国际顶刊 | 《政治研究》Political Studies 2020年第4期
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本期国际化部为大家带来了《政治研究》2020年第4期文章编译。
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PART 2
期刊简介
《政治研究》是政治学和国际关系领域的主要国际期刊，创立于1953年，在政治学类别的165种期刊中排名76。自创刊以来，该杂志一直处于该领域的前沿，发表严谨和原创性工作。《政治研究》不受特定的方法论或理论框架的限制，鼓励对政治和国际关系采取多元化的研究方法。该刊特别欢迎跨越和挑战传统学科界限、重新考虑国际和国内政治之间的关系或提供新的比较视角的创新作品。《政治研究》旨在发展现有的最有前景的工作，促进政治学的专业交流，并致力于同行评审的最高标准。
PART 2
期刊目录
The 2016 EU Referendum: Explaining Support for Brexit Among Would-Be British MPs
2016脱欧公投：解释准英国议会议员对脱欧的支持
Brexit and the Everyday Politics of Emotion: Methodological Lessons from History
脱欧与感性的日常政治：从历史中来的方法论教训
Populist Leadership: The Superhero Donald Trump as Savior in Times of Crisis
民粹主义领导力：危机时代的救世主-超级英雄唐纳德•特朗普
Preferences for Referenda: Intrinsic or Instrumental? Evidence from a SurveyExperiment
全民公决的偏好：内在的还是工具性的？基于调查实验的证据
Constitutionalism and Crisis Narratives in Post-Brexit Politics
后脱欧政治中的宪政主义与危机叙事
How is Political Violence Gendered? Disentangling Motives, Forms, and Impacts
政治暴力是如何被性别化的？剖析其动机、形式及影响
Humanitarian Intervention and Burden-Sharing Justice
人道主义干预和公平分担责任
Exploitation: Bridging Social and Distributive Egalitarianism
剥削：架起社会平等主义和分配平等主义的桥梁
Explaining the Constitutional Integration and Resurgence of Traditional Political Institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa
撒哈拉以南非洲地区的宪政一体化和传统政治制度的复兴
Enhancing the Legitimacy of Offices for Future Generations: The Case for Public Participation
增强子孙后代办公室的合法性：以公众参与为例
Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?
形容词妙用：比较研究中的概念延伸还是概念创新？
Knowing the Wrong Cadre? Networks and Promotions in the Chinese Party-State
对干部的错误认知？中国党国体制下的人际网络和晋升
Differential Voting Weights and Relational Egalitarianism
差别投票权重和关系平等主义
PART 3
精选译文
01 2016脱欧公投：解释准英国议会议员对脱欧的支持
【题目】
The 2016 EU Referendum: Explaining Support for Brexit Among Would-Be British MPs
【作者】
Siim Trumm, Caitlin Milazzo and Joshua Townsley
【摘要】
2016年英国脱欧公投的结果让很多人感到意外，并继续决定了英国的政治话语。尽管有越来越多的研究关注选民如何投票，但我们对究竟是什么促使政客也这样做知之甚少。在本文中，我们利用来自英国代表研究（2017 British Representation Study，详见附录1）这一个体层面的调查数据，以探讨2017年英国大选中的议员候选人对脱欧的支持。我们发现，候选人对移民和民主的态度是决定他们投票离开（欧盟）的关键因素。此外，对于脱欧将如何影响英国经济和民主持更乐观的看法的（议员）有更大可能性投票脱离（欧盟）。这些发现强调，从总体上看，虽然政客与选民相比支持脱欧的可能性较低，但政客支持脱欧的动机却是十分相似的。然而，有趣的是，我们还发现，候选人所角逐的选区有更多支持脱欧的选民（的话），候选人本身不太可能投票支持脱欧。综上，这些发现对精英代表选民在脱欧问题上的政策偏好有重要影响。
The outcome of the 2016 referendum on European Union membership took many by surprise and has continued to define the political discourse in Britain. Despite there being a growing body of research focused on explaining how voters cast their ballot, we still know little about what motivated our politicians to do the same. In this article, we draw on individual-level survey data from the British Representation Study to explore support for Brexit among parliamentary candidates who stood at the 2017 general election. We find that candidates’ political views on immigration and democracy were key determinants of their decision to vote Leave. In addition, more optimistic views of how Brexit was expected to impact British economy and democracy are associated with greater likelihood of voting Leave. These findings highlight that, while politicians were less likely than voters to support Brexit overall, their motivations for doing so were quite similar. Interestingly, however, we also find that candidates contesting constituencies with higher Leave support were no more likely to vote for Brexit themselves. Taken together, these findings have important implications for elite representation of voters’ policy preferences on the issue of Brexit.
