CEKA

【摘要】

长期以来，宽容一直被认为是自由民主国家的一个关键特征。虽然容忍的局限性存在争议，但公民在多大程度上开放并愿意容纳与他们不同的人，通常被视为健康和运作良好的自由民主的标志。本文的目标是实证地调查当今欧洲的政治宽容状况。我们问的主要问题是：是什么解释了不同国家不同程度的个人的容忍度？社会上哪些群体最有可能成为不容忍的目标？我们把政治宽容理解为允许在反对的团体的政治制度中自由表达利益和想法的意愿。之前的研究强调教育、公民行动主义和威胁感知是宽容的重要决定因素。我们将辩论转向一系列新的宽容相关。我们认为，阴谋论和世界主义是解释欧洲人容忍程度的关键因素。该分析采用了作为2017年在10个欧盟成员国进行的大规模调查的一部分收集的原始调查数据：捷克共和国、法国、德国、希腊、意大利、荷兰、波兰、葡萄牙、西班牙和英国。我们的描述性分析表明，极右翼团体（即法西斯和新纳粹）和穆斯林是欧洲最不喜欢的团体。当谈到对这些群体的容忍程度时，我们发现每个国家一半以上的受访者愿意否认他们最不喜欢的群体议会代表权。此外，我们发现，即使在控制了宽容的传统决定因素后，阴谋论和世界主义也成为政治宽容的最重要预测因素。我们的分析表明，最近与新冠肺炎疫情相关的各种阴谋论的迅速传播也可能对宽容产生深远的影响。

Tolerance has long been identified as a crucial feature of liberal democracies. Although the limits of tolerance are debated, the extent to which citizens are open and willing to accommodate others who are different from them is often regarded as a sign of a healthy and well-functioning liberal democracy. The goal of this paper is to empirically investigate the state of political tolerance in Europe today. The main questions we ask are: What explains the different levels of tolerance across individuals in various countries? Which groups in society are the most likely targets of intolerance? We understand political tolerance as the willingness to allow the free articulation of interests and ideas in the political system of groups one opposes. Previous research emphasizes education, civic activism and threat perceptions as important determinants of tolerance. We redirect the debate to a set of novel correlates of tolerance. We argue that conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism are critical factors that explain levels of tolerance among Europeans. The analysis employs original survey data collected as part of a mass survey conducted in 2017 in 10 European Union member states: Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom. Our descriptive analysis shows that far-right groups (i.e., fascists and neo-Nazis) and Muslims are the most disliked groups in Europe. When it comes to the level of tolerance towards these groups, we find that more than half of the respondents in each country are willing to deny their most disliked group parliamentary representation. Moreover, we find that even after controlling for traditional determinants of tolerance, conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism emerge as the most important predictors of political tolerance. Our analysis suggests that the recent rapid spread of various conspiracy theories related to the COVID-19 pandemic is likely to have far-reaching implications for tolerance as well.

03 这取决于个人网络：民粹主义激进右翼党员的耻辱感

【题目】

It depends on personal networks: Feelings of stigmatisation among populist radical right party members

【作者】

SOFIA AMMASSARI

【摘要】

污名化被认为是影响民粹主义激进右翼（PRR）政党命运的主要因素。虽然学者们通过将政党作为分析单位来研究它，但这项研究通过询问哪些PRR党员更有可能感到被污名化来关注个人层面？在根据PRR基层成员所嵌入的个人网络对污名化的感觉进行新的理论解释后，它使用对瑞典民主党（SD）约7000名成员的原始会员调查和对其中30名成员的采访来调查污名。调查结果显示，PRR基层成员获得的教育资格越高，他们就越有可能感到被污名化。此外，那些在SD从未有过任何亲戚和/或朋友的人，以及那些受雇于公共部门的人，更有可能考虑诋毁会员。采访数据揭示了调查结果，说明了公职人员和大学生如何发现很难公开他们的会员资格，因为他们周围都是左翼观点的人。相比之下，有亲戚和/或朋友是党员，减少了加入PRR政党、积极参与党并在公共场合谈论政治的耻辱感。除了反击PRR政党中一些关于污名化的普遍智慧外，这些发现有助于我们对PRR基层成员的理解，而PRR基层成员长期以来一直是文献中被忽视的话题。

