论文快递：第一百四十三期
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本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百四十三期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First 的一篇论文和Current Issue的四篇论文。主题包括中国石家庄的移民的居住隔离，海得拉巴的非政府组织，埃及的城市非正式性，洛杉矶黑帮街区的污名化，电影制片厂与住房市场，欢迎阅读。
01
Residential segregation of migrants: Disentangling the intersectional and multiscale segregation of migrants in Shijiazhuang, China
移民的居住隔离：解开中国石家庄移民的交叉和多尺度隔离
首次出版时间：2022/3/9｜研究论文
Abstract
Residential segregation, especially of rural migrants, is of growing concern in China. A key question is whether this spatial separation is entirely due to income – rural migrants priced out of affluent areas – or whether other factors, such as institutional discrimination or social prejudice or homophily, are also at work. We employ state-of-the-art methods to yield a more detailed and nuanced picture of segregation in Shijiazhuang, a second-tier Chinese city. We use a multilevel modeling approach that allows us not only to quantify the extent of segregation at different spatial scales, but also to disentangle the intersectional nature of segregation: the extent to which segregation is due to migrant status or low income alone. We find that migrant status is actually more important than occupation in determining segregation. These findings emphasise the imperative to decompose intersectional segregation into its constituent parts, a task recently made possible by developments in multilevel modeling.
Keywords China, intersectional, migration, multiscale, segregation
关键词中国, 交叉的, 迁移, 多标度, 隔离
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221076802
02
Of political entrepreneurs: Assembling community and social capital in Hyderabad’s informal settlements
政治企业家：在海得拉巴的非正式定居点聚集社区和社会资本
Abstract
This paper theorises the political entrepreneurship of local political actors variously described as brokers, fixers or leaders, by examining their consistent and flexible labour towards gaining and maintaining political influence in informal settlements. Through close attention to how two exemplary individuals work and network with a combination of political parties, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and local associations, I reveal the crucial role of political entrepreneurs in organising or representing local populations as legible ‘communities’, and thus, in mediating relations between communities and external agencies such as the state, political parties, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and also academic researchers. Observing informal settlements in this relational framework sheds light on how political entrepreneurs compete to become obligatory intermediaries between various institutions. This approach destabilises conceptions about the social infrastructure and social capital of a locality which underlie many community development programmes. Further, I argue that in the long-term, the careers of political entrepreneurs are punctuated by structural constraints in the form of limits to political party patronage, volatile NGO funding and the transient presence of academic researchers. The work of reproducing the social capital of the neighbourhood becomes a persistent and anxious striving with few actual opportunities for mobility.
摘要
本文通过考察当地政治行为者在非正规住区获得和保持政治影响力的一贯和灵活的努力，从理论上阐述了被分别称为经纪人、中间人或领导者的这些地方政治行为者的政治企业家精神。通过密切关注两个典型个人如何与政党、非政府组织和地方协会合作和建立联系，我揭示了政治企业家在组织或代表当地居民、从而使之成为清晰的“社区”方面的关键作用，以及在社区与外部机构（如国家、政党、非政府组织和学术研究人员）之间的关系中所发挥的关键中介作用。在这一关系框架中观察非正规住区，有助于了解政治企业家如何竞相成为各种机构之间的强制性中介。这种方法动摇了一个地方的社会基础设施和社会资本的概念，而这些概念是许多社区发展方案的基础。此外，我认为，从长期来看，政治企业家的职业生涯不时受到结构性制约的影响，这些制约表现为对政党赞助的限制、不稳定的非政府组织资助以及学术研究人员的变动。复制邻里社会资本的工作变成了一种持续而令人焦虑的努力，几乎没有实际的流动机会。
Keywords brokers, community, NGOs, political life, slums, social capital
关键词
经纪人, 社区, 非政府组织, 政治生活, 贫民窟, 社会资本
原文地址 https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211014120
03
Haphazard urbanisation: Urban informality, politics and power in Egypt
杂乱无章的城市化：埃及的城市非正式性、政治和权力
Abstract
The Egyptian military regime of Abd al-Fattah el-Sisi has announced as part of its Vision 2030 its intention to eliminate informal urban areas. The regime has identified these areas – commonly known by the Arabic term ‘ashwa’iyyat (which means haphazard) – as a threat to the nation. The Egyptian state, however, has no clear conception of what urban informality constitutes or what exactly it is eradicating. To understand how and why the state has placed urban informality as central to its politics, I contend that we have to examine the political processes through which this uncertain yet powerful concept is produced. Urban informality, I argue, is a political intervention that is always fleeting and geographically specific in an otherwise haphazard context. Haphazard urbanisation points to the complex power struggles by a range of actors, both within and beyond the state, through which the formal and informal divide can mark urban life. In a critical reading of the first major study of informality in Egypt, I show how the urban was divided into the formal and informal through outdated laws. I detail, by engaging sources in English and Arabic, how the Egyptian state militarised urban informality from the 1990s onwards. I argue that it is through this historical framing that we must understand el-Sisi’s current war against urban informality. In turn, I argue that the regime’s attempt to eliminate informality has not resulted in greater control over what and how urban informality appears but has deepened the hazardisation of urban life.