02 脱欧与感性的日常政治：从历史中来的方法论教训
【题目】
Brexit and the Everyday Politics of Emotion: Methodological Lessons from History
【作者】
Jonathan Moss, Emily Robinson and Jake Watts
【摘要】
2016年的脱欧公投被称为一场“头脑”与“心脏”、理性与感性的战役。在这个越来越被认为是“感性时代”的地方，选民相信自我感觉而不是专家见解的倾向引发了关于民主政治未来的辩论。在本文中，我们认为我们可以学习历史学家研究感性和日常政治的方法，从而帮助我们理解现在的这一时刻。利用William Reddy的“感性政体”概念，我们分析了感性在定性的、关于2016年欧盟公投的‘日常叙事’ 中的地位。利用来自大规模观测档案（Mass Observation Archive）的新证据，我们认为，虽然理性和感性是政治决策不可分割的方面，但公民自己却将这两个过程理解为不同的、相互竞争的过程。
注：大规模观测（Mass Observation）是英国的一项社会研究项目，最初旨在通过约500名未经培训的志愿观察员组成的小组来记录英国的日常生活。网址：
http://www.massobs.org.uk/The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between ‘heads’ and ‘hearts’, reason and emotion. Voters’ propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an ‘age of emotion’. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy’s concept of ‘emotional regimes’, we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, ‘everyday narratives’ about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing.
03 民粹主义领导力：危机时代的救世主-超级英雄唐纳德•特朗普
【题目】
Populist Leadership: The Superhero Donald Trump as Savior in Times of Crisis
【作者】
Andrea Schneiker
【摘要】
目前关于民粹主义的争论主要涉及民粹主义政党和民粹主义运动。关于民粹主义领导力的研究较少。然而，政治学家需要更多地关注民粹主义领导力，特别是为了了解在没有民粹主义政党的情况下，民粹主义如何发挥作用。在没有民粹主义政党支持的情况下，一个政治领导人采取民粹主义的方式行使政治权力的情况下，民粹主义往往被归结为该政治家的一种特定的行为和言论风格。通过基于名人政治家的文献——超级英雄——构建一个以理论为基础的政治领导力概念，我认为民粹主义领导力不仅不局限于某种特定的风格，而且还可以解释特定的政策选择。超级英雄的概念超越了魅力型领导力的概念，因为它解释了领导者的杰出性是如何表现的，以及如何分析这种表现。
The current debate on populism is mainly concerned with populist parties and movements. Less is written about populist leadership. Yet, political scientists need to pay more attention to populist leadership, especially in order to understand how populism functions in the absence of a populist party. In situations in which a political leader adopts a populist way of exercising political power without the backing of what is considered a populist party, populism is often reduced to a particular style of acting and speaking of that particular politician. By formulating a theory-based concept of political leadership based on the literature of celebrity politicians—the superhero—I show that populist leadership is not limited to a particular style, but also allows to explain particular policy choices. The concept of the superhero goes beyond that of charismatic leadership, because it explains how the leader’s exceptionality is performed and how this performance can be analyzed.
