决策者｜扫清误解与迷思，香港整装再出发

Editor's note: Decision Makers is a global platform for decision makers to share their insights on events shaping today's world. Henry Ho is the founder and chairman of One Country Two Systems Youth Forum. The article reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

编者按：《决策者》是全球决策制定者分享对国际大事见解的平台。何建宗是一国两制青年论坛创办人兼主席。本文仅为作者个人观点，不一定代表CGTN立场。

At the eve of the celebration of the 25th anniversary of the return of Hong Kong, it is widely acknowledged that the Special Administrative Region (SAR) has gone through a unique and successful path of development under the principle of "One Country, Two Systems." Despite this successful journey, we should not forget some of the misconceptions and myths that were once held and resulted in chaos in recent years.

在香港回归25周年前夕，人们普遍认为，在“一国两制”基本国策的指导下，香港特区走出了一条独特而成功的发展道路。尽管如此，我们也不能忘记，曾经的误解与迷思导致近年的混乱局面。

The "One Country, Two Systems" principle is an unprecedented and innovative framework designed by the Communist Party of China under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping in 1980s. It embodies the Chinese wisdom of resolving international disputes through the integration of both sovereign principles and systemic flexibility. By allowing the HKSAR to retain its capitalist system, socialist China has benefited tremendously in its reform and opening-up process in the past decades. And of course, Hong Kong has largely achieved prosperity and stability throughout these years.

20世纪80年代，在邓小平同志的领导下，中国共产党设计出了前所未有的“一国两制”构想，在保证主权完整的前提下，通过灵活的制度设计来解决国际争端，体现中国智慧。在“一国两制”的框架下，香港特区允许保留原有的资本主义制度。作为社会主义国家，中国在过去几十年的改革开放进程中受益匪浅。当然，这些年来，香港基本上实现了繁荣和稳定。

Many commentators have discussed how the National Security Law and the Improving Electoral System (Consolidated Amendments) Bill have facilitated Hong Kong's "relaunch" for the coming second half of the 50-year period. Here I would like to trace back some of the root causes of the confusion concerning Hong Kong's status and its relationship with the Chinese mainland in the past by dispelling three major myths. These myths once gained traction among quite a number of Hong Kong people.

许多评论家都畅谈《国家安全法》和《完善选举制度（综合修订）条例草案》将如何帮助香港在未来的50年整装再出发。在此，我想通过追溯过去香港地位及其与中国内地关系混乱的一些根源，来消除在香港居民中颇为流行的三大迷思。

The first myth was the admiration of Western democracy model as a panacea to Hong Kong's problems. Perhaps there was no other place in the world where the electoral system has been under such intense debate for as long as four decades. The so-called pan-democratic camp (opposition camp) in Hong Kong grew because of its insistence on Western style democracy in Hong Kong. 

第一个迷思是对西方民主模式的盲目推崇，认为它是解决香港社会问题的灵丹妙药。也许世界上没有其他地方像香港一样，在长达40年的时间里，一直围绕其选举制度进行激烈的辩论。由于有人坚持在香港实行西式民主，香港“泛民主阵营”（反对派）应运而生。

Instead of focusing on the root cause and providing solutions to Hong Kong's deep-seated problems, opposition politicians attribute most, if not all of Hong Kong's problems to the absence of universal suffrage for the election of the chief executive. Yet, any sensible person can realize that even in Western democratic countries, acute problems such as income inequality, racial discrimination, as well as religious and identity-related conflicts have been deteriorating in recent years.

香港面临的这些问题根深蒂固，反对派政客无心关注导致问题产生的根本原因并试图解决问题，而是一昧地将香港的大部分（甚至全部）问题归咎于行政长官非普选产生。然而，任何头脑清醒的人都会意识到，即使在西方所谓的民主国家，收入不平等、种族歧视、宗教冲突和身份冲突等尖锐问题近年来也在不断恶化。

Elections in many cases aggravate, not minimize social divisions. The Central Government has been a staunch supporter of Hong Kong's democratic system. Yet, the universal suffrage package of the chief executive proposed by the SAR government, while conforming to the Basic Law requirements, was vetoed by the 2015 Legislative Council. The pan-democratic camp had become totally "anti-democratic."

很多时候，选举会加剧而非减少社会割裂。中央政府一直是香港民主制度的坚定支持者。然而，特区政府提出的行政长官普选方案虽然符合基本法要求，但却在2015年遭到立法会否决。泛民派已彻底沦落为“反民主”阵营。

The new electoral system in Hong Kong bids farewell to the myth of superiority of Western style democracy. It emphasizes both the bottom line of national security and the development of democracy; it recognizes both the importance of procedural democracy (via direct elections) and level of representativeness (via election committee as an electorate). The emphasis on national interests in the local electoral system provides a firm basis for further development of the system toward the ultimate goal of universal suffrage, as enshrined in the Basic Law.

