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红色记忆|《历史在荡漾》:百年记忆之“圣彼得堡篇”

2017-11-12 从余启 我与我们的世界 我与我们的世界

欢迎打开“我与我们的世界”,从此,让我们一起“纵览世界之风云变幻、洞察社会之脉搏律动、感受个体之生活命运、挖掘自然之点滴奥妙”。

我与我们的世界,既是一个“奋斗”的世界,也是一个“思考”的世界。奋而不思则罔,思而不奋则殆。这个世界,你大,它就大;你小,它就小。

欢迎通过上方公众号名称打开公众号“查看历史消息”来挖掘往期文章,因为,每期都能让你“走近”不一样的世界、带给你不一样的精彩


本期导读:十月革命,又称红十月、十月起义、列宁革命或布尔什维克革命,是1917年俄国革命经历了二月革命后的第二个阶段,推翻了以克伦斯基为领导的俄国临时政府,建立布尔什维克领导的政府。十月革命发生于1917年11月7日(儒略历10月25日)。


这场革命跟随并且利用了发生于同年的二月革命,那场革命推翻了沙皇专制并建立了以贵族和前贵族为主体组建的临时政府。此时城市工人开始组建委员会(俄语称“苏维埃”),其中革命者批评临时政府及其行动。


发生于彼得格勒的十月革命推翻了临时政府并给当地俄国社会民主工党中占据多数(俄语称“布尔什维克”)的派别控制的苏维埃赋予了权力。紧接着开始建立世界上第一个宣称社会主义的国家俄罗斯苏维埃社会主义联邦共和国。随着这场革命未能得到彼得格勒以外地区的广泛承认,俄国内战(1917–1922)爆发并于1922年建立苏联。


这场革命由布尔什维克利用他们在彼得格勒苏维埃中的影响力组建武装力量来领导。布尔什维克赤卫队武装在军事革命委员会指挥下开始于儒略历1917年10月24日接管政府建筑。翌日,冬宫(当时俄国首都彼得格勒的临时政府所在地)被夺取。


苏联等社会主义国家及组织普遍认为,十月革命是经列宁领导下的布尔什维克领导的武装起义,建立了人类历史上第二个无产阶级政权──苏维埃政权和由马克思主义政党领导的第一个社会主义国家。


革命推翻了以资产阶级的俄国临时政府,为1918至1920年的俄国内战和1922年苏联成立奠定了基础。而持有反对观点的学者认为,俄国临时政府实质上是由俄国社会革命党和孟什维克等社会主义者为主要成员的政府,而并非“资产阶级政府”;“冬宫之夜”也并未发生激烈的武装冲突。



In the shadow of Red October

红色十月之百年印记


A century ago, the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia and created the world’s first Marxist state. 

一百年前,布尔什维克夺取了政权,创建了世上首个马克思主义国家。


The dramatic events of 1917 still reverberate. 

一个世纪之前1917年发生的剧变,至今仍在回荡。


But what legacy of the revolution can be seen in four cities in Vladimir Putin's Russia?

不过,百年前的那次革命,在当下普京统治的俄罗斯,都会有什么样的印迹呢?下面就让我们通过四个城市,窥斑见豹。



The portrait with the holes

满目疮痍的画像


He is staring at me. I feel it. 

他在瞪我。我能感觉到。


His pale blue eyes are cold and penetrating.

那双浅蓝色眼睛,冷酷,又犀利。


But it is his expressionless face that is most unnerving - a face disfigured by bayonets. Daylight seeps through holes that have been gouged into his cheeks and forehead.

不过,最令人感到悚然的,是他那副毫无表情的脸庞,已被刺刀搞得满目疮痍。照在他脸颊和前额上的日光,会穿过那些孔洞。


This portrait of the Russian Emperor Alexander II transfixes me. The Austrian artist Heinrich von Angeli painted it in 1876. Russian revolutionaries ran their bayonets through it in 1917 when they seized the Winter Palace in Petrograd - as St Petersburg was then known - a sign of their hatred for the old Russia they were sweeping away.

俄国沙皇亚历山大二世的这幅画像,令人感到惊奇。这幅画像,由奥地利艺术家海因里希·冯·安杰利创作于1876年。1917年,俄国革命分子抢占彼得格勒(圣彼得堡当时的名字)冬宫时用刺刀一次次刺向这幅画像,以示他们对正被扫进历史垃圾堆的旧沙俄的愤恨。



Ever since, the painting has been hidden in the vaults of the State Hermitage Museum housed in the Winter Palace. For the 100th anniversary of the revolution, the damaged portrait is being displayed in Russia for the first time. I am given a private viewing.