Stigmatisation has been recognised as a major factor influencing the fortunes of populist radical right (PRR) parties. While scholars have examined it by taking parties as units of analysis, this study focuses on the individual level by asking Which PRR party members are more likely to feel stigmatised? After offering a novel theoretical explanation for feelings of stigmatisation based on the personal networks in which PRR grassroots members are embedded, it then investigates stigma using an original membership survey of about 7,000 members of the Sweden Democrats (SD) and interviews with 30 of them. The survey results show that the higher the educational qualification PRR grassroots members have achieved, the more likely they will feel stigmatised. In addition, those who have never had any relatives and/or friends in the SD, and those who are employed in the public sector, are more likely to consider membership discrediting. The interview data shed light on the survey results, by illustrating how public employees and university students find it hard to be open about their membership as they are surrounded by people with left-wing views. By contrast, having relatives and/or friends who are members of the party reduces the stigma of joining PRR parties, becoming active in them, and talking about politics in public. Along with countering some of the prevailing wisdom about stigmatisation in PRR parties, the findings contribute to our understanding of PRR grassroots membership, which has long been an overlooked topic in the literature.

04  国家以下各级经济状况和大规模欧洲怀疑主义不断变化的地理：纵向分析

【题目】

Subnational economic conditions and the changing geography of mass Euroscepticism: A longitudinal analysis

【作者】

QUINTON MAYNE, ALEXIA KATSANIDOU

【摘要】

现有研究主要从国家和个人层面分析大众对欧盟（EU）的态度。本文通过关注欧盟支持与国家以下经济状况之间的关系，使用涵盖197个欧洲地区40年和110万受访者的统一调查数据，为这些文献进行了补充。我们首先从追赶、富裕、衰落和玻璃天花板地区的角度来描述欧洲不断变化的次国家状况。然后，该论文制定并测试了一套关于欧盟态度与地区长期和短期经济状况之间时间动态关系的假设。我们的分析揭示了这种关系中重要的纵向变化，公众舆论的地理差异水平较低，这让位于近年来清晰的空间差异。我们的发现与以下观点一致，即大衰退和英国脱欧在欧洲衰落地区产生了新的欧洲怀疑主义，以及欧盟在其富裕和追赶地区的支持。

Existing research mainly analyzes mass attitudes towards the European Union (EU) from the national and individual-level perspective. This paper adds to this literature by focusing on the relationship between EU support and subnational economic conditions, using harmonized survey data covering 40 years and 1.1 million respondents in 197 European regions. We first describe Europe's changing subnational conditions in terms of catch-up, wealthy, declining and glass-ceiling regions. The paper then develops and tests a set of hypotheses regarding the temporally dynamic relationship between EU attitudes and regions’ long- and short-term economic conditions. Our analyses reveal important longitudinal variations in this relationship with low levels of geographic differentiation in public opinion giving way to clear spatial differences in recent years. Our findings are consistent with the idea that the Great Recession and Brexit have generated a new geography of both Euroscepticism in Europe's declining regions and EU support in its wealthy and catch-up regions.

05  自然灾害对环境态度的跨国影响

【题目】

The transnational influence of natural disasters on environmental attitudes

【作者】

DAFNI KALATZI PANTERA, TOBIAS BÖHMELT, ZORZETA BAKAKI

【摘要】

自然灾害会影响个人对环境的看法，特别是当这些事件是极端的，并由人们直接（当地）经历时。在第一批全面和系统的尝试中，我们探讨了类似的关系是否在跨国存在——一种源于国外环境灾难对“国内”公众舆论的跨境影响。空间分析提供了强有力的证据，证明人们对环境的突出态度在很大程度上是由附近国家与灾害相关的死亡所驱动的。因此，环境灾难不能被视为国家境内的孤立事件，而是对公众舆论和潜在的政策产生深远的跨国影响。因此，这项研究增加了我们对环境政治、公众舆论、自然灾害和扩散效应的理解。

Natural disasters can affect individuals’ views about the environment, especially when these events are extreme and experienced by people directly (locally). In one of the first comprehensive and systematic attempts, we explore whether a similar relationship exists transnationally – a cross-border effect stemming from environmental disasters abroad on public opinion ‘at home’. Spatial analyses present robust evidence that people's environmental salience attitudes are substantially driven by disaster-related deaths in nearby countries. It follows that environmental disasters cannot be treated as isolated incidents within state borders, but they rather have far-reaching, transnational consequences on public opinion and, potentially, policy. Accordingly, this research adds to our understanding of environmental politics, public opinion, natural disasters and diffusion effects.

