论文快递: 第一百七十二期

六yi利物浦

编者按

Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。"论文快递" 栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！

本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百七十二期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First的三篇论文和Current Issue的两篇论文。主题包括住房去增长，城市去增长和住房共享，接触假说和内部迁移，工业不稳定化，以土地为基础的积累政治，欢迎阅读。

01

An empirical test of measures of housing degrowth: Learning from the limited experience of England and Wales, 1981–2011         

住房去增长措施的实证检验：从英格兰和威尔士1981-2011的有限经验中学习

Rebecca Tunstall（英国约克大学）首次出版时间：2022/10/5｜研究论文
Abstract

This article builds on the concept of ‘degrowth’ to create an experimental, measurable definition of ‘housing degrowth’, which can be applied to the 99% of households in mainstream housing. Like ‘degrowth’, housing degrowth runs against housing policy which has assumed that more housing is good. The article explores whether measurement of housing degrowth is possible with existing data, and whether any housing degrowth has occurred in the existing pro-growth housing system in England and Wales. Building on Kallis et al., ‘housing degrowth’ is defined as a reduction of the total resources going into housing production and use, without an increase in inequality or a loss of wellbeing. First, using the total number of rooms as a proxy, over 1981–2011, England and Wales experienced significant increases in embodied CO₂ (from housing construction, maintenance and disposal). Only a handful of areas experienced reductions, even in resources per person, and in these, inequality increased, and some had very little space per person for the worst-off, likely to harm wellbeing. Second, estimated data on direct CO₂ production by homes in use 2008–18 showed a reduction, which was equitable between income and tenure groups. However, the poorest were hit hardest by rising energy costs, likely to have depressed wellbeing, again failing the degrowth definition. In conclusion, assessing broad trends in housing degrowth is possible, even with imperfect data. Future intentional degrowth appears possible, but will need more political justification, changes to incentives and regulation, and a focus on those worst-off.

摘要本文基于“去增长””的概念，创建了一个实验性强的、操作性高的新定义—“住房去增长”，此定义适用于99%的主流住房家庭。与“去增长”一样，住房去增长与住房政策背道而驰，后者认为更多的住房是好的。本文深入探讨了利用现有数据是否可以测量住房去增长，以及英格兰和威尔士现有的促进增长的住房体系中是否出现了住房去增长。基于凯利斯 (Kallis) 等人的研究，“住房去增长”被定义为在不增加不平等或福利损失的情况下，用于住房生产和使用的总资源减少。首先，以住房总数为例，在1981年至2011年期间，英格兰和威尔士的内含CO₂显著增加（来自住房建设、维护和处置）。只有少数几个地区的人均资源减少，而在这些地区，不平等加剧，有些地区的人均空间很小，可能会损害福利。第二，2008-2018年使用中家庭直接CO₂产量的估计数据显示了减少，而且在收入和保有权群体之间是公平的。然而，最贫困人口受到能源成本上涨的打击最为严重，这可能会降低福利，再次未能达到去增长的定义。总而言之，即使数据不完善，也有可能评估住房去增长的总体趋势。未来的有意去增长似乎是可能的，但需要更多的政治理由、激励和监管的改变，以及关注那些最弱势的群体。
Keywords 

degrowth, energy efficiency, economic growth, housing development, housing space

关键词去增长, 能源效率, 经济增长, 住房开发, 住房空间
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221121198

02

Maintaining autonomy: Urban degrowth and the commoning of housing           

维护自治：城市去增长和住房共享

Federico Savini（荷兰阿姆斯特丹大学）首次出版时间：2022/10/5｜研究论文
Abstract

The theory – and practice – of establishing autonomy from the hegemony of growth is central to the imaginary of degrowth. Yet to envisage pathways towards a degrowth society, scholars need to explain how autonomy coalesces into autonomous institutions. This article addresses this institutional challenge of how to secure autonomy in the provision of collective, affordable and decommodified housing in cities. Building on the tradition of autonomist and (post-)workerist thought, it conceptualises this challenge as one of maintenance. It argues that autonomy occurs through its perpetual reproduction, which is made possible by nesting and federating practices among autonomous communities. Nesting and federating practices allow these communities to avoid becoming enclaves and co-optation by market logics. The article illustrates these arguments through reference to the struggles of de Nieuwe Meent, a recent housing commoning project in Amsterdam.