自此以后,这幅画像就一直藏在冬宫博物馆的地下室里。那次革命一百周年之际,这幅受损的画像正在进行史上首次展出,而我,则有幸亲临现场瞻仰。


It is only a painting - just oil and canvas. But the pockmarked face of Emperor Alexander conveys the drama and the brutality of Russia’s revolution more powerfully than anything I have seen.

那只不过是一幅画像,油墨着于画布。但是,沙皇亚历山大那满目疮痍的面孔,却饱含历史故事,透露着俄国革命的残酷,残酷程度之烈,我从未见过。


There were, in fact, two revolutions in 1917.

其实,1917年发生过两次革命。


The February Revolution deposed the monarchy. The imperial Winter Palace became the seat of the Provisional Government.

二月革命推翻了沙皇统治,然后沙皇的冬宫就成了临时政府所在地。


The second revolution imposed Bolshevism on Russia, creating the world’s first communist state.

第二次革命让俄国迎来了布尔什维克主义,创建了世上首个共产主义政权。


The Great October Socialist Revolution – as it became known – actually took place on 7 November. But in 1917 Russia was using a different calendar from the West, according to which the date was 25 October.

人们所熟知的“伟大的十月社会主义革命”,实际上发生在11月7日。不过,1917年那时,俄国使用的是与西方不同的日历,根据俄国当时的日历,革命的日期为10月25日。


Soviet propaganda would portray what happened as a mass uprising of workers, peasants and soldiers who – led by the Bolsheviks – stormed the Winter Palace to seize power for the people.

后来苏维埃在宣传时,将所发生的事件描述为一场在布尔什维克领导下由工人、农民、士兵发动的群众起义,起义群众冲入了冬宫,夺取了权力,这一切,都是为了人民。


That was the picture dutifully painted by Soviet cinema. A decade later, film-maker Sergei Eisenstein re-enacted the revolution for his epic entitled October.

这样的叙事套路,被苏维埃电影一次次充分利用。十年之后,电影制作人谢尔盖·艾森斯坦通过他那史诗级影片《十月》重现了那次革命。



Filmed on location at the Winter Palace, it depicted Red October as Russia’s Bastille moment, with thousands of people breaking down the gates of the palace and pouring inside. The cruiser Aurora was accorded a starring role - firing the shot that signalled the start of the uprising.

影片的拍摄地就在冬宫,把“红色十月”叙述为俄国的“巴士底狱时刻”,成千上万的群众冲破冬宫大门,汹涌而入,当然也少不了阿芙乐尔号巡洋舰发出的那声标志起义开始的炮响。


阿芙乐尔号巡洋舰


It was a magnificent spectacle. But it wasn’t true. The Winter Palace is widely believed to have suffered more damage from Eisenstein’s film crew than from the actual revolution.

影片制作精良,场面恢宏,确实很壮观,但内容并不真实。据称,冬宫拍电影时所遭受到的破坏,远远大于革命期间所经历过的。


In 1917 there was no dramatic storming of the Winter Palace. Most of the Red Guard revolutionaries who had got inside did so through an unlocked door.

1917年时,并没有大量人群冲入冬宫,进入冬宫的红军士兵,大都也是通过没有上锁的门进入的。


As for claims of a mass uprising, this was fake news from the Bolsheviks. Red October was a coup. Vladimir Lenin’s party had seized power in Russia.

至于所称的群众起义,也是布尔什维克们所捏造的。“红色十月”是一次政变,列宁党派夺取了国家的权力。



Its slogans, though, were attractive to people trapped in poverty: “Land to the peasants! Factories to the workers!”

不过,对深陷贫困的人们来说,他们的口号确实具有吸引力:“把土地给农民!把工厂给工人!”


American journalist John Reed witnessed the Bolshevik takeover of Russia. In his book Ten Days That Shook the World he described the chaos before the coup.

美国记者约翰·里德是布尔什维克夺取政权的一个见证者。在其所著的《震惊世界的十天》一书中,里德对政变之前的乱局有详细叙述。


“The peasants… were burning manor houses and massacring landowners. Immense strikes and lock-outs convulsed Moscow, Odessa, and the coal mines of the Don. Transport was paralysed; the army was starving, and in the big cities there was no bread.”