04 全民公决的偏好：内在的还是工具性的？基于调查实验的证据
【题目】
Preferences for Referenda:Intrinsic or Instrumental Evidence from a SurveyExperiment
【作者】
Claudia Landwehr, Philipp Harms
【摘要】
在许多国家，对更直接的民主，特别是全民公决的呼声此起彼伏，并得到了大量公民的支持。本文探讨了支持全民公决的动机。公民支持全民公决是出于内在的原因——因为全民公决可以让他们更直接地行使民主权利？还是主要基于对其将产生预期政策结果的期望而具有工具性动机？我们的调查实验通过评估实质性的政策偏好如何影响个人对全民公决而非其他决策程序的选择，来探索这种工具性偏好。我们表明，受访者自己的意见与预期多数人意见之间的一致性与对某一事项的全民公决的支持度有关，因此得出的结论是，鉴于程序性偏好的部分工具性特征，应该重新评估对全民公决的呼吁。
The call for more direct democracy, and referenda in particular, is often heard and met with support from large numbers of citizens in many countries. This article explores the motives for supporting referenda: Do citizens support them for intrinsic reasons, because referenda allow them to exercise their democratic rights more directly? Or are preferences for referenda predominantly based on the expectation that they will produce desired policy outcomes and thus instrumentally motivated? Our survey experiment explores such instrumental preferences by assessing how substantial policy preferences affect individuals’ choice of referenda over alternative decision-making procedures. We show that congruence between a respondent’s own opinion and the expected majority opinion is associated with support for a referendum on a given matter, and thus arrive at the conclusion that calls for referenda should be reassessed in light of the partly instrumental character of procedural preferences.
05 后脱欧政治中的宪政主义与危机叙事
【题目】
Constitutionalism and Crisis Narratives in Post-Brexit Politics
【作者】
Eoin Daly
【摘要】
英国脱欧公投引发了对英国临时性宪法安排的再次批评，特别是在人民主权地位方面。虽然人民因公投裁决的不可动摇性而在政治上被承认为“主权”，但这种主权没有法律基础或形式——因此具有难以捉摸的、不确定的性质。相反，法律评论家则认为，缺乏明确的宪法公投概念框架加剧了投票后的政治危机，而公投的不确定性和权威性本身就是宪法危机的独特根源。在本文中，我将探讨这种对英国脱欧公投的“宪政批判”及其临时性的宪政框架如何反映出自由宪政主义这一特定概念，这一概念是抵御非结构化人民主权危害与变迁的堡垒。我认为，这种观点高估了宪法通过全面公决来调节人民主权表达的能力，它更普遍地误解了人民主权的特性和诉求，反映了自由法律主义在对待政治和政治偶然性的立场上的某些特点。
The Brexit vote has sparked renewed criticism of the United Kingdom’s ad hoc constitutional arrangements, particularly in relation to the status of popular sovereignty. While the people is politically recognised as ‘sovereign’ through the apparent unassailability of its referendum verdict, this sovereignty has no legal foundation or form – thus giving it an elusive, indefinite character. In turn, legal commentators have argued that the lack of a clear conceptual framework for constitutional referendums aggravated the political crisis that followed the vote and that the uncertain nature and authority of referendums represents a distinct source of constitutional crisis in its own right. In this article, I consider how this ‘constitutionalist critique’ of the Brexit referendum, and its ad hoc constitutional framework, reflects a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism as a bulwark against the hazards and vicissitudes of unstructured popular sovereignty. I will argue that this perspective overestimates the capacity of constitutional law to regulate expressions of popular sovereignty via referendums, that it misconceives the character and claim of popular sovereignty more generally, and that it reflects certain characteristics of liberal legalism in its stance towards politics and political contingency.
