人类二十世纪最伟大的演讲。（中英全文）

  公众号前言：  多元化的思想是一个民族创新能力永不枯竭的动力源！多元化的思想是一个人正确认识自己和世界唯一的反光镜！请关注公众号“多元思想”，她每天为您推送一篇闪烁着不同思想光芒的故事或文章，供您或借鉴或批判或欣赏。。。。。。

导读：演讲背景：一九四一年一月六日，时任美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福在美国面临战争的威胁时，在国会进行了一次彪炳青史的咨文演讲，演讲的目的是要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备和战争物资提供给当时在第一线抗击德日意法西斯侵略的国家，如英国，法国，中国等（苏联当时尚未参战），在演讲里，他宣布了四项“人类的基本自由”;这四项宣布，被认为是美国人民以后准备在世界舞台上斗争的基本原则。也是美国之所以是美国的“核心价值”观念；也成为人类文明社会后来共同为之争取为之奋斗的目标！ 

     1943年7月31日，中国共产党的《新华日报》社论高度评价了罗斯福的这篇演讲，认为“罗斯福所倡导的四大自由，也是中国所一致崇奉的”。1945年10月9日，毛泽东在回答英国记者甘贝尔的提问“中共对‘自由民主的中国’的概念及解说如何”时说：“它将实现孙中山先生的三民主义，林肯的民有民治民享的原则与罗斯福的四大自由，它将保证国家的独立、团结、统一及与各民主强国的合作。。。。。”

为照顾时间宽裕程度不同的读友，小编将下面内容分为三块，第一块是官方（百度百科）对这份20世纪最伟大的演讲的概括解释，也即演讲的中心思想，供时间紧张的读友了解这份演讲的主旨和精髓即可；第二块是演讲的中文全文，供时间充足的读友慢慢欣赏；第三块是演讲的英文全文，供英文水平好的读友原汁原味的品味。

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福（Franklin D.Roosevelt，1882年1月30日－1945年4月12日），是美国第32任总统，美国历史上唯一连任超过两届（连任四届，病逝于第四届任期中）的总统。

佛兰克林·罗斯福在国会演讲。

第一块：演讲的精髓

百度百科：四大自由：

美国总统佛兰克林·罗斯福1941年在美国国会大厦发表演说时提出的"言论自由、信仰自由、免于贫困及免于恐惧的自由"。 

人权的本质是自由和平等.

信仰的自由,表达的自由,免于恐惧的自由,免于匮乏的自由.这是对于人的自由权的描述.

人的信仰自由是根本,设立国教不符合信仰自由.对于自由的信仰是根本,也是法律.任何信仰都不能破坏信仰自由的原则.

信仰自由需要通过表达而实现,表达的自由表现为言论\出版\集会\结社\示威\选举\罢免\创制\复议等.

免于恐惧的自由,就是我们通常所说的生存权的问题,包括持有武器的权利,包括住宅不受侵犯,包括通信自由,包括拒绝不确定未来的自由,包括拒绝无理搜查,拒绝有罪推定,拒绝侮辱和诽谤.

免于匮乏的自由,就是我们通常所说的发展权问题.涉及劳动,教育,经商,文化,休息,等各方面.

而作为对自由最有力的制约和解释,就是平等.

人人生而平等,不仅在守法上人人平等,而且在立法上也是人人平等.

        （以上蓝色字内容一字不差的复制于百度百科词条！）

-----------------------

         -------------------------------------

第二块。演讲的中文全文

主席先生，发言人先生以及第77届国会的成员们：

 今天在这美利坚历史上史无前例的时刻，我在这里为你们进行演讲。我之所以用“史无前例”这个词是因为这个国家现在面临的外部威胁比之前的任何时候都要严重。

 自从我们的政府在1789年依据宪法成立以来，历史上发生的大多数危机都是与国内事务有关。而且幸运的是，这些危机中仅仅只有四年的内战曾威胁到国家的统一。感谢上帝，48个州的1.3亿美国人已经忘记了在国家统一中所经历的分歧。

 在1914年前，美国确实曾经陷入到其他各大洲的事务中。为维护美国的权益以及和平通商的原则，我们曾与欧洲国家进行过两场战争，并曾在西印度、地中海及太平洋不宣而战。但是所有的这些战争都未曾对我们国家的安全和独立造成严重的威胁。

 我想表达的一个历史事实即是美国作为一个国家明确地反对任何试图封锁我们从而使我们远离文明进程的行为。今天，为我们的子孙后代考虑，我们强烈反对将我们或者美洲的其他国家强制封锁的行为。

