国际英语角第十五期 || 什么是社会主义女权主义？「叁」

What Is Socialist Feminism?

[3]

什么是社会主义女权主义？

「叁」

BY

BARBARA EHRENREICH

// 作者引：

在某种程度上，社会主义女权主义已经存在了很长一段时间。你是资本主义社会的女性。你很生气——关于工作，关于账单，关于你的丈夫(或前任)，关于孩子的学校，家务，漂亮或是不漂亮，被人注意或是没有人注意等等。如果你思考这些事情，以及它们是如何共同起作用的，以及需要改变什么，你几乎必须考虑“社会主义女权主义”。

马克思主义和女权主义有一个重要的共同点：那就是它们看待世界的重要方式。两者都撕裂了流行神话和“常识”经验，迫使我们以一种新的方式看待现存经验。两者都试图从新的维度理解世界——不是从静态平衡、同一的角度(如传统社会科学)——而是从对立的角度。他们得出的结论在令人震惊和不安的同时，意味着是解放。拥有马克思主义或女权主义的观点，就不可能同时保持旁观者的身份。要理解这些分析揭示的现实，就必须采取行动改变。

/本文来自：Jacobin 2018/7/30 （有删减）（图片来源于网络）

本文于1976年首次出现在Win杂志上，随后又收录于新美国运动(New American Movement)时期关于社会主义和女权主义的论文中。本文为Ehrenreich女士在Jacobin杂志上的再版。

Ehrenreich女士是美国著名女权主义者、小说家、政治活动家。

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We are coming out of a kind of feminism and a kind of Marxism whose interests quite naturally flow together. I think we are in a position now to see why it is that socialist feminism has been so mystified: the idea of socialist feminism is a great mystery or paradox, so long as what you mean by socialism is really what I have called “mechanical Marxism” and what you mean by feminism is an ahistorical kind of radical feminism. These things just don’t add up; they have nothing in common.

我们之中正生成一种女权主义和马克思主义，两者的利益十分自然地交织在一起。我认为我们现在可以看到为何社会主义女权主义的概念如此神秘模糊：社会主义女权主义是一个巨大的谜团或悖论——当你所说的社会主义是我所说的“机械马克思主义”，而你所说的女权主义是一种非历史的激进女权主义。这些东西在一起就是不成立的；他们毫无共同之处。

But if you put together another kind of socialism and another kind of feminism, as I have tried to define them, you do get some common ground, and that is one of the most important things about socialist feminism today. It is a space free from the constrictions of a truncated kind of feminism and a truncated version of Marxism — in which we can develop the kind of politics that addresses the political/economic/cultural totality of monopoly capitalist society. We could only go so far with the available kinds of feminism, the conventional kind of Marxism, and then we had to break out to something that is not so restrictive and incomplete in its view of the world. We had to take a new name, “socialist feminism,” in order to assert our determination to comprehend the whole of our experience and to forge a politics that reflects the totality of that comprehension.

但是如果你把另一种社会主义和另一种女权主义放在一起，就像我试图定义的那样，你会找到一些共同点，这也是如今社会主义女权主义最重要的一点。这是一个没有被受到阉割的女权主义和马克思主义束缚的空间——在这里，我们可以构建一种政治思想，来解决垄断资本主义社会的政治/经济/文化总体性（问题）。根据我们现有的女权主义和传统的马克思主义，我们必须突破到（新的阶段），在这样的的世界观中，没有那么多的限制和缺陷。我们必须取一个新名字——“社会主义女权主义”，以表明我们决心理解我们的全部经验和历史，并打造一个总体迎合这种理解的政治思潮。

2019 Women's march in New York and Vancouver

January 19th. 2019

However, I don’t want to leave socialist feminist theory as a “space” or a common ground. Things are beginning to grow in that “ground.” We are closer to a synthesis in our understanding of sex and class, capitalism and male domination, than we were a few years ago. Here I will indicate only very sketchily one such line of thinking:

但是，我不想把社会主义女权主义理论作为一个“空间”或一片共同的“土地”（基础）。在这片“土地”上，万物将开始生长。与几年前相比，我们更接近从综合的角度理解性别和阶级、资本主义和男权统治。这里我只粗略地指出这样一种想法:

synthesis：

1.[C,U] something that has been made by combining different things, or the process of combining things综合物；综合体；综合

2.[U] the act of making a chemical or biological substance〔化学或生物学物质的〕合成

3.[U] the production of sounds, speech, or music electronically〔用电子方式对声音、语音或音乐的〕合成

1.The Marxist/feminist understanding that class and sex domination rest ultimately on force is correct, and this remains the most devastating critique of sexist/capitalist society. But there is a lot to that “ultimately.” In a day-to-day sense, most people acquiesce to sex and class domination without being held in line by the threat of violence, and often without even the threat of material deprivation.

1. 马克思主义/女权主义关于阶级统治和性别统治根本上源于暴力的理解是正确的，这仍然是对性别歧视/资本主义社会最强有力的批判。但所谓的“最根本的”还有很多。从日常意义上说，大多数人因没有被统括于暴力的威胁中，甚至往往没有受到物质剥夺的威胁，便默认了性别和阶级统治。

devastating：

1.badly damaging or destroying something毁灭性的，破坏力极强的

2.making someone feel extremely sad or shocked令人悲痛的；令人震惊的，骇人的

3.very impressive or effective惊人的；强有力的

2.It is very important, then, to figure out what it is, if not the direct application of force, that keeps things going. In the case of class, a great deal has been written already about why the US working class lacks militant class consciousness. Certainly ethnic divisions, especially the black/white division, are a key part of the answer. But I would argue, in addition to being divided, the working class has been socially atomized. Working-class neighborhoods have been destroyed and are allowed to decay; life has become increasingly privatized and inward-looking; skills once possessed by the working class have been expropriated by the capitalist class; and capitalist-controlled “mass culture” has edged out almost all indigenous working-class culture and institutions. Instead of collectivity and self-reliance as a class, there is mutual isolation and collective dependency on the capitalist class.