“农民们……放火焚烧庄园里的房子,拿刀屠杀拥有土地的地主。大规模罢工和封锁,让莫斯科、敖德萨以及顿河沿岸的煤矿完全停止运行。交通运输彻底瘫痪,军队士兵濒临饿死,各大城市食品短缺。”


But the revolution plunged Russia into the bloodiest period of its history. Civil war, world war, famine and Joseph Stalin’s Great Terror would claim tens of millions of lives.

不过,正是那场革命,把俄罗斯送进了一个最具血腥味的历史时期。内战、世界大战、饥荒以及斯大林的恐怖统治,葬送了成百上千万条生命。


“It is our historical fate,” Hermitage director Mikhail Piotrovsky tells me of his country.

“这就是我们的历史命运”,东宫博物馆馆长米哈伊尔·皮尔托夫斯基这样向我介绍他们国家的历史。


“We make experiments. We show how things shouldn’t be done. Just having a good goal or a good idea doesn’t mean the results will be good. We gave a lesson to the world.”

“我们进行了各种实验,历史教训就是,不能那样做事。只是拥有一个美好的目标或一个美好的想法,并不意味着,结果也将会美好。我们所得到的教训,是供世界汲取的经验。”


The Bolsheviks wanted to do more than just teach the world. They wanted to change it. They believed their coup would set the dominoes tumbling and spark a global uprising of workers.

布尔什维克们所想要的,不仅仅是给世界提供经验,他们还想改变整个世界。他们相信,他们的政变将能产生多米诺骨牌效应,点燃全球范围内工人们的起义激情。


“Proletarians of the world, unite!” was the rallying cry of communism.

“世界无产阶级大团结!”便是共产主义响亮的号召。



The new world was to look very different. Portraits of tsars gave way to posters of factory workers. Newborn babies were given revolutionary first names, like “Barricade”, “Kim” (short for “Communist International of Youth”) and “Ninel” (“Lenin” backwards).

新世界的面貌,将全然不同。沙皇们的一幅幅画像,已让位于工厂工人们的宣传画。给新生婴儿起的名字,也都充满革命意味,“战胜”、“红军”、“卫国”等等,不胜枚举。


The new world would sound different, too.

在新世界里,耳朵所听到的,也会不同。



In a tiny St Petersburg art studio, Petr Theremin demonstrates the exotic instrument his great-grandfather Leon invented soon after the revolution. Without touching it, Petr is producing haunting tones, simply by moving his hands up and down near two antennae. Invisible electromagnetic waves conjure up a sound reminiscent of a lilting voice or violin.

在圣彼得堡一家小型的艺术工作室,彼得·泰勒明给我展示了他曾祖父莱昂在那次革命后不久发明的一种具有异国情调的乐器。还没演奏,彼得只是用手轻轻在两根像是天线一样的金属杆上来回划拉,就能产生醉人的音调。无形的电磁波,带来的像是小提琴等乐器所产生的抑扬顿挫的乐音。



The theremin was one of the world’s first electronic instruments. The Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin was captivated by it. He enlisted the machine and its maker in his campaign to spread electricity across Russia. Lenin gave Theremin a free pass for the railways, so the inventor could display his masterpiece - and promote electrification – across the country.

泰勒明这种乐器,是世界上最早的电子乐器之一。布尔什维克领导人列宁也对它如痴如醉。列宁在全俄推广电力应用时,就曾拿这种乐器和它的发明者来说事儿。列宁还给发明者泰勒明一个免费乘坐火车的证件,这样泰勒明就能到处展演他的乐器,从而也能在全国范围内推动电力的应用。


Once the Bolshevik leader requested a private demonstration in the Kremlin.

有次,列宁还曾要泰勒明专门给他演奏。


“Lenin decided to try out the instrument himself,” Petr tells me. “My great-grandfather took Lenin’s hand and moved it around the theremin. He helped him play The Lark by Glinka. There was a joke at the time that Leon Theremin was the only man in the world who could control Lenin.”

“列宁决定自己亲自试下这个乐器”,彼得向我介绍说,“我曾祖父拿着列宁的手,在泰勒明乐器上来回拨动。我曾祖父帮着列宁演奏了作曲家格林卡的《云雀》。当时有个段子这样讲,莱昂·泰勒明是世上唯一一位能够控制列宁的人。”


By the time Stalin was running the USSR, there was little to joke about. Lenin’s successor was a paranoid dictator, who unleashed a wave of terror against his own people.

到苏联进入斯大林时期时,然后就没什么段子了。列宁的继任者是一个偏执的独裁者,向自己的人民发动了一次又一次恐怖运动。


In 1939, after returning from a trip to America, Leon Theremin was arrested, accused of being a counter-revolutionary and sent to a labour camp.