历史已经证明了我们的决心，例如在早些年的法国大革命后持续的25年的战争中，由于法国占据西印度和路易斯安那，拿破仑军队确实威胁到了美国的利益，为了维护和平贸易的权利，我们就投入到了1812年的战争中，显然结果表明包括英法在内的任何一个国家都不可能主宰整个世界。

同样的从1815年到1914年的99年时间里，在欧洲和亚洲没有发生一场威胁到我国和美洲其他国家未来的战争。

 除了麦斯米兰入侵墨西哥的事件，没有任何其他外国势力寻求过在美洲扩张。而且大西洋上的英国舰队一直是一支友好的武装力量。

 即是是在1914年爆发的第一次世界对于我国的威胁也是很小的。但是，之后美国人民开始意识到民主国家的陨落对我们国家的民主意味着什么。

 我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也没有必要喋喋不休地谈论民主国家在处理战后重建问题上的失败。我们应该铭记1919年的和平条约比慕尼黑事件发生之前的绥靖政策要公正的多。在暴政建立的新次序下，这种绥靖政策在全世界范围内蔓延。美国人民会坚定不移的反对暴政。

 我想现实主义者知道此时民主的生活方式在世界的每个地方都在被攻击——不论是以武力的方式，还是以秘密散布恶毒宣传的方式。他们试图通过这些方式挑起国家之间的不合从而摧毁和平。在长达16个月的时间里，这样的攻击已经使得民主在大大小小的数量惊人的国家里销声匿迹了。而这样的攻击仍将持续威胁到其他大大小小的国家。

 因此作为你们的总统，我在此履行宪法赋予我的职责将合纵国的情况通告国会。尽管不太令人愉快，但我仍然有必要告知各位，我们国家和民主制度的安全和未来已经与我们领土之外发生的事情息息相关了。

现在四大洲的人民正在勇敢的捍卫着民主政权。如果他们的捍卫行动失败了，那欧洲，亚洲，非洲及澳洲的所有人民和资源都会被征服者所占有。我们应该记住这四大洲的总人口数目和资源总量大大的超过了整个西半球人口与资源的总和。是的，超过了许多倍。

 在这样的时刻，如果人们自夸称美国不用做很好的准备就可以单枪匹马的拯救整个世界，那是既不成熟又不切实际的。

 任何现实的美国人都不会期望独裁者会给与我们和平，言论自由，宗教自由或者平等经商的环境。这样的和平不会给我们和我们的邻国们带来任何的安全感。那些愿意出卖自由换取短暂的安全的人不值得拥有自由和安全。

 作为一个国家，我们应该为自己的善良感到骄傲，但是我们不是“软骨头”。我们必须永远警惕那些鼓吹“绥靖政策”的人。尤其需要防备一小群自私的人们为了修建他们的“巢穴”拔掉美国之鹰的毛。

 我最近指出过如果独裁国家赢得了这场战争，我们最不期望的事情很可能会发生，我们很可能会卷入到这场迅猛发展的战争中。

有很多人信口开河，认为我们不会遭受海上的直接侵略。很明显只要英国海军实力尚存，这样的危险是不存在的。即使没有英国海军，也没有任何敌人会蠢到穿越几千里的海洋登陆到我国作战，直到他们获得了可使用的战略基地。

但是我们从欧洲的历史中吸取了教训——尤其是在挪威，其重要港口被占领，随后几年意外不断。入侵这一半球的第一阶段不会是常规部队的登陆作战。那些必要的战略点都会被那些情报人员通过受蒙骗的人占领—-他们中的许多人都已经身在我们国家或拉丁美洲了。只要侵略者国家发动攻击，那么选择攻击时间、地点和方式的将会是他们而不是我们。

这就是为何说美国的未来在现在已经受到了严重的威胁。这也是为何说我所做的这份年度报告如此的特别。这也是为何政府及国会的每位成员都感觉到了巨大的责任和义务。这一时刻则要求我们的政策专注于应对外部的威胁。因为国内的问题已经成为了这一巨大紧急状况的一部分。

正如我们国内事务的政策是基于对国民人权和尊严的尊重，我们的国外事务政策则是基于对所有国家人权和尊严的尊重。而且正义的道德力量必将会获得最终的胜利。

我们的国家政策是这样的：

 第一，为表达公众的意愿而不考虑党派之争，我们致力于全面的国防政策。

 第二，为表达公众的意愿而不考虑党派之争，我们致力于全面支持那些坚决抵抗侵略的人们，因为他们使得战火尚未蔓延到美洲。我们要表明我们的信念，即民主事业最终将会胜利，而且我们会加强国防以保卫国家安全。