摘要 

从增长霸权中建立自治的理论和实践是去增长的核心。然而，为了设想走向去增长社会的道路，学者们需要研究自治如何结合成自治机构。本文探讨了如何确保城市自主提供集体的、负担得起和非商品住房这一体制挑战。基于自主主义和（后）工作主义思想的传统，它将这一挑战概念化。它认为自治是通过其永久性的再生产实现的，而这是通过自治社区之间的嵌套和联合实践实现的。筑巢和联合实践使这些社区避免成为飞地和市场逻辑的共同选择。本文通过引用de Nieuwe Meent所开展的斗争来说明这些论点，这是阿姆斯特丹最近的一个公共住房项目。

Keywords 

autonomy, co-housing, collective institutions, housing commons, radical housing

关键词 

自治, 共同住房, 集体机构, 激进住房

原文地址 https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221121517

03

The effect of meeting opportunities on local urban residents’ prejudice against migrant children in China

见面机会对中国当地城镇居民对流动儿童偏见的影响

Jaap Nieuwenhuis（荷兰格罗宁根大学）Xinyi Shen（浙江大学）首次出版时间：2022/9/28｜研究论文
Abstract

This article explores the effect of meeting opportunities between local urban and nonlocal residents on locals’ prejudice against migrant children in China by focusing on three contexts: friendships, schools and neighbourhoods. China’s hukou policy creates a boundary between urban and rural residents, which also takes the form of locals and nonlocals in rural-to-urban migration. Urban public schools with a mix of local and migrant students offer a chance to observe the intergroup relationships between local and nonlocal students as well as their parents. Using two waves of data from the China Education Panel Survey (CEPS), this study examines how changes in migrant friend groups, schoolmates and neighbours of local children affect changes in their parents’ prejudice, as seen among a sample of 1630 student-parent pairs. With longitudinal data, this study mitigates the effect of reverse causality between intergroup contact and prejudice. The findings show that parents whose children have more migrant friends have less prejudice, under certain conditions. Additionally, more nonlocal students in a school relates to less prejudice, especially among parents who are more embedded in the school life. Furthermore, local families with low socio-economic status experience an increase in prejudice, potentially due to an increased feeling of threat. Additionally, this article finds that prejudiced attitudes spread through the social networks of children and parents at the school level. This study emphasises the importance of different contexts of meeting opportunities and sheds new light on the generalisability of the (extended) contact hypothesis to the understudied context of Chinese internal migration.

摘要 本文通过关注三个背景：友谊、学校和社区，探讨了当地城市居民和非当地居民之间的会面机会对中国当地人对流动儿童的偏见的影响。中国的户口政策在城市和农村居民之间建立了一条边界，在农村到城市的迁移中，也存在本地人和非本地人的区分。城市公立学校混合了本地和外来学生，提供了观察本地和非本地学生及其父母之间群体间关系的机会。本研究使用来自中国教育小组调查 (CEPS) 的两波数据，考察了移民朋友群体、当地孩子的同学和邻居的变化如何影响他们父母偏见的变化，这是在1,630对学生家长对样本中观察到的。通过纵向数据，本研究缓解了群体间接触和偏见之间的反向因果关系的影响。研究结果表明，在一定条件下，如果孩子有更多移民朋友，父母的偏见会较少。此外，学校中的非本地学生越多，偏见就越少，尤其是那些更融入学校生活的家长。此外，社会经济地位较低的当地家庭的偏见更高，这可能是由于被威胁感增加。此外，本文还发现，在学校一级，偏见态度通过儿童和家长的社会网络传播。本研究强调了不同背景下会面机会的重要性，并为（扩展）接触假设在中国国内移民研究背景下的普遍性提供了新的线索。
Keywords China, contact hypothesis, internal migration, prejudice, social learning
关键词 中国, 接触假说, 内部迁移, 偏见, 社会学习
原文地址 
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221125065