06 不合作的社会，不合作的政治还是两者兼而有之？欧洲各地区的信任、两极分化、民粹主义和新冠肺炎死亡

【题目】

Uncooperative society, uncooperative politics or both? Trust, polarization, populism and COVID-19 deaths across European regions

【作者】

NICHOLAS CHARRON, VICTOR LAPUENTE, ANDRÉS RODRÍGUEZ-POSE

【摘要】

为什么一些地区在抗击新冠肺炎方面的表现优于其他地区？本文使用关于165个欧洲地区超额死亡率、信任和政治两极分化的新数据集，探讨了社会和政治分歧在第一波新冠肺炎疫情期间超额死亡率显著的区域差异中的作用。首先，我们调查以社会和政治信任度低为特征的地区是否出现了更高的超额死亡率。其次，我们认为，理解为什么一些地区的人们采取更健康的行为很重要，这不仅是水平，也是公民之间信任的两极分化，特别是政府支持者和非支持者之间的信任。第三，我们探索地区议会的党派构成以及政治分裂之间的关系——或者我们所说的“不合作政治”。我们假设，意识形态定位——特别是那些倾向于更民粹主义的定位——以及政党之间的意识形态两极分化也与更高的死亡率有关。考虑到许多潜在的混杂因素，我们发现强有力的支持，即社会和政治信任水平较低的地区与较高的超额死亡率有关，以及一些模式中机构信任中的公民两极分化。关于地区议会的意识形态构成，我们发现，ceteris paribus，那些在“GAL-TAN”光谱上更“tan”的人，产生了更高的超额死亡率。此外，尽管我们发现精英两极分化导致左翼-右翼或GAL-TAN频谱的过度死亡的证据有限，但对欧盟态度的党派分歧表明死亡人数要高得多，我们认为这是（反）民粹主义的代理人。总体而言，我们发现，在第一波疫情期间，地区议会的低公民级信任和民粹主义精英级意识形态特征都与欧洲地区更高的超额死亡率有关

Meta-analysis is a method that combines estimates from studies conducted on different samples, in different contexts, or at different times. Social scientists increasingly use meta-analyses to aggregate evidence and learn about general substantive phenomena. We develop a framework to examine the theoretical foundations of meta-analysis, with emphasis on clarifying the role of external validity.We identify the conditions under which multiple studies are target-equivalent,meaning they identify the same empirical target. Our main result shows that external validity and harmonization, in comparisons made and how outcomes are measured, are necessary and sufficient for target-equivalence. We examine common formulations of meta-analysis——fixed- and random-effects models——developing the theoretical assumptions that underpin them and providing design-based identification results for these models. We then provide practical guidance based on our framework and results. Our results reveal limits to agnostic approaches to the combination of causal evidence from multiple studies.

07 政府中的民粹主义政党是否制定了违宪的政策？来自奥地利的证据，1980-2021年

【题目】

Do populist parties in government produce unconstitutional policies? Evidence from Austria, 1980–2021 

【作者】

JASMIN SARAH KÖNIG, TILKO SWALVE

【摘要】

在越来越多的国家，民粹主义政党参加了联合政府。虽然存在一种共识，即民粹主义在概念层面上与自由民主的核心原则不相容，但我们对民粹主义政党参与政府在实践中是否构成对自由民主的威胁知之少得多。我们使用1980年至2021年期间奥地利宪法法院正在审查的2000多项法律的新数据集来研究民粹主义政党在联合政府中的影响。我们提供的证据表明，法院没有发现包括民粹主义政党在内的政府通过的法律比非民粹主义政府通过的法律更不宪。我们的调查结果显示，奥地利自由党在执政期间确实缓和了其政策。结果表明，有必要将政党宣言和政党言论中的政策立场与政府实际实施的政策区分开来。