 第三，为表达公众的意愿而不考虑党派之争，我们致力于这样的一个主张，即道德的准则和对于我们自身安全的考虑将不会允许我们默许由侵略者和绥靖主义者主导的和平。我们知道持久的和平是不能以牺牲其他国家人民的自由作为代价的。

 在最近的大选中，两个党派在国家政策上并无大的分歧。两党在美国的选民面前并无针对这样事情的争论。现在有足够的证据表明在认识到国家面临得明显的危险之后，任何地方的美国公民都会要求和支持政府采取快速和全面的行动。

 因此，我们亟需迅速强劲地增加军备的生产。工业和劳动部门的官员们已经响应了我们的号召。他们设定了目标产量完成的时间。有一些部门提前完成了任务。还有一些在规定的时间内完成了任务。另外其他的一些完成任务的时间虽然有些滞后，但不是很严重。但是，我必须遗憾的说我们仍然十分担心一些重要的生产任务无法在计划的时间内完成。

 尽管陆军和海军在过去一年取得了巨大地进步。每天都在提升经验和改进生产方式。但是今天的最好对于明天仍然是不够的。

 我对目前取得的进步仍然是不满意的。项目的负责人被认为是在训练和能力方面最优秀且最具有爱国主义精神的人。他们对目前所取得的进展不满意。在所有的项目完成之前，我们任何人都不会满意。

 无论原先的目标是设定得太高还是太低，我们的目的都是为了更好更快地完成任务。

 下面我将给你们列出两个例子：

 我们在飞机制造任务的完成进度上滞后了。为了解决难题也为了赶上进度，我们正在夜以继日地工作。

 我们在战舰的建造的任务上已经超前了，但是我们会继续努力使任务完成的时间更加超前。

 将整个国家的生产从和平时期的产量要求提升到战争时的要求不是一项简单的任务。最大的困难就在于项目的初期，因为那时必须首先建造新的工具，新的工厂设备，新的生产线，新的造船台，之后才会有源源不断的产品从中输出来。

 当然，国会必须时刻知晓项目的进度。但是国会也能够认识到对于一些关乎我国和其他盟国安全的信息则必须要保密。

 新的国际环境对我们国家的安全提出了新的要求。我要求国会大量增加拨款并且授权政府继续实施已经开展了的项目。

 我还想要求国会的授权和拨付充足的资金用于制造各种各样的军需品，交予正在与侵略者交战的国家。我们最有效和最直接地援助他们的方法即是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需要人力，但是他们需要数十亿美元的用于防卫的武器。

 可能到时候他们无力用现金偿还。我们不能也不会告诉他们，仅仅是因为现在无法支付这些对于他们很必要的武器，他们就必须要向侵略者投降。

 我不建议为他们提供购买这些武器贷款——将来他们要偿还的贷款。我建议让这些国家持续的从美国获得军需物资，并且将他们的订单拟入我国的生产项目中。因为一旦时机来临，他们所有的军需物资都会用于防卫我们自己的国家。

通过咨询军事专家们，综合考虑最有效的防御方案，我们可以决定需要留下多少武器装备，有多少可以被送到国外支援我们的友国，正是由于他们坚决英勇的抵抗，我们才能有足够的时间准备国防。

 我们捐献给友国的军需物资最终会得到回报，这种回报即是在敌人来临之前我们将有足够的时间，也可能是以同样的物资或他们能够生产而且我们又需要的其他各种物资。

 让我们告诉民主国家们：“我们美国人十分关注你们捍卫自由的斗争，我们将尽全力，为你们提供物质和军队帮助你们维护自由世界。我们将送给你们无数的舰船，飞机，坦克和枪炮。这是我们的目的也是我们的承诺。”

为了实现这一目的，我们不会惧怕独裁者的威胁。他们认为我们这种援助其他抵抗侵略的民主国家的行为是违反国际法的，或者说是战争行为。 这样的援助并不是战争行为，即是独裁者单方面的这样认为。

 而且如果独裁者准备对我们发动战争了，他们不会等到我们先发动战争。

他们没有等比利时和荷兰先发动战争。他们唯一的兴趣即是建立单向的国际法，这样的国际法由于缺乏相互性而成为了他们压迫其他国家的工具。未来美国人民的幸福取决于我们的援助是否及时有效。没人知道我们可能面临怎样的紧急情况。国家在生命受到威胁时，一定不能被束手束脚。