06 政治暴力是如何被性别化的？剖析其动机、形式及影响
【题目】
How is Political Violence Gendered? Disentangling Motives, Forms, and Impacts
【作者】
Gabrielle Bardall, Elin Bjarnegård and Jennifer M Piscopo
【摘要】
政治暴力是如何被性别化的？我们将强调攻击类别化的传统政治暴力文献，同性别与政治文献对女性参政障碍的分析联系起来。我们的框架将性别化的政治暴力分为三个要素。当施暴者使用暴力来维护男性对政治的霸权控制时，将会出现性别化动机。性别化形式强调性别角色和修辞如何在不同程度上塑造男性和女性的暴力经历。性别化影响体现了不同受众对政治暴力的反应所产生的主观意义形成过程。这种方法为研究人员和决策者提供了关于政治暴力如何性别化的更精确分析。
How is political violence gendered? We connect the traditional political violence literature’s emphasis on categorizing attacks to the gender and politics literature’s analysis of the barriers to women’s political participation. Our framework separates gendered political violence into three elements. Gendered motives appear when perpetrators use violence to preserve hegemonic men’s control of politics. Gendered forms emphasize how gender roles and tropes differentially shape men’s and women’s experiences of violence. Gendered impacts capture the subjective meaning-making processes that occur as different audiences react to political violence. This approach offers researchers and policymakers greater analytic precision regarding how political violence is gendered.
07 人道主义干预和公平分担责任
【题目】
Humanitarian Intervention and Burden-Sharing Justice
【作者】
Fredrik D Hjorthen
【摘要】
本文探讨了在人道主义干预的背景下国家间分配公平的问题。我首先指出，由于内在的和工具性的原因，干预者之间的分配公平是重要的。然后，我讨论了这样一种担忧，即由于人道主义干预的性质，很难在不影响干预行动效力的情况下实现公平分担责任。我研究了三项对策，它们虽然减轻了这一异议的严重性，但并没有完全推翻这一意见。最后，鉴于这一异议，我探讨了有助于调和公平分担责任和有效干预的实际变革和体制改革的方案。我的结论是，从长期来看，可以通过将人道主义干预充分制度化来协调公平和效力，从短期来看，可以通过区分进行干预的责任和支付费用的责任来协调公平和效力。
This article examines the case for distributive fairness among states in the context of humanitarian intervention. I start by arguing that distributive fairness among interveners is important for both intrinsic and instrumental reasons. I then discuss the worry that due to the nature of humanitarian intervention, fair burden sharing is difficult to achieve without compromising the operational effectiveness of interventions. I examine three responses that while they reduce the severity of this objection do not fully override it. Finally, in light of the objection I explore options for practical changes and institutional reform that could contribute to reconciling fair burden sharing with effective intervention. I conclude that fairness and effectiveness can be reconciled in the longer term by fully institutionalising humanitarian intervention and in the short term by distinguishing between the duty to undertake intervention and the duty to pay for it.
08 剥削：架起社会平等主义和分配平等主义的桥梁
【题目】
Exploitation: Bridging Social and Distributive Egalitarianism
【作者】
Nicola Mulkeen
【摘要】
社会平等主义者指责分配平等主义抛弃了选项运气（option luck）的受害者，不尊重原生运气（brute luck）的受害者，误解了平等正义的目的。社会平等主义者倾向于赞成平等的概念，即结束压迫并对每个人表示平等的尊重。在这篇文章中，我认为到目前为止这场辩论中缺失了分配平等主义和剥削这两个概念之间的根本联系。一旦理解了这种联系，我们就会发现社会平等主义者的批评是有失公允的。重要的是，与剥削的联系揭示了社会平等主义和分配平等主义并不是对立的。当涉及到剥削时，社会平等主义和分配平等主义能够协调并识别出构成剥削互动的两个核心性的错误特征。
Social egalitarians have charged distributive egalitarianism with abandoning the victims of option luck, disrespecting victims of brute luck and misunderstanding the aim of egalitarian justice. Social egalitarians have tended to favour a conception of equality that is concerned with ending oppression and expressing equal respect for everyone. In this article, I argue that what has so far been missing from this debate is the fundamental connection that exists between distributive egalitarianism and a conception of exploitation. Once this connection is understood, we can see that social egalitarians are unfair in their criticisms. Importantly, the connection to exploitation reveals that social egalitarianism and distributive egalitarianism are not rival positions. When it comes to exploitation, the two positions are able to coordinate and identify two core wrong making features that form part of an exploitative interaction.