In a rising number of countries, populist parties participate in coalition governments. While there exists a consensus that populism is incompatible with core tenets of liberal democracy on a conceptual level, we know much less about whether or not the participation of populist parties in government constitutes a threat to liberal democracy in practice. We study the impact of populist parties in coalition governments using a novel dataset of more than 2000 laws that were under review at the Austrian Constitutional Court between 1980 and 2021. We provide evidence that the court did not find laws passed by governments that included a populist party unconstitutional more often than those passed by non-populist governments. Our findings indicate that the Austrian Freedom Party did moderate its policy while in office. The results imply that it is necessary to distinguish policy positions in party manifestos and party rhetoric from policies actually implemented by governments.

08 敢于失败：在超国家政策约束下以投入为导向的投票

【题目】

Daring to fail: Input-oriented voting under supranational policy constraints

【作者】

NIKITAS KONSTANTINIDIS, IGNACIO JURADO, ELIAS DINAS

【摘要】

最近的文献认为，随着超国家制约的不断增加，政府的“回旋余地”越来越小；因此，选民在投票决定中对政策结果的重视会减少。仍然较少探讨的问题是选民如何填补这一问责差距。我们认为，在这种情况下，选民可能会从结果投票转向以投入为导向的投票。只要他们努力推翻不受欢迎的政策框架，履行承诺对现任者来说就变得不那么重要了。我们针对在2015年9月希腊选举前进行的一项调查实验来测试了这一论点，在该实验中，我们发现现任者努力挑战紧缩现状对当时高级联合政府合作伙伴SYRIZA的投票意图产生了积极影响，尽管政府的救助谈判结果失败了。

The world is in crisis. The Covid pandemic and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war signify a potential order transition in the international system. The Indo Pacific is at the center of gravity of great power competition between the US and China. How have policy elites in the region perceived the potential order transition against the background of US-China strategic competition? How have states, including both great and secondary powers, chosen different strategies to cope with security and economic turbulence in the Indo Pacific? This special issue intends to shed some light on these questions by critically examining the diverse perceptions and policy choices of the United States, China, South Korea, India, Japan, Indonesia, and the UK during the period of potential order transition in the Indo Pacific. It provides an academic platform for scholars to engage in this ‘order transition’ topic from different theoretical perspectives as well as from respective national angles in the Indo Pacific. It suggests that the complexity of the international order itself has made the ‘order transition’ more complicated and difficult than before. It is the best of times, it is the worst of times, and it is the most challenging time for state leaders and scholars alike.

09 当期望政府政党履行承诺时，选民的理性程度如何？一项跨国调查实验

【题目】

How rational are voters when expecting government parties to fulfil pledges? A cross-national survey experiment

【作者】

REINHARD HEINISCH, ANNIKA WERNER

【摘要】

政党在进入政府后履行选举前的承诺是许多民主模式的基本思想。本文讨论了他们政党的政府/反对派地位是否影响公民希望政府履行承诺的程度的问题。我们假设，利益驱动的、理性的选民更有可能希望自己的政党信守承诺，并调查这一理由是否受到公众舆论和专家观点的影响。该分析基于在澳大利亚和奥地利进行的调查实验。它发现，选民普遍坚持期望履行承诺的民主原则，但与此同时，一些选民对政府承诺采取了理性的方法。公众和专家的意见减轻但不会改变这种影响。另一个关键发现是，在奥地利的案例中，政府和反对派选民对履行承诺与违背承诺的偏好存在显著差异，奥地利是政治制度更加异质和两极分化的国家。本文通过表明选民受到规范驱动，但大量选民偏离并遵循理性的选民逻辑，为关于民主和履行承诺的态度的文献做出了贡献。

That parties fulfil their pre-election pledges once they are in government is a fundamental idea of many democracy models. This paper addresses the question of whether the government/opposition status of their party affects how much citizens want governments to fulfil their promises. We hypothesize that interest-driven, rational voters are more likely to prefer their own party to keep its promises and investigate whether this rationale is impacted by public opinion and expert views. The analysis is based on a survey experiment conducted in Australia and Austria. It finds that voters broadly adhere to the democratic principle of expecting pledge fulfilment but, at the same time, some take a rational approach to government promises. The opinions of the public and experts mitigate but do not change this effect. Another key finding is the significant difference in the preference for promise keeping versus promise breaking between government and opposition voters in the Austrian case, the country with the more heterogeneous and polarized political system. This paper contributes to the literature on voters’ attitudes on democracy and pledge fulfilment by showing that voters are normatively driven but a significant number of voters deviate and instead follow the rational voter logic.

