不得不向西方解读的王毅演讲，中国没有被激怒（附中英双语视频）

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编者按：7月9日，中国国务委员兼外交部长王毅出席“中美智库媒体视频论坛”并作主旨演讲。演讲内容信息量巨大，在国内引发广泛关注。为了更好地向全球分享此次重要演讲，中国人民大学重阳金融研究院执行院长王文，作为论坛的亲历者，在其《环球时报》英文版7月14日的“变局”专栏中撰文解读王毅演讲，并录制第一期Wang Views视频阐述他对这次演讲的理解。本期，人大重阳君向您推荐专栏文章的英文原文、中文译文及视频。

第一期《Wang Views》

　　中国国务委员兼外交部长王毅7月9日在“中美智库媒体视频论坛”发表中美关系演讲时，我在现场。作为论坛承办方，我此前知道部分演讲内容，但当时仍震撼于这场演讲的巨大信息量。

　　很遗憾，美国媒体没有充分地报道这篇中美关系恶化以来中国决策层对美政策最系统的一次阐述。我不得不通过专栏向英语世界分享一下我对这次重要演讲的理解。

　　王毅讲话首先定调，当前中美关系正“面临建交以来最严重的挑战”。1979年以来，中美关系没有像现在这样全面恶化过。作为中国具体外交政策的领导者，王毅呼吁中美关系“能够重回正轨，真正实现长期健康稳定发展”。

　　他的建议非常务实，既总结了过去经验与长远的未来，更罗列了当前须走的每一步细节。

　　过去40多年来，美国总有人寻求改变中国的政治制度，希望中国变成像美国那样的社会模式。王毅明确回答，“中国不会也不可能变成另一个美国”。中美两国历史上不可能、未来也“不应寻求改造对方，而应共同探索不同制度和文明和平共存之道”。这是中国外交对两国共存方式又一次铿锵有力的回应。

　　在我看来，中国希望与美国和平共处的诚意是足够的。中国从没有主动挑衅美国的核心利益，没有去加勒比海抵近侦察，没有挑拨美墨、美加、美国与拉丁美洲关系，没有支持美国国内任何一方的政治势力。相反，中国一直致力于维护二战结束以来、由美国领导建立的国际体系。

　　对未来与美国的交往方式，王毅说道，“中国的对美政策没有变化，我们仍愿本着善意和诚意发展中美关系。”这是来自中方对中美关系确定性的坚定承诺。不变，是对当下不确定性的重大利好。

　　王毅呼吁，“要正确看待中美关系发展的历史经验，坚持走对话合作之路”。他讲这句话时，我看到在视频的另一端，有一位重要的美国演讲者竖起大姆指。王毅三点务实的对话与合作建议包括：一、激活和开放所有对话渠道；二、梳理和商定交往的三份清单，包括合作清单、对话清单、管控清单；三、聚焦和展开抗疫合作。

　　不难发现，透过王毅的讲话可以看出，中国没有像1947年苏联那样被“铁幕演说”激怒，不想以一场新冷战的方式寻求回击美国。与美国副总统彭斯、国务卿蓬佩奥先后两次在哈德逊研究所的两次演讲完全不同，中国对美国的状况没有造谣，没有攻击，更没有任何逼迫美方的强硬姿态，而是对中美关系健康发展的建议与寻求问题解决方案的智慧。

　　很明显，特朗普政府试图把中国塑造成美国敌人的策略不会成功。王毅的回应印证了此前我所在机构完成的一份中国百名学者调查问卷的结论。62%的中国学者认为，美国真的在发动对华“新冷战”。但82%认为，像美苏那样的“新冷战”是不可能的。90%认为，中国能处理好美国可能中的“新冷战攻势”。

　　对于两国关系的恶化，美国在踩油门，而中国在踩刹车，希望能阻止中美关系继续下坠。在王毅看来，“下一步，中美关系这艘已经航行了四十多年的巨轮能否继续保持正确航向，不仅与两国人民利益密切相连，也关乎世界与人类的共同未来。”

　　从这个角度看，防止中美关系下坠，就是阻止世界发展下坠。病毒仍在肆虐，疫情仍未到高峰，这场与病毒的世界大战，人类在溃败，60万人已无辜死亡。诚如我上次专栏所写，最悲观的预估，将有近7000万人死亡。再不团结，人类将有可能进入到黑暗时代。

　　美国朋友们需要清楚，中国不是美国的敌人，病毒才是。或许美国朋友们还应该翻一翻哈佛大学已故教授费正清那本被《外交》杂志列为20世纪最伟大的书《美国与中国》最后一页。全书的最后一句话写道：“中国人的生存能力可能远胜于我们。我们应了解与中国分歧所在，这是符合我们共同面对的人类首要利益的惟一方法。”

以下为英文版

China instills certainty into a chaotic world

By Wang Wen

本文英文版在Global Times的版面截图

Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi delivered a speech to the China-US Think Tanks Media Forum on Thursday. As one of the organizers of the event, I attended the forum and was impressed by the huge amount of information he made in his remarks.

