论文快递：第一百五十八期

六yi利物浦

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Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。"论文快递" 栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！

本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百五十八期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First的四篇论文和Urban Studies Current Issue的一篇文章。主题包括越南河内创意中心，在非正规性与气候变化交汇处的非洲城市化，非自由主义智慧城市，智慧城市的间隙性，城市悖论与新自由主义城市的兴起，欢迎阅读。

01

Creative hubs in Hanoi, Vietnam: Transgressive spaces in a socialist state?           

越南河内创意中心：社会主义国家的越界空间？

Danielle Labbe（加拿大蒙特利尔大学）Celia Zuberec（加拿大麦吉尔大学）Sarah Turner（加拿大麦吉尔大学）首次出版时间：2022/6/16｜研究论文
Abstract

Vietnam’s capital city has recently witnessed the emergence of a new type of cultural space akin to what have been labelled creative hubs in other contexts: that is, locales that foster creation, collaboration, community engagement and business development in the cultural sector. During the 2010s, Hanoi saw a proliferation of small-scale, art-oriented creative hubs, most of them community-led and developed without state funding. In a context marked by a government historically wary of contemporary and experimental arts, these spaces face various forms of state control ranging from the censorship of events, to stiff fines or even closure. Despite these barriers, creative hubs have become important sites for the gathering and formation of Hanoi’s contemporary arts scene and countercultures. Based on over 80 interviews conducted in 2019, this paper investigates the motives behind the rise of these spaces in Hanoi and the political engagement techniques their founders, operators and users employ to remain in operation. Drawing on the notion of ‘informal life politics’, we argue that creative hubs seek to provide spaces of (partial) autonomy from governmentality in Hanoi. We further find that artists, intellectuals and other creative individuals use these spaces to challenge state controls. They do so not by lobbying formal institutions for policy changes, but instead by enacting the more open and free socio-cultural milieu they seek, from the bottom up.

摘要越南首都最近见证了一种新型文化空间的出现，类似于在其他情况下被称为创意中心的地方：即促进文化领域的创造、合作、社区参与和商业开发的场所。在 2010 年代，河内经历了以艺术为导向的小型创意中心的激增，其中大多数是由社会主导的，并没有国家的资助。在政府历来对当代和实验艺术持谨慎态度的背景下，这些空间面临着各种形式的国家控制，从事件审查到严厉罚款甚至关闭。尽管存在这些障碍，创意中心已成为河内当代艺术场景和反主流文化聚集和形成的重要场所。基于 2019 年进行的 80 多次访谈，本文研究河内这些空间兴起的动机，以及它们的创始人、运营商和用户为保持运营而采用的政治对话技巧。借鉴“非正规生活政治”的概念，我们认为创意中心寻求在河内提供（部分）自治的空间。我们进一步发现艺术家、知识分子和其他创意人士利用这些空间来挑战国家控制。为达此目的，他们不是通过游说正式机构来改变政策，而是自下而上地开创他们寻求的更开放和自由的社会文化环境。
Keywords creative hubs, cultural spaces, Hanoi, informal politics, resistance, Vietnam
关键词创意中心, 文化空间, 河内, 非正规政治, 抵抗, 越南
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221086371

02

African urbanisation at the confluence of informality and climate change

在非正规性与气候变化交汇处的非洲城市化

Brandon Marc Finn（美国哈佛大学）Patrick Brandful Cobbinah（澳大利亚墨尔本大学）首次出版时间：2022/6/24｜研究论文
Abstract

Africa contributes the least to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet it faces climate change’s harshest consequences. Ramifications of climate change pose daunting multi-scalar urban challenges, specifically because urbanisation across most African countries is embedded in, linked to and defined by various notions of informality. However, there is limited theoretical attention to the confluence of African urbanisation, informality and climate change. This article addresses this issue by laying out three fundamental matters of this relationship. First, it analyses urban informality in the context of three domains: the informal economy, informal settlements and the state. Second, it highlights the significance of climate change to theoretical and empirical studies of informality. We propose that climate change poses challenges to the practice of informality and its contemporary theorisation, prompting new questions about how African informality is understood and framed. Finally, it discusses new perspectives on planning for climate change and urban informality that do not frame ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ approaches as necessarily mutually exclusive. Climate change fundamentally challenges life within informal economies and settlements, and its synthesis within debates on African urbanisation is urgently required. Notably, and in turn, the global discourse on climate change also requires specific attention to the theories and practices of informality.