10 公众支持通过排序选出的审议公民大会：来自15个国家的证据

【题目】

Public support for deliberative citizens' assemblies selected through sortition: Evidence from 15 countries

【作者】

JEAN-BENOIT PILET, DAMIEN BOL, DAVIDE VITTORI, EMILIEN PAULIS

【摘要】

随着代议制民主日益受到批评，一个新的机构在学者和从业者中越来越受欢迎：审议公民大会。为了评估这些集会是否能够兑现他们重新吸引对代议制政治不满的人的承诺，我们探讨了谁支持他们以及为什么。我们以对15个西欧国家的代表性样本进行的独特调查为基础，首先发现，最支持的是那些受教育程度低、政治能力意识低、反精英情绪的人。因此，支持确实来自不满意的人。其次，我们发现这种支持是为了部分“结果特遣队”，从这个意义上说，它随着受访者对审议公民大会的政策结果的期望而变化。第二个发现细微差别地表明，虽然审议性公民大会传达了一些希望，让脱离接触的公民重新参与，但这取决于对有利结果的期望。

As representative democracy is increasingly criticized, a new institution is becoming popular among academics and practitioners: deliberative citizens’ assemblies. To evaluate whether these assemblies can deliver their promise of re-engaging the dissatisfied with representative politics, we explore who supports them and why. We build on a unique survey conducted with representative samples of 15 Western European countries and find, first, that the most supportive are those who are less educated and have a low sense of political competence and an anti-elite sentiment. Thus, support does come from the dissatisfied. Second, we find that this support is for a part ‘outcome contingent’, in the sense that it changes with respondents’ expectations regarding the policy outcome from deliberative citizens’ assemblies. This second finding nuances the first one and suggests that while deliberative citizens’ assemblies convey some hope to re-engage disengaged citizens, this is conditioned on the expectation of a favourable outcome.

11 政党在议会中的攻击行为：谁攻击谁以及何时攻击谁

【题目】

Parties’ attack behaviour in parliaments: Who attacks whom and when

【作者】

ŽELJKO POLJAK

【摘要】

各种研究都旨在调查参与袭击的政党的行为。然而，这个话题主要在竞选场所进行研究，而只关注攻击者（正在攻击的政党）。这项研究通过（i）研究议会场所的攻击行为，以及（ii）分析攻击者和目标之间的互动，为现有文献做出了贡献。为此，本文使用了比利时、克罗地亚和英国议会（2010年至2020年）提问时间会议期间袭击的纵向数据。更具体地说，我调查了使各方参与相互攻击的条件。这些条件可以按三个维度来描述：时间（接近选举）、地位（政府与反对派）和意识形态（近与远）。结果证实了总体论点，即：（i）在接近选举日时，议会中的攻击发生更多；（ii）反对党更有可能攻击政府，而不是反之亦然；（iii）执政党平等地攻击反对派和他们自己；最后，（iv）政党之间的意识形态距离越远，攻击的可能性就越大（与激进政党相比，主流政党平等地参与攻击行为）。因此，这些发现有助于我们理解日常政治中政党之间的攻击策略。

Various research have been directed towards investigating the behaviour of political parties engaging in attacks. However, this topic has predominantly been studied in campaigning venues while focusing only on the attacker (parties that are attacking). This study contributes to the existing literature by (i) studying attack behaviour in the parliamentary venue, and (ii) analysing the interactions between both the attacker and the target. To this end, this paper uses longitudinal data on attacks during question time sessions in the parliaments (2010 to 2020) of Belgium, Croatia and the United Kingdom. More specifically, I investigate the conditions that make parties engage in mutual attacks. These conditions can be characterised along three dimensions: time (proximity to elections), status (government vs. opposition), and ideology (close vs. distant). The results confirm the overarching argument that: (i) more attacks in parliaments happen closer to election day; (ii) opposing parties are more likely to attack the government rather than vice-versa; (iii) governing parties equally attack the opposition and themselves; and finally, (iv) the larger the ideological distance between parties, the more likely attacks happen (with mainstream parties engaging equally in attack behaviour compared to radical parties). As such, these findings contribute to our understanding of attack strategies between parties in regular day-to-day politics.