04

Industrial destabilisation: The case of Rajajinagar, Bangalore                                

工业不稳定化：班加罗尔Rajajinagar的案例

Shriya Anand（印度人类住区研究所）Aditi Dey（印度人类住区研究所、美国新社会研究学校）首次出版时间：2021/9/17 ｜研究论文
AbstractThere has been a recent interest in expanding the focus of deindustrialisation studies to the cities of the Global South. Bangalore, with its long legacy of state sponsored industrialisation, as well as a substantial shift in its economy following economic liberalisation in 1991, presents itself as a suitable case to examine the impacts of industrial transformation. We study the decline of the engineering economy in one of Bangalore’s earliest planned industrial suburbs, Rajajinagar, to understand how industrial restructuring at the city and national scale has affected and reconfigured local economies. Using this case study, we make two main theoretical contributions: one, we bring out shifts at a neighbourhood scale that go beyond the existing literature on neoliberal transformations in Bangalore as well as other Indian cities. Two, the case also allows us to assess the limitations of deindustrialisation as a framework to analyse these changes, and we suggest a modified framework, that of ‘industrial destabilisation’.摘要最近，学界对于将去工业化研究的重点扩展到全球南方的城市颇有兴趣。班加罗尔拥有国家资助的工业化的悠久传统，并且，其在1991年的经济自由化后迎来了重大的经济转变，因而是检验工业化转型影响的合适案例。我们研究了班加罗尔最早规划的郊区工业区之一 Rajajinagar 的工程经济衰退，以了解城市和国家层面的工业重组如何影响和重新配置当地经济。利用这个案例研究，我们做出了两个主要的理论贡献：首先，我们讲述了社区层面的转变，这超越了有关班加罗尔和其他印度城市新自由主义转型的现有文献。其次，该案例还使我们得以评估以去工业化作为分析这些变化的框架的局限性，我们建议采用一个经修改的框架，即“工业不稳定化”。Keywordsdeindustrialisation, industrial restructuring, informality, planning, urban history
关键词

去工业化, 工业重组, 非正规性, 规划, 城市历史

原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211044005

05

Statecraft on cement: The politics of land-based accumulation in Erdoğan’s Turkey

水泥上的治国之道：土耳其埃尔多安以土地为基础的积累政治

Melih Yeşilbağ（土耳其安卡拉大学）首次出版时间：2021/10/8｜研究论文
Abstract

This article contributes to the literature on the role of the state in land-based accumulation by presenting an explanatory framework on the case of contemporary Turkey, a case marked by an unprecedented construction boom that carries the distinct mark of the ruling AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, or Justice and Development Party). Land-based accumulation has constituted a defining aspect of the political economic setting of the AKP era. An investigation of the motivations behind this strategy reveals that it has been instrumental for the ruling party’s political agendas. Through land-based accumulation, the AKP has been able to cultivate a new generation of firms in the construction industry with connections to the party, consolidate its power among domestic capital and develop new mechanisms to finance party politics. Furthermore, symbolic and material manifestations of land-based accumulation have been abundantly used in the party’s propaganda machinery to provide ideological legitimation. Overall, the AKP’s authoritarian grip on power has been forged through the political-ideological resources provided by land-based accumulation. Contrary to the widespread narratives of weakening, passive or merely facilitating states, the case of Turkey brings to the fore an instance of boosting state agendas through land-based accumulation. My findings underline the need to combine capital-switch arguments with a Gramscian political conjunctural analysis for a fuller understanding of the role of the state in land-based accumulation, and point to the urban roots of neoliberal authoritarianism.

摘要
本文提出了一个对当代土耳其案例的解释框架，为有关国家在以土地为基础的积累中的作用的文献做出贡献，该案例以前所未有的建筑热潮为标志，带有执政党 AKP（Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi，或正义与发展党）的烙印。以土地为基础的积累构成了 AKP 时代政治经济环境的一个决定性方面。对这一战略背后动机的研究表明，它对执政党的政治议程起到了重要作用。通过以土地为基础的积累，AKP 得以在建筑行业培育出与该党有联系的新一代公司，巩固其在国内资本中的权力，并开发新的政党政治融资机制。此外，以土地为基础的积累的象征性和物质表现已被党的宣传机器大量使用，以提供意识形态合法性。总体而言，AKP 对权力的专制性控制是通过以土地为基础的积累提供的政治意识形态资源形成的。与削弱、被动或仅仅提供便利的国家的广泛叙述相反，土耳其的案例凸显了通过基于土地的积累促进国家议程的一个例子。我的研究结论强调需要将资本转换论观点与葛兰西政治结合分析相结合，以更全面地理解国家在以土地为基础的积累中发挥的作用，并指出新自由主义威权主义的城市根源。
Keywordsbuilt environment, class, housing, land-based accumulation, neoliberalism, politics, real estate
关键词建筑环境, 阶级, 住房, 以土地为基础的积累, 新自由主义, 政治, 房地产
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211044044

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