摘要 阿卜杜拉·法塔赫·塞西 (Abd al-Fattah el-Sisi) 的埃及军事政权宣布，作为其《2030年愿景》的一部分，其计划消灭非正规城市地区。该政权将这些地区（阿拉伯语通常称其为“阿什瓦伊亚特 (ashwa’iyyat)”，意思是“杂乱”）视为对国家的威胁。然而，埃及政府对什么是城市非正规性以及它到底在消除什么没有明确的概念。为了理解国家如何、以及为什么将城市非正规性作为其政治议程的核心，我认为我们必须研究产生这一不确定但强大的概念的政治过程。我认为，在原本杂乱的背景下，城市非正规性作为一种政治干预目标总是具有暂时性、且与特定的地理位置相联系。杂乱无章的城市化来源于政府内外一系列行为者的复杂权力斗争，通过这种斗争，正规和非正规的鸿沟可能会成为城市生活的标志。我批判性地解读了对埃及非正规性的首次主要研究，展示了城市如何被过时的法律分为正规和非正规两个部分。我借鉴英语和阿拉伯语文献，详细介绍了埃及政府如何从20世纪90年代开始对城市非正规性展开军事行动。我认为，我们必须通过这一历史框架来理解赛西政权当前针对城市非正规性发动的这场战争。进而，我认为，政府消除非正规性的努力并没有使政府更好地控制城市非正规性的面貌，而是加深了城市生活的危险性。
Keywords development, Egypt, inequality, informality, social justice, theory, urban violence
关键词
发展, 埃及, 不平等, 非正规性, 社会正义, 理论, 城市暴力
原文地址
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211040927
04
Mapping and making gangland: A legacy of redlining and enjoining gang neighbourhoods in Los Angeles
绘制和制造黑帮：洛杉矶红线和禁止黑帮社区的遗产
Abstract
We provide an example of how race- and place-based legacies of disinvestment initiated by New Deal Era redlining regimes under the auspices of the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) were followed by decades of anti-gang over-policing tactics at the scale of the neighbourhood. We show how HOLC-mediated and mapped redlining has sustained community disinvestment and stigmatisation wrought by unjust and racist social policy seen to this day in contemporary geographies of gang abatement in the form of mapped gang injunction ‘safety zones’. As we illustrate with the use of two case studies from Los Angeles – in South-Central LA and LA’s San Fernando Valley – it is overwhelmingly redlined neighbourhoods that have remained marginalised, becoming civilly enjoined ‘gang’ neighbourhoods faced with oppressive anti-gang policing tactics over the past few decades.
Keywordsgang injunctions, gangs, Los Angeles, mapping, policing, redlining
关键词
帮派禁令, 帮派, 洛杉矶, 地域标定, 警务, 拒贷
05
The effect of film production studios on housing prices in Atlanta, the Hollywood of the South
电影制片厂对亚特兰大南方好莱坞房价的影响
Abstract
Governments compete to attract film productions to their communities, expecting them to provide economic benefits directly through local purchases and employment and indirectly through publicity and image building. Atlanta, Georgia, has become a large film production hub, partially because of a state tax credit programme. As a result, permanent production facilities have been established that may influence surrounding real estate prices. Convenience and a desire to live among other creatives may encourage actors, technical workers and support staff to live nearby, and the film industry cachet may attract additional residents, increasing house prices. However, if the facilities are perceived to be similar to other industrial operations, they may negatively affect surrounding house prices. We investigate film production studios’ effect on residential property values using housing sales data and information on film production studios’ location, size and year established. To mitigate bias from the potential endogeneity of studios’ location choices, we augment the standard hedonic pricing framework to incorporate proximity to a film production studio and construct treatment and comparison groups. Using a spatial difference-in-difference framework, we find that while houses located closest to film production studios tend to sell for lower prices than houses further away, the discount is not attributable to the studios. Instead, the establishment of a new studio, especially a large one, is a positive event in the housing market. These findings have important policy implications for local governments in making decisions about film industry incentives and facilities’ site selection as possible drivers of redevelopment.
各政府竞相将电影制作吸引到自己的社区，期望通过本地采购和就业带来直接的经济效益，并通过宣传和形象建设带来间接的经济利益。佐治亚州的亚特兰大已经成为了一个大型电影制作中心，部分原因是该州的税收抵免计划。这导致了当地常设电影制作设施的建立，并可能影响周边房价。便利和与其他创意人员生活在一起的愿望可能会鼓励演员、技术人员和支持人员在附近居住，电影业的声望也可能会吸引更多的居民，从而提高房价。然而，如果这些设施被认为类似于其他工业设施，它们可能会对周围的房价产生负面影响。我们利用房屋销售数据和电影制片厂的位置、规模和设立年份方面的信息，研究电影制片厂对住房价格的影响。为了减轻制片厂位置选择的潜在内生性导致的偏差，我们扩大了标准的享乐定价框架（纳入了相对于电影制片厂的邻近性）以构建实验组和对照组。我们使用空间双重差分框架发现，虽然距离电影制片厂最近的房子往往比较远的房子售价更低，但这种折价并不归因于制片厂。相反，一个新的制片厂、尤其是一个大型制片厂的设立，是房地产市场的一个积极事件。这些发现对地方政府制定电影产业激励措施和设施选址决策具有重要的政策意义，因为它们可能带来再开发的机会。
Keywordscultural industries, externality, film studios, hedonic model, house prices
关键词文化产业, 外部性, 电影制片厂, 享乐模型, 房价
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211024156
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