2.因此，如若上述(资本主义和男权社会的)暴力没有直接作于人们身上并且又保持社会运转，找出其中的原因和本质便显得极为重要。在阶级问题上，关于美国工人阶级为什么缺乏激进的阶级意识，已经有很多论述。当然，种族分裂，尤其是黑人和白人的分裂，是答案的关键部分。但我想说的是，除了分裂，工人阶级还在社会中被原子化了。工人阶级社区被摧毁，并任由其衰败;生活变得越来越私有化和冷漠;工人阶级曾经拥有的技能，被资本家剥夺了；资本主义控制的“大众文化”几乎排挤了所有本土的工人阶级文化和制度。（个体之间的）相互隔离和对资本家的集体依赖取代了作为一个阶级的集体主义和自力更生。

atomize：vt. 使分裂为原子；将…喷成雾状；使遭受原子弹轰炸；vi. 分裂

3.The subjugation of women, in the ways which are characteristic of late capitalist society, has been key to this process of class atomization. To put it another way, the forces which have atomized working-class life and promoted cultural/material dependence on the capitalist class are the same forces which have served to perpetuate the subjugation of women. It is women who are most isolated in what has become an increasingly privatized family existence (even when they work outside the home too).It is, in many key instances, women's skills (productive skills, healing, midwifery, etc.) which have been discredited or banned to make way for commodities. It is, above all, women who are encouraged to be utterly passive/uncritical/dependent (i.e. “feminine”) in the face of the pervasive capitalist penetration of private life. Historically, late capitalist penetration of working-class life has singled out women as prime targets of pacification/”feminization” — because women are the culture-bearers of their class.

3.以晚近资本主义[1]社会特有的方式对妇女的征服，是这一阶级分化过程的关键。换句话说，使工人阶级生活原子化和促使工人阶级依赖资本主义的文化/物质的力量，与使妇女受到持久压迫的力量具有一致性。在日益私有化的家庭生活中(即使她们也在外工作)，女性是最孤立的群体。在许多的关键情况下，妇女的技能(生产技能、治疗、助产士等)已被限制或禁止以此为商品让路。最重要的是，面对资本主义对私人生活的渗透，女性被鼓励完全处于被动/不批判/依赖（的状态）(即“女性化”)。从历史上看，晚近资本主义对工人阶级生活的渗透首先将女性群体作为推行“绥靖化”/“软弱化”的首要目标——因为女性是他们阶级的文化载体。

4. It follows that there is a fundamental interconnection between women’s struggle and what is traditionally conceived as class struggle. Not all women’s struggles have an inherently anticapitalist thrust (particularly not those which seek only to advance the power and wealth of special groups of women), but all those which build collectivity and collective confidence among women are vitally important to the building of class consciousness. Conversely, not all class struggles have an inherently anti-sexist thrust (especially not those that cling to pre-industrial patriarchal values), but all those which seek to build the social and cultural autonomy of the working class are necessarily linked to the struggle for women’s liberation.

4.因此，妇女的斗争与传统意义上的阶级斗争之间有着根本的联系。并非所有妇女的斗争都具有反资本主义的内在推动力(特别是那些只寻求提高特殊妇女群体的权力和财富的斗争)，但所有在妇女中建立集体主义意识和集体信心的斗争对阶级意识的建立都是至关重要的。相反的，并非所有的阶级斗争都具有内在的反性别歧视的倾向(特别是那些坚持前工业时代的宗法价值观的阶级斗争)，而是所有那些寻求建立工人阶级的社会与文化自治的阶级斗争都必然与争取妇女解放的斗争联系在一起。

This, in very rough outline, is one direction which socialist feminist analysis is taking. No one is expecting a synthesis to emerge which will collapse socialist and feminist struggle into the same thing. The capsule summaries I gave earlier retain their “ultimate” truth: there are crucial aspects of capitalist domination (such as racial oppression) which a purely feminist perspective simply cannot account for or deal with — without bizarre distortions, that is. There are crucial aspects of sex oppression (such as male violence within the family) which socialist thought has little insight into — again, not without a lot of stretching and distortion. Hence the need to continue to be socialists and feminists. But there is enough of a synthesis, both in what we think and what we do for us to begin to have a self-confident identity as socialist feminists.

这大致是社会主义女性主义分析的一个方向。没有人期望出现一种综合体，将社会主义和女权主义的斗争还原成同一个概念[2]。我之前给出的简要总结保留了它们的“最根本的”真相：资本主义统治的某些关键方面(比如种族压迫)，如果没有怪异的牵强附会，纯粹的女权主义观点根本无法解释或处理。社会主义思想对性别压迫的某些关键方面(如家庭中的男性暴力)了解甚少——同样，也不无牵强和扭曲之处。但是，在我们的思想和行为上，已经足够形成一个综合体，使我们开始有作为社会主义女权主义者的自信。

bizarre：adj. 奇异的（指态度，容貌，款式等）

点击图片拓展阅读：《属于99%人群的女权主义：一个宣言》（Feminism for the 99%: A Manifesto）

全 文 终

注释

[1] 译者注：“late capitalist society”在常见书籍或文章中一般译作“晚期资本主义社会”，但译者认为“晚近资本主义社会”更为准确。

[2] 译者注：此处强调社会主义斗争和女权主义斗争的也具有差异性。

翻译：腾

校对：歪歪

编辑：奥伯里恩

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