Regrettably, US media outlets failed to adequately report about this most systematic explanation of China's US policy by Chinese policymakers since the deterioration of Beijing-Washington relations. I would therefore like to share my understanding of the speech to the English-speaking world through this column.

At the very beginning, Wang stressed that China-US relations face "the most severe challenge since the establishment of diplomatic ties." Since 1979, China-US relations have not deteriorated as comprehensively as they are now. As the leader of China's foreign policy circle, Wang called on China-US ties to get "back on track toward long-term, sound and steady development."

His proposals are very pragmatic with details.

Over the past 40 years, there have always been people in the US who have sought to change China's political system. They hope China will turn to a US model. Wang articulated, "China will not, and cannot, be another US," and that "China and the US should not seek to remodel each other. Instead, they must work together to find ways for the peaceful coexistence of different systems and civilizations." This is Chinese diplomacy's powerful response for the two countries' coexistence.

As far as I am concerned, China has sufficient goodwill toward peaceful coexistence with the US. China has never proactively provoked the US' core interests, sent its warships or fighter jets to the Caribbean Sea, driven a wedge in US ties with Mexico, Canada or Latin America, nor has China supported any political forces within the US. On the contrary, China has committed to maintaining the international system established by the US since the end of World War II.

Wang said, "China's US policy remains unchanged. We are still willing to grow China-US relations with goodwill and sincerity." This is China's firm commitment to the certainty of China-US ties. Keeping such policies is a major, positive factor amid current uncertainties.

Wang said, "it is important to have a correct view of the historical experience of China-US relations, and stay the course of dialogue and cooperation." When he made the remarks, I saw a heavyweight speaker from the US side give a thumbs-up. Wang made three suggestions for practical dialogues and cooperation. First, to activate and open all the channels of dialogue. Second, to review and agree on the lists of interactions. Third, to focus and cooperate on the COVID-19 response.

As seen from Wang's speech, it's not difficult to find that China wasn't irritated as the Soviet Union was in 1947 by the "Iron Curtain Speech." China has no intention to respond to the US with a new cold war.  Contrary to the speeches respectively delivered by US Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo at the Hudson Institute, Wang's speech neither lied about the US nor attacked the country. It did not convey any hard-line gesture to coerce the US. It was full of wisdom that seeks recommendations for the healthy development of China-US relations and resolutions for problems.

Obviously, the Trump administration's strategy to shape China as an enemy won't succeed. Wang's address verified the conclusion of a recent questionnaire of 100 Chinese scholars completed by my institute.

In that questionnaire, 62 percent of those polled believe the US is waging a new cold war against China. But 82 percent hold the view that a new cold war resembling the US-Soviet Union Cold War is unlikely. Besides, 90 percent believe China is well prepared to handle a new cold war offensive launched by the US.

The US is pressing the accelerator to trash bilateral relations. But China is putting the brakes on with the hope of preventing China-US relations from continuing to plummet.

As Wang said, "Will the giant ship of China-US relations be able to stay on the right course in the future after more than four decades of voyage? The question matters not only to the interests of the Chinese and American peoples, but also to the future of the world and humanity."

That being said, to prevent the fall of China-US relations is to prevent the development of the world from further deteriorating. The coronavirus is still raging on. The peak of the pandemic has yet to come. In the global war with the virus, over 560,000 people have died. As I said in my column last week, the pessimistic estimate is that as many as 3.2 million people may die. If not united, humanity will likely enter a dark age. Americans should know that China is not the enemy, the virus is.

（The author is professor and executive dean of Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China, and executive director of China-US People-to-People Exchange Research Center. His latest book is Great Power's Long March Road.）

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人大重阳

中国人民大学重阳金融研究院（人大重阳）成立于2013年1月19日，是重阳投资董事长裘国根先生向母校捐赠并设立教育基金运营的主要资助项目。

作为中国特色新型智库，人大重阳聘请了全球数十位前政要、银行家、知名学者为高级研究员，旨在关注现实、建言国家、服务人民。目前，人大重阳下设7个部门、运营管理4个中心(生态金融研究中心、全球治理研究中心、中美人文交流研究中心、中俄人文交流研究中心)。近年来，人大重阳在金融发展、全球治理、大国关系、宏观政策等研究领域在国内外均具有较高认可度。

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