09 撒哈拉以南非洲地区的宪政一体化和传统政治制度的复兴
【题目】
Explaining the Constitutional Integration and Resurgence of Traditional Political Institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa
【作者】
Katharina Holzinger, Florian G Kern and Daniela Kromrey
【摘要】
社会科学家最近观察到，在撒哈拉以南的非洲地区，传统政治制度在宪法层面上出现了“复兴”。然而，这种复苏的范围及原因仍待明确。我们的分析是基于自1990年以来撒哈拉以南非洲45个国家的传统制度的宪政一体化程度，以及其宪政复兴的原始数据。我们检验了先前的殖民统治、民主化、国家能力、经济发展、国外援助和聚落形态等六种对于宪政的理论解释。首先，我们证实了传统政治制度在宪法层面上的广泛复兴。其次，我们的分析表明，特别是在前英国殖民地，传统领导人能够将英国殖民统治的安排以及该国分散的聚落形态的优势转化为更高的宪法地位。第三，事实证明，聚落形态对传统领导人获得或提高宪法地位非常重要——这导致了传统制度的宪法复兴。
Social scientists have recently observed a ‘resurgence’ of traditional political institutions on the constitutional level in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the scope and causes of the resurgence remain unclear. We base our analysis on original data on the degree of constitutional integration of traditional institutions and on their constitutional resurgence since 1990 in 45 countries of Sub Saharan Africa. We test six theoretical explanations for constitutionalization: former colonial rule, democratization, state capacity, economic development, foreign aid and settlement patterns. First, we verify the broad resurgence of traditional political institutions on a constitutional level. Second, our analysis suggests that, particularly in former British colonies, traditional leaders were able to translate the arrangements of British colonial rule as well as the advantages of a country’s deconcentrated settlement pattern into greater constitutional status. Third, settlement patterns proved important for traditional leaders to gain or increase constitutional status – leading to a constitutional resurgence of traditional institutions.
10 增强子孙后代办公室的合法性：以公众参与为例
【题目】
Enhancing the Legitimacy of Offices for Future Generations: The Case for Public Participation
【作者】
Graham Smith
【摘要】
在旨在改善民主国家短期效益主义的制度设计中，为子孙后代设立独立办公室的行为并不常见，本文借鉴了以色列、匈牙利和威尔士的后代办公室的经验，认为这些机构的合法性至少面临三重挑战：第一，一个非民选机构制约政府和立法的能力；第二，一个单独的办公室是否能够充分代表后代内部和未来各代人之间的多重利益；第三，它们的政治脆弱性和不稳定性。本文提出了一个有违直觉的论断，即：子孙后代的办公室可以通过在其活动中引入系统性公众参与来增强其民主合法性，特别是通过审议性少数公众的制度化。
Independent offices for future generations are rare among institutional designs that aim to ameliorate short-termism in democracies. Drawing on the experience of offices for future generations in Israel, Hungary, and Wales, the article argues that such institutions face at least three challenges to their legitimacy: first, the capacity of an unelected agency to constrain government and law-making; second, the ability of a single office to adequately represent the plurality of interests within and across future generations; and third, their political fragility and vulnerability. The article develops the counterintuitive argument that offices for future generations can enhance their democratic legitimacy through embedding systematic public participation in their activities, in particular through the institutionalization of deliberative mini-publics.
11 形容词妙用：比较研究中的概念延伸还是概念创新？
【题目】
Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?