摘要 

在全球，非洲排放的温室气体是最少的，但她却承受着气候变化最严重的后果。气候变化的后果带来了令人生畏的多标度城市挑战，特别是因为大多数非洲国家的城市化都嵌入了各种非正规概念、与之相联系、并由其定义。然而，同时融合非洲城市化、非正规性和气候变化的理论研究十分有限。本文通过阐述这种关系的三个基本问题来探讨这一方面。首先，我们分三个领域分析了城市非正规性：非正规经济、非正规住区和政府。其次，我们强调气候变化对非正规性理论和实证研究而言的重要性。我们认为气候变化对非正规性的实践及其当代理论提出了挑战，引发了关于如何理解和构建非洲非正规性的新问题。最后，我们讨论关于针对气候变化和城市非正规性进行规划的新观点，这些观点并不将“自上而下”和“自下而上”的方法视为必然相互排斥。气候变化从根本上挑战了非正规经济和住区中的人们的生活，迫切需要在关于非洲城市化的辩论中对其进行综合。值得注意的是，反过来，关于气候变化的全球讨论也需要特别关注非正规性的理论和实践。

Keywords climate change, inequality, informal settlements, urbanisation

关键词 

气候变化, 不平等, 非正规住区, 城市化

原文地址 https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221098946

03

Illiberal smart urbanism? Lessons from the politics of state-led smart securitisation in Miskolc, Hungary

不自由的智慧城市主义？匈牙利米什科尔茨由国家主导的智能证券化的政治教训

Miklós Dürr（英国杜伦大学）首次出版时间：2022/6/24｜研究论文
Abstract

This article makes the case for the ‘illiberal smart city’ in response to a growing body of literature on the post-politicisation of smart urbanism. Drawing on the centralised rollout of an intelligent CCTV network in Miskolc, Hungary, under a regime that calls itself ‘illiberal’, the article proposes an alternative perspective on the politics of smart urbanism in continuation of dialogues on the ‘actually existing smart city’. To this end, two key claims will be put forward. First, in contrast to mainstream post-political understandings of smart urbanism, Miskolc’s smart surveillance project is wrapped up in an explicitly right-wing populist, and in certain respects racialised social ordering campaign. Second, not only is the CCTV network a key manifestation of a populist agenda, but it also reproduces the illiberal smart city through engineering a new consensus around securitisation without responding to the root causes of crime and segregation. Rather than engaging in depth with the digital technologies themselves, the article instead focuses on the underpinning politics of smart surveillance in Miskolc to show how, in the project’s implementation, post-political ideas are replaced by the overt campaigning machinery of the illiberal state.

摘要 本文为“非自由主义智慧城市”提出了理由，以回应越来越多的关于后政治化智慧城市的文献。借鉴匈牙利米什科尔茨（Miskolc，一个自称为“非自由主义”的政权）智能闭路电视网络的集中部署，本文提出了关于智慧城市政治的另一种观点，以继续就“实际存在的智慧城市”展开对话。为此，我们将提出两个关键主张。首先，与对智慧城市的主流后政治理解相比，米什科尔茨的智能监控项目被包装成一个明确的右翼民粹主义的、和在某些方面种族化的社会秩序运动。其次，闭路电视网络不仅是民粹主义议程的重要体现，而且还通过围绕安全化制定新的共识来复制非自由主义的智慧城市，而无需对犯罪和种族隔离的根本原因做出回应。本文没有深入探讨数字技术本身，而是关注米什科尔茨智能监控的基础政治，以表明在项目实施过程中，后政治思想如何被非自由主义政府的公开竞选机制所取代。
Keywords Central Eastern Europe, illiberal democracy, right-wing populism, securitisation, smart urbanism
关键词 
中东欧, 非自由主义民主, 右翼民粹主义, 安全化, 智慧城市