香港的新选举制度打破了关于西式民主优越性的迷思。它既强调国家安全底线，又强调民主发展；它既承认程序民主（直接选举）的重要性，也承认代议制（选民由选委会代表）的重要性。香港地方选举制度强调国家利益，为进一步发展该制度，实现《基本法》规定的普选最终目标奠定了坚实的基础。

The second myth refers to the emphasis or the superiority of "Two Systems" with respect to "One Country." Hong Kong's institutional strengths and high level of economic development gave some residents a sense of superiority toward the Chinese mainland. The sincere guarantee of the Central Government to retain Hong Kong's original capitalist system and way of life for 50 years was misinterpreted by some people as Hong Kong being the role model for the Chinese mainland, and that one day, the Chinese mainland would follow Hong Kong's path of development. Obviously, this is totally unfounded.

第二个迷思在于过分强调“两制”，而忽视“一国”的重要性。香港的制度优势和发达的经济导致一些香港居民在看待内地人时，认为自己高人一等。中央政府承诺香港可在回归后50年里保留原有的资本主义制度和生活方式，这本是一片好意，却被一些人曲解为香港是内地的榜样，并且有朝一日内地也会走和香港一样的发展道路。显然，这完全是在异想天开。

The "One Country, Two Systems" principle does not come from Hong Kong, but from the policy of the Central Government, and its legality solely from the National People's Congress. The danger of dismissing the superiority of "One Country" was clearly demonstrated during the 2019 riots, with foreign forces aimed at subverting the Central Government via the HKSAR.

“一国两制”方针并非由香港自身制定，而是由中央政府制定的政策，其合法性由全国人民代表大会赋予。2019年的动乱清楚地表明，否定“一国”原则是相当危险的，外国势力妄图通过香港达到颠覆中央政权的目的。

Finally, the third myth relates to Hong Kong's responsibility in safeguarding national security. For years, people have adopted a flippant attitude toward national security. The 2019 riots were indeed painful lessons learnt by every Hong Kong resident. National security is the jurisdiction of central or federal governments around the world and local authorities should have no legislative power. 

最后，第三个迷思与香港维护国家安全的责任有关。一直以来，香港居民对国家安全采取“事不关己”的态度。2019年的骚乱是每位香港居民都要吸取的惨痛教训。纵观全球，国家安全一直是每个中央或联邦政府的管辖事项，地方当局不应拥有立法权。

Nevertheless, the Central Government placed a high level of trust in Hong Kong by allowing the enactment of its national security legislation through the provision of the Basic Law Article 23. Unfortunately, Hong Kong people tended to take a biased approach by assuming that the safeguarding of national security would infringe on their individual rights. 

尽管如此，中央政府高度信任香港，允许香港以《基本法》第23条为依据进行国家安全立法。遗憾的是，香港居民在认知上存在偏颇，认为维护国家安全必定会侵犯他们的个人权利。

Hong Kong therefore has failed to pass this important piece of legislation, resulting in the severe national security threats during the 2019 riots. The enactment of the National Security Law brought back peace, prosperity and stability to Hong Kong. I am glad that Hong Kong people have finally acknowledged the importance of safeguarding national security, which protects rather than undermines each of our individual rights.

因此，香港一直未能通过这一重要立法，导致2019年暴乱中出现严重的国家安全威胁。《国安法》的颁布为香港重新带来了和平、繁荣与稳定。我很高兴，香港民众终于认识到维护国家安全的重要性，这会保护而非损害我们的个人权利。

The "One Country, Two Systems" principle remains the best institutional arrangement for the HKSAR which benefits both the HKSAR and the nation as a whole. Yet, we should be mindful that Hong Kong's unique system should not be taken for granted. The essence of "One Country, Two Systems" lies in the fact that Hong Kong's system should be different yet at the same time beneficial to the nation. I am confident that this delicate balance will be maintained in the coming years, thus providing a solid foundation for Hong Kong's "relaunch" under the leadership of Chief Executive John Lee.  

“一国两制”仍然是最适合香港特区的制度安排，既有益于这座城市，也有益于整个国家。然而，我们应注意，香港独特制度不应该被视为理所应当的安排。“一国两制”的本质在于，香港的制度可以与内地不同，但是也要对国家有利。我乐观地认为，在未来，这种微妙的平衡能够保持下去，从而为香港在香港特区行政长官李家超先生的带领下整装再出发奠定坚实的基础。

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