莱昂·泰勒明1939年去美国转了一圈回来之后就被捕了,罪名是反革命,并被送进了劳动集中营。


Millions of people were arrested in Stalin’s purges and repressions. Hundreds of thousands of innocent Soviet citizens were shot. Leon Theremin survived the gulag. While still a prisoner, he was transferred to a secret research laboratory in Moscow to work with other top scientists plucked from the labour camps.

在斯大林发动的清洗和镇压过程中,数百万人被捕。苏联成千上万名无辜民众被击毙。莱昂·泰勒明最终熬过了集中营。泰勒明还在服刑期间,就被转到莫斯科一个秘密的研究实验室,与其他从集中营中遴选出来的顶级科学家们一起工作。


There were, of course, some positive results from the revolution,” concedes Petr. “Like the spread of literacy and electrification. But the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks was a tragedy for the country. We needed democracy. What we got was a catastrophe.”

“当然,那次革命也带来了一些积极性的影响”,彼得话锋一转这样解释说,“比如,人们的识字率提高了,电力应用也得到了推广,不过,布尔什维克们夺取权力,对整个国家来说,是一场悲剧。我们需要的是民主,而我们得到的却是灾难。”



In St Petersburg a century on there are few banners or advertising hoardings celebrating the anniversary of Red October, and there are no official commemorations on the scale, or style, of a French Bastille Day. For if modern France still identifies with the ideals of its revolution – “liberty, equality, fraternity” - modern Russia, particularly its government, is hesitant about 1917.

在百年之后今天的圣彼得堡,已经没有庆祝红色十月纪念日的横幅或墙体宣传画,也没有像法国巴士底狱日那样规模或风格的官方纪念活动,主要是因为,如果说当代的法国依然认同法国大革命“自由、平等、博爱”的理想的话,那么当代的俄罗斯,特别是俄罗斯政府,很难对1917年那场革命形成一致认同。


Like Russia’s national symbol - the double-headed eagle - the Russian authorities are torn two ways over the events of 1917. On the one hand, Red October gave birth to the Soviet Union, a superpower President Putin has often praised. The Kremlin leader once described the collapse of the USSR as “the greatest geo-political catastrophe” of the 20th Century.

就像俄罗斯国家象征的双头鹰,对于1917年所发生的系列事件,俄罗斯当局的态度撕成了两派。一方面,红色十月诞生了苏联,这个超级大国可是普京总统经常赞不绝口的。普京曾把苏联的崩溃说成是20世纪“最大的地缘政治灾难”。


Yet an armed uprising against the government is not the kind of example the Kremlin wishes to promote - especially in the light of Russia’s economic problems.

不过,针对政府的武装起义,却不是克里姆林宫想要推崇的,特别是鉴于当下俄罗斯经济面临系列问题之际。


The attitude of the authorities to the Russian Revolution is radio silence,” says historian Sergei Podbolotov. “One of the revolution’s main ideas – the abolition of private property - is totally alien to the current regime. So is the idea of taking up arms and attacking police.”

“俄罗斯当局对俄国革命的态度,现在是沉默对待”,历史学者谢尔盖·波特波罗托夫这样说道,“那次革命主要理念之一,消灭私有财产,对现有政权来说完全是不可能的,拿起武器袭击警察这样的做法,也是一样。”



But the revolutionary cocktail of a century ago - food shortages, an unpopular war and widespread disillusionment with the government – does not exist today.

不过,百年之前那次革命发生的前奏,食物短缺、民众对战争充满怨言,以及对政府当局普遍失去希望等,在当下都不存在。


Despite Western sanctions against Russia, the supermarket shelves of St Petersburg are well-stocked. The coffee shops and trendy bars of Nevsky Prospekt are packed with young Russians chatting on smartphones or glued to their tablets.

尽管西方对俄罗斯施加了制裁,圣彼得堡的超市货架上依然满载货物。涅夫斯基大街上的咖啡馆、新潮酒吧坐满了年轻人,用手机聊着天,或是沉迷于平板电脑。


Many of these people were born after 1991, the year communism collapsed and the Soviet Union crumbled.

这些年轻人大多都是1991年后出生,即共产主义倒台、苏联解体那年。


Nevsky Prospekt  涅夫斯基大街


Bathed in the sunlight of a late Russian autumn, the “Venice of the North” looks like an oasis of calm. But political discontent still stirs.