是的，在如战争一样紧急的情况下，我们所有的人必须准备做出必要的牺牲。任何阻碍我们进行快速有效国防的事情都必须让道给国家的需要。

一个自由的国家有权希望各个群体之间的全面合作。一个自由的国家有权期望商业、劳动力、农业领域的领袖带头努力，不是在其他的行业，而是在他们自己的行业中。

对于那些懒汉和麻烦制造者，最好的方法即是通过爱国主义的事例羞辱他们，如果那都不起作用，那就是用政府的权力来拯救政府。

人们不能只依靠武器战斗，正如人们不能只靠面包生活。保卫国家和支持保卫国家的人们还必须要有精力和勇气。这些精力和勇气应该来自于他们对其所捍卫的生活方式的坚定信仰。我们所呼吁的强有力的行为不应该弃所有值得奋斗的事情于不顾。

在让人民意识到他们在保卫美国的民主生活中所需要做的事情的方面，这个国家对于我们十分满意，并且从中获得了力量。这些事情让人们紧张起来，重新激发了他们的信仰，加强了他们对于所要保护的国家的奉献。

当然我们所有的人此时都不应该停止思考经济和社会问题，那是社会变革的根源。社会变革是造成当今世界格局的首要因素。因为一个富强的民主政权的基础并无神秘之处。

人民所希冀的政治经济系统的基本特点包括：

 年轻人与其他人群平等的机会

所有可劳动的人都可以得到工作

需要安全的人可以得到安全

终结少数人的特权

所有的人享有公民自由
享受科技进步的成果所带来的增长的生活水平

 这些简单基础的东西是在当今错综复杂的世界中不可或缺。我们的政治经济系统中的内在的和持久的力量就是取决于对人民的这些期望的完成程度。

许多与社会经济相关联的项目都需要立即得到改善。例如：

 我们需要将更多的老年人纳入到养老保险和失业保险的体系中。

我们应该开放医疗保险的机会

我们应该计划一个更好的体系，通过这个体系那些想要或应该获得工作的人都可以获得工作。

 我已经向国民号召进行个人奉献了，而且我很肯定美国人民都会很愿意响应号召。这一奉献部分在于提高税收。在预算方面，我将建议应该将这些多征收的税收用于大的国防项目的一部分开支。任何人都不应试图或被允许通过该项目发财。我们的立法将继续遵循所缴税收应与支付能力相符的纳税原则。

 如果国会能过遵循这些原则，那么那些将爱国主义置于经济利益之上的选民们将会为你们鼓掌。

在我们试图寻求安全的未来世界，我们期待一个建立在四大自由基础上的世界。这四大自由是：

第一，在世界上的任何地方都有言论和表达自由。

第二，在世界上的任何地方都有宗教信仰自由。

第三，在世界上的任何地方都有免于匮乏的自由。从全球的角度来说意味着每个国家都可以为其国民提供一个健康的和平时期的生活。

第四，在世界上的任何地方都有免于恐惧的自由。从全球的角度来说意味着全世界范围内的裁军，而且裁军将变成一种趋势达到某种程度以至于任何国家都无法用武力侵犯其邻国。

 这并非是对遥远未来的幻想。这是在我们的时代里就可以确定获得的世界的的基础。这种世界与独裁者们试图用武力建立的所谓的”新秩序“是相对的。

 对于这一新秩序，我们用更大的概念——道德秩序来进行反对。一个良好的社会能够勇敢直面各种世界统治和外国革命。

 从美国建国以来，我们就一直经历着改变，一场永久的和平的革命，一场悄悄稳定进行着的革命，没有集中营和万人坑，一场面对外界变化的环境不断调整自身的革命。我们所寻求的世界秩序是自由国家之间共同合作，共同生活在一个友好文明的社会中。

 这个国家将它的命运交付到了无数国民的手中、脑中和心中，将它对自由的信仰交付于上帝的指引。自由意味着在任何地方人权都享有至高无上的地位。我们将支持那些努力争取并捍卫这些权利的人们。我们力量源于我们的团结。

为了这一崇高的理念，我们最终必将获得胜利。

开罗会议期间罗斯福和蒋介石夫妇及丘吉尔。

-----------------------------------------

-----------------------------------------

第三块 演讲的英文全文：

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.  I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.  And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity.  Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.  We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.  But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.  While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.  But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.  And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to 'give to the Congress information of the state of the union,' I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.  If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.  And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business.  Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.  Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.  We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the 'ism' of appeasement.  We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.  Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.  Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.  The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.  That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.  That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril.  For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small.  And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.  And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.  None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.  However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.  We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: 'We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.'

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.  Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

罗斯福墓碑及雕像。