【作者】
Leiv Marsteintredet and Andrés Malamud
【摘要】
巴西总统迪尔玛•罗塞夫（Dilma Rousseff）是一名政变的受害者还是由于法律弹劾程序而被赶下台？2016年巴西总统被罢免一事引发的激烈辩论，表明围绕政变定义的争论越来越多。以拉丁美洲为重点，我们发现，在公共和学术辩论中，附有形容词的“政变”越来越频繁。在政变越来越鲜见的时候，我们认为这种现象与普遍的概念变化有关，也就是说，当一个概念的实例变得不那么普遍时，对这个概念的理解就会发生扩展。藉由形容词使用的激增，政变的含义得到了扩展。“政变”与形容词搭配的现象并不罕见，但近期的相关使用将“政变”这一概念从经典结构转变为意涵亲缘性的结构。尽管这一策略可以避免概念使用的过度扩张并可以增加差异性，但我们认为需要对其负面后果保持谨慎和警惕，无论这种后果是概念上的、理论上的还是实际的。
Was Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff victim of a coup or removed through a legal process of impeachment? The heated debate on the 2016 ousting of Brazil’s president testifies to the growing controversy around the definition of coups. Focusing on Latin America, we show that the use of coups with adjectives have become more frequent in public and scholarly debates. Occurring at a time when coups are becoming rarer, we argue that this development is linked to prevalenceinduced concept change, meaning that when instances of a concept become less prevalent, the understanding of the concept expands. The meaning of coups has expanded through a proliferation of adjectives. Coups with adjectives are not new, but recent usage changes the concept from a classic to a family resemblance structure. Although this strategy can avoid stretching and increase differentiation, we urge caution and warn against harmful consequences, whether conceptual, theoretical, or practical.
12 对干部的错误认知？中国党国体制下的人际网络和晋升
【题目】
Knowing the Wrong Cadre? Networks and Promotions in the Chinese Party-State
【作者】
Jérôme Doyon, Franziska Barbara Keller
【摘要】
人际关系何时变得重要？对政治精英获得权力的研究强调了个人关系的重要性，但没有考虑到精英斗争中“和谁有关系”可能会产生不同的影响。本文研究了中国党政官员之间的关系是如何影响他们的职业生涯的。我们的研究为解释个人关系提供了一个有解释力的模式：参加一个专门对官员的高强度培训项目。在本项目中，我们利用外生分配来建立非正式联系与晋升之间的因果关系。我们发现，个人关系的效果取决于官员是与控制晋升过程的领导建立联系，还是与仅通过信息控制来影响晋升过程的领导建立联系。与后者的关系降低了晋升的可能性，可能是因为这些官员受到上级和更强大的竞争对手的密切监视
When do personal ties matter? Studies of political elite’s rise to power stress the importance of personal ties, but do not consider the possibility of differential effects depending on who one is connected to in elite struggles. We examine how ties formed among Chinese party-state officials influence their career. Our research design provides a strong proxy to account for personal ties: attendance of an exclusive and intensive training program for officials. We take advantage of the exogenous assignment to cohorts in this program to establish a causal link between informal connections and promotions. We find that the effect of personal ties depends on whether the official is connected to the leader who dominates the promotion process or to the one who only influences it through information control. Connections to the latter decrease the promotion probability, likely because these officials are closely monitored by their superiors and more powerful rivals.
13 差别投票权重和关系平等主义
【题目】
Differential Voting Weights and Relational Egalitarianism
【作者】
Andreas Bengtson
【摘要】
两位著名的关系平等主义者，伊丽莎白·安德森（Elizabeth Anderson）和妮可·科洛德尼（Niko Kolodny），反对在民主社会中给予人们不同的投票权重，因为这样做会导致人们之间关系的不平等。关系平等主义者认为，偏离“一人一票”的方案与实现关系平等主义的正义之间是不相容的。我认为，关系平等主义者是错误的。之所以这么认为，是因为我证明了人们可以将道德、认知、社会和经验的平等联系在一个具有不同投票权重的方案中。在文章的最后，我表明从关系平等主义的角度来看，优势，不同的投票权重比相同的投票权重更公平是事实。
Two prominent relational egalitarians, Elizabeth Anderson and Niko Kolodny, object to giving people in a democratic community differential voting weights on the grounds that doing so would lead to unequal relations between them. Their claim is that deviating from a “one-person, one vote” scheme is incompatible with realizing relational egalitarian justice. In this article, I argue that they are wrong. I do so by showing that people can relate as moral, epistemic, social, and empirical equals in a scheme with differential voting weights. I end the article by showing that from the perspective of relational egalitarianism, it is sometimes true that differential voting weights are more just than equal voting weights.
翻 译：高云萌 段松涛
校 正：高云萌 段松涛
相关阅读：
编辑：夏小奇
一审：刘博涵
二审：袁 丁
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