沐浴着俄罗斯晚秋的日光,有“北方威尼斯”之美称的圣彼得堡,就像是一片宜人惬意的静谧之地,不过,政治性的不满依然在躁动。



In a St Petersburg park, named after Mars, the Roman god of war, hundreds of people have gathered for an anti-government protest. Many are supporters of opposition leader and Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny, who wants to run for president next March. But convictions for fraud, which Navalny claims are politically motivated, bar him from the ballot. The suspicion that the Kremlin is not playing fair has brought people out on the streets.

在圣彼得堡一个以罗马战神玛尔斯命名的公园里,数百名抗议者正在集会准备进行反政府游行。其中很多都是对克里姆林宫持批评态度的反对派领导人阿里克谢·纳瓦尔尼的支持者。明年三月,纳瓦尔尼想要参加大选竞逐总统宝座。不过,纳瓦尔尼受到的诈骗罪指控,将使他不能参加大选,尽管纳瓦尔尼称那些指控是政治陷害。人们觉得,克里姆林宫没有按规矩行事,因此才准备上街游行。


I want to live in a Russia that is fair to all its citizens,” one of the protesters, Olga, tells me. “And I want a leader who listens to his people. Vladimir Putin doesn’t.”

“我想生活在一个能公平对待所有国民的俄罗斯”,一位名叫奥尔加的抗议者向我说到,“而且,我们想要一位能倾听人民心声的领导人,而普京是不会这样做的。”


“Personally, I don’t think that Navalny would be a good president,” another protester tells me. “But I believe elections should be democratic – not what we have now.”

“就我个人来说,我觉得,纳瓦尔尼也不一定会是一位好总统”,另一位抗议者跟我说,“不过,我觉得,选举就应该民主,而不该像现在这个样子。”


No-one here is calling for a 21st Century Russian revolution.

抗议人群中,没有一个是要呼吁在21世纪再进行一场俄式革命。


“Revolution means blood and deaths,” Katya tells me. “We want honest elections, not revolution.”

“革命意味着流血和牺牲”,卡地亚向我说到,“我们想要的只是诚信选举,不是革命。”


The authorities are taking no chances. There is a heavy police presence. Through loudhailers, police are asking the crowd to disperse, declaring this an unsanctioned gathering. The protesters believe they do not require permission to express an opinion.

当局也不敢大意怠慢,向现场派了大量警力。警方用喇叭高喊要人群自行散去,称这是一场没有获得许可的集会。而抗议者认为,他们表达意见,不需要获得什么许可。



Some of the protesters decide to march off through the city centre. It is Vladimir Putin’s birthday. The crowd is about to spoil the president’s party.

抗议人群中一部分人决定穿过市中心进行游行。当天是普京的生日,抗议人群则给普京总统的生日派对增添了别样的味道。


“Putin is a thief!” they chant.

“普京是窃贼!”,抗议者们高喊。


“Russia without Putin!”

“俄罗斯不需要普京!”


“Send the tsar to the labour camp!”

“把沙皇送进集中营!”


Riot police with truncheons line up across the road. Minutes later, they start dragging people from the crowd. Police buses quickly fill up with detained protesters.

沿路满是配备警棍的防暴警察。几分钟后,他们开始从人群中拖拽游行者,很快,警车就装满了被捕的抗议者。



At night a few dozen protesters appear outside the Winter Palace. They hold up signs with Alexei Navalny’s name and chant sarcastically “Happy birthday!” to the president.

夜晚降临,几十位抗议者出现在了冬宫外面,用手高举写有纳瓦尔尼名字的牌子,并讽刺地向总统高喊“生日快乐!”


Their protest is a faint echo of those 1917 revolutionaries who seized the palace and dug holes in Emperor Alexander’s portrait.

他们的示威抗议,像是1917年革命分子们攻占冬宫、戳破沙皇亚历山大画像百年之后的世纪回响。


Yet these young people are not here to make a revolution. They are making a point - that the government should listen to the people.

不过,这些年轻人来这里不是要进行革命,他们有着自己的诉求,那就是政府应该倾听人民的心声。


The Russian authorities often brush off protesters as a tiny minority. But with real incomes falling and 20 million Russians living below the poverty line, any signs of dissent make the Kremlin nervous.

俄罗斯当局经常表示抗议者只是极少数,不过,俄罗斯国民的实际收入在下降,有2000万俄罗斯人依然在贫困线以下过活挣扎,因此,任何不满的征兆,都会让克里姆林宫感到不安。


往期精彩:


普京大帝|《经济学人》:俄罗斯明年总统大选,毫无悬念

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旧书新摘|《政治的人生》:人生无处不政治(文末有福利)

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