12 投资知识经济：知识资本公共投资的比较政治经济学

【题目】

Investing in the knowledge economy: The comparative political economy of public investments in knowledge-based capital

【作者】

TIMO SEIDL

【摘要】

在当今的知识密集型经济体中，对教育和再培训或研发的投资已经变得至关重要。虽然由于各种市场失灵，私人行为者往往提供此类知识型资本不足，但由于跨部门和跨时间的权衡，政府对知识型资本的投资程度也存在很大差异。我认为，在试图解释这种变化时，社团主义机构是一个被忽视但关键的因素。通过需要和促进合作和补偿，社团主义创造了一种更具协作性的政策制定风格和对政策问题的共同所有权感，这有助于克服与知识型资本投资相关的权衡。在新的时间序列横截面数据集上使用中间混合效应模型，我找到了对这个论点的有力支持。社团主义国家在知识型资本上投资更多，社团主义也影响各国对去工业化的反应。鉴于长期决策在气候变化政治、疫情防备或应对数字化转型等领域的关键作用，这是一个重要的发现。

Investments in education and retraining, or research and development have become essential in today's knowledge-intensive economies. While private actors often underprovided such knowledge-based capital due to various market failures, there is also considerable variation in the extent to which governments invest in knowledge-based capital due to cross-sectional and intertemporal trade-offs. I argue that in trying to account for this variation, corporatist institutions are a neglected but crucial factor. By necessitating and facilitating cooperation and compensation, corporatism creates a more collaborative style of policy making and a sense of common ownership of policy problems that helps overcome the trade-offs associated with investments in knowledge-based capital. Using within-between mixed-effects models on a novel time-series-cross-sectional dataset, I find strong support for this argument. Corporatist countries invest a lot more in knowledge-based capital, and corporatism also affects how countries react to deindustrialization. This is an important finding given the key role of long-term policy making in areas like climate change politics, pandemic preparedness or responding to the digital transformation.

13 一个手势如何遏制种族歧视

【题目】

How one gesture curbed ethnic discrimination

【作者】

DANIEL AUER, DIDIER RUEDIN

【摘要】

北美和欧洲的少数民族和种族成员继续面临歧视，例如，在申请工作或寻求住房时。这种不平等待遇的发生可能是因为社会按照社会、文化或民族和种族路线将人们归类为群体，这似乎使差别待遇合理化。研究表明，如果这些差异发生改变，可能需要几代人的时间才能减少。在这里，我们表明，国际足球运动员在2018年世界杯上的一个姿态——随后是一场广泛的公开辩论——导致了歧视的可衡量和持久的下降。激动人心的活动发生后，玩家所代表的移民群体的查看公寓的邀请率立即上升了6个百分点，而对当地人口的反应没有明显变化。我们证明，当公众收到挑战民族和种族类别性质的信息，同时分享共同事业时，反移民行为可以迅速瓦解。

Members of ethnic and racial minorities across North America and Europe continue to face discrimination, for instance, when applying for jobs or seeking housing. Such unequal treatment can occur because societies categorize people into groups along social, cultural, or ethnic and racial lines that seemingly rationalize differential treatment. Research suggests that it may take generations for such differences to decline, if they change at all. Here, we show that a single gesture by international soccer players at the World Cup 2018 – followed by an extensive public debate – led to a measurable and lasting decline in discrimination. Immediately after the galvanizing event, invitation rates to view apartments increased by 6 percentage points for the migrant group represented by the players, while responses to the native population did not change noticeably. We demonstrate that anti-immigrant behaviour can disband rapidly when the public receives messages challenging the nature of ethnic and racial categories while sharing a common cause.

翻  译：祝嘉聪

校  对：高隆绪

相关阅读

编辑：孙则尧

一审：聂凯巍

二审：大    兰

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