原文地址 
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221100462

04

Interstitiality in the smart city: More than top-down and bottom-up smartness

智慧城市的间隙性：超越自上而下和自下而上的智慧

Ryan Burns（加拿大卡尔加里大学）Preston Welker（加拿大卡尔加里大学）首次出版时间：2022/6/24 ｜研究论文
Abstract

The critical research agenda on smart cities has tended to assume a largely top-down orientation in which powerful actors like the state and corporations enact programmes to embed Information & Communication Technologies (ICT) in the urban landscape. Because of the way research has framed this relation of power, the dominant response has been to seek social justice by either contesting these top-down exercises of (digital) power or by reconceptualising the smart city ‘from below’. In this paper, we join a growing chorus of voices recognising the importance of interstitial actors that influence the ways in which the smart city manifests. We draw on a five-year ongoing study in Calgary, Alberta, to examine two actor groups that are, properly, neither top-down nor bottom-up, but play an important role in envisioning, implementing and contesting how ‘smartness’ is framed. The first set of actors, situated between the top and bottom of the smart city hierarchy, are most prominently community associations, non-profit organisations and ad-hoc task groups. The second group is comprised of groups with different digital practices, whose spectre of marginalisation influences how digital systems are articulated and pursued. These actors strategically move between different interstices in order to enact particular kinds of political influence, and often influence smart cities by virtue of their absence, profoundly impacting urban political geographies of smartness.

摘要智慧城市的关键研究议程倾向于采用自上而下的方向，其中，政府和企业等强大的参与者制定计划，将信息和通信技术 (ICT) 嵌入城市景观。由于研究对这种权力关系的构建方式，主要的反应是通过对这些自上而下的（数字）权力行使的挑战、或通过“自下而上”重新概念化智慧城市来寻求社会正义。在本文中，我们代表一种越来越广泛的声音，即主张影响智慧城市表现方式的间隙行为者的重要性。我们借鉴了当前在阿尔伯塔省卡尔加里市进行的一项为期五年的研究，以检验两个行为者群体，它们既不是纯粹的自上而下也不是纯粹的自下而上，但在构想、实施和质疑“智慧”框架构建方面发挥着重要作用。第一组行为者位于智慧城市层级结构的顶部和底部之间，最突出的是社区协会、非营利组织和临时工作组。第二组行为者由具有不同数字实践的群体组成，他们边缘化的特性影响了数字系统的表达和追求方式。这些行为者策略性地在不同的间隙之间游走以产生特定类型的政治影响，并且经常通过他们的缺席影响智慧城市，从而对智慧城市的政治地理发生深远的作用。
Keywordscommunity, digital geographies, inequality, politics, smart cities, technology
关键词

社区, 数字地理, 不平等, 政治, 智慧城市, 技术

原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221097590

05

Urban paradox and the rise of the neoliberal city: Case study of Lagos, Nigeria

城市悖论与新自由主义城市的兴起：以尼日利亚拉各斯为例

Oluwafemi Olajide（尼日利亚拉各斯大学）Taibat Lawanson（尼日利亚拉各斯大学）首次出版时间：2021/6/14｜研究论文
Abstract

In a bid to actualise the vision of transforming Lagos into Africa’s model megacity and global economic and financial hub, the state government has embarked on and/or supported various urban development projects. Drawing on the theoretical underpinnings of neoliberalism, we argue that governance practices in Lagos are transforming the city in a manner that is paradoxical to the intents of the city’s development plan. This paper, therefore, explores how government practices have shaped the city, and the socio-spatial consequences of the recent Lagos state government-supported developments. Of interest are projects from the Lagos State Development plan (2012–2025) which have resulted in significant spatial displacements – hence the selected case studies of Lekki Free Trade Zone and Badia-East Housing Estate. The study reveals that the Lagos state development policy results in creative destruction largely due to the uncritical embrace of market logic over social logic, thereby entrenching urban discontent and socio-spatial fragmentation across the city.

摘要
为了实现将拉各斯转变为非洲示范大城市和全球经济和金融中心的愿景，州政府启动和/或支持了各种城市开发项目。基于新自由主义的理论基础，我们认为拉各斯的治理做法正在以一种与城市发展计划的意图相矛盾的方式改变着城市。因此，本文探讨了政府做法如何塑造了城市，以及最近拉各斯州政府支持的开发项目的社会空间后果。我们关注拉各斯州发展计划 (2012-2025年) 中导致重大空间驱逐的项目，因此选择了莱基 (Lekki) 自由贸易区和巴迪亚-东 (Badia-East) 住宅区这两个案例进行研究。研究表明，拉各斯州的发展政策导致了创造性破坏，主要是由于不加批判地接受市场逻辑并忽视社会逻辑，从而加剧了整个城市的不满情绪和社会空间分裂。
Keywordsdevelopment, dispossession, governance, informality, neoliberalism, poverty/exclusion, redevelopment/regeneration
关键词发展, 剥夺, 治理, 非正规性, 新自由主义, 贫困/排斥, 再开发/更新
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211014461

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