国际顶刊 |《比较政治学杂志》2020-2021第3期（4月）
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本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治学杂志》2020-2021年第3期（4月）文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
Journal of Comparative Politics（比较政治学杂志）是由纽约城市大学负责的比较政治学领域顶级期刊，始于1968年，分别在每年1月、4月、7月、10月出版。期刊主要呈现针对政治制度和政治过程比较研究的学术文章，并借此平台与社会科学家、学者、学生、公众和NGO官员交流新的想法和研究发现。
PART 2
期刊目录
Working for the Machine: Patronage Jobs and Political Services in Argentina
做机器上的螺丝钉：阿根廷的指派式职位和政治服务
Can Police Patrols Prevent Pollution? The Limits of Authoritarian Environmental Governance in China
执法检查能阻止污染吗？中国威权式环境治理的局限性
Female Electability in the Arab World: The Advantages of Intersectionality
阿拉伯世界女性的获选几率：交叉性的优势
Precarious Collective Action: Unemployed Graduates Associations in the Middle East and North Africa
不确定的集体行动：中东和北非的失业大学生协会
Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party System
没有分歧的碎片化？巴西政党体系的内生分化现象
Political Parties and Public Participation in Constitution Making: Legitimation, Distraction, or Real Influence?
制宪中的政党和公众参与：为了合法化、分散注意力还是真的有影响力？
Competition for Religious Authority and Islamist Mobilization in Indonesia
印度尼西亚对宗教权威的争夺和对伊斯兰信徒的动员
Review Article, Understanding the Expansion of Latin America’s New Social Welfare Regimes
综述文章：理解新型社会福利制度在拉丁美洲的扩张
PART 3
精选译文
01 机器上的螺丝钉：阿根廷的指派式职位和政治服务
【题目】
Working for the Machine: Patronage Jobs and Political Services in Argentina
【作者】
Virginia Oliveros
【摘要】
既有观点假定，指派式职位会被有权者分配给其支持者以换取后者的政治服务。但是，为何公务人员在接受工作后会遵守约定，提供政治服务呢？从现有的解释出发，我认为，被指派的公职人员之所以从事政治活动，是因为他们的工作与指派人的政治生命息息相关。支持者会依赖现任统治者而非反对者以维持自身的工作。那么，支持者就有动力帮助现任统治者，这使得他们当初提供政治服务的承诺变得可信。在针对1200名阿根廷公职人员的调查中，我开展了调查实验，并借此表明，被指派的雇员参与了政治活动，并且他们认为其工作与现任统治者的政治成功息息相关。
Conventional wisdom posits that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for political services. But why would public employees comply with the agreement and provide political services after receiving the job? Departing from existing explanations, I argue that patronage employees engage in political activities because their jobs are tied to their patrons’ political survival. Supporters’ jobs will be maintained by the incumbent, but not by the opposition. Supporters, then, have incentives to help the incumbent, which makes their original commitment to provide political services a credible one. Using survey experiments embedded in a survey of 1,200 Argentine public employees, I show that patronage employees are involved in political activities and that they believe their jobs are tied to the political success of the incumbent.
02 执法检查能阻止污染吗？中国威权式环境治理的局限性
【题目】
Can Police Patrols Prevent Pollution? The Limits of Authoritarian Environmental Governance in China
【作者】
Denise van der Kamp
【摘要】
中国备受瞩目的防治污染运动助长了环境威权效率论。在一个官僚对自上而下的监督十分敏感的政权中，中央发起的运动被认为是减少污染的有力工具。着眼于中国全国性的污染巡查运动，我检视了有关威权效率的主张。我发现，中央巡视（或“执法检查”）对空气污染没有明显影响。我认为，这种检查是无效的，因为环境执法需要一定程度的持续监管，这是一次性运动无法提供的。由于该政权对独立法院和不受约束的公众参与的态度举棋不定，检查的震慑效果也被削弱了。这些研究结果表明，中国在污染执法方面面临的障碍可能比预期要大，而威权效率理论忽视了威权国家能力不足的问题。
China’s high-profile anti-pollution campaigns have fueled theories of authoritarian environmental efficiency. In a regime where bureaucrats are sensitive to top-down scrutiny, central campaigns are expected to be powerful tool for reducing pollution. Focusing on China’s nationwide pollution inspections campaign, I assess these claims of authoritarian efficiency. I find that central inspections (or “police patrols”) have no discernable impact on air pollution. I argue that inspections were ineffective because environmental enforcement requires a degree of sustained scrutiny that one-off campaigns cannot provide. The deterrent effect of inspections is also undercut by the regime’s ambivalence towards independent courts and unsupervised public participation. These findings suggest that China’s obstacles to pollution enforcement may be greater than anticipated, and theories of authoritarian efficiency overlook gaps in authoritarian state capacity.
03 阿拉伯世界女性的获选几率：交叉性的优势
【题目】
Female Electability in the Arab World: The Advantages of Intersectionality
【作者】
Kristen Kao and Lindsay J. Benstead
【摘要】
许多关于发展中国家女性获选几率的研究都集中在性别、种族或宗教等单一特征上。我们在约旦开展了一项原始调查实验，研究了候选人多元交叉的身份对选民偏好的影响。我们通过经验研究表明，仅凭现有的选举行为理论无法解释女性的获选几率。我们需要一个交叉的视角，考虑权力结构如何塑造女性获选的可能性并产生复杂的影响，而这些影响必须在不同的语境下得到实证检验。虽然整体上女性候选人获选的几率较低，但女性候选人的表现与来自类似社会身份群体的男性一样好。我们的研究结果强调有必要将交叉性应用于发展中世界的选举行为理论，并为一项更大的、解释女性在阿拉伯选举中获选几率的研究议程奠定了基础。
Many studies of women’s electability in the developing world focus on single traits such as gender, ethnicity, or religion. Employing an original survey experiment in Jordan, we examine the impacts of multiple, intersecting candidate identities on voter preferences. We show empirically that existing theories of electoral behavior alone cannot account for women’s electability. An intersectional lens that considers how power structures shape electability and produce complex effects that must be empirically verified in different contexts is needed. Although less electable overall, female candidates fare as well as males from similar social identity groups. Our findings underscore the need to apply intersectionality to theories of electoral behavior in the developing world and lay the groundwork for a larger research agenda explaining women’s electability in Arab elections.
04 不确定的集体行动：中东和北非的失业大学生协会
【题目】
Precarious Collective Action: Unemployed Graduates Associations in the Middle East and North Africa
【作者】
Dina Bishara
【摘要】
为什么中东和北非一些国家的失业大学毕业生成立了集体协会，而另一些国家的失业大学毕业生却没有这样做？尽管在摩洛哥、突尼斯和埃及，对于毕业即失业以及保障性就业计划倒退的问题存在着相似的不满情绪，动员工作也面临着类似的限制性条件，失业毕业生协会在前两个国家成立了，却没有在埃及出现。既有的解释集中于不满情绪、政治机会或先前存在的组织结构，但无法解释这种差异。不同于这些理论，我指出了在不满变得突出时有利于动员的意识形态话语的力量。在摩洛哥和突尼斯，学生工会主义这一左翼导向的深厚传统对于有关“工作权”的权利型话语的出现至关重要。但埃及的情况并非如此，在那里，在有关毕业即失业问题的不满情绪变得突出的时候，主导学生政治的是伊斯兰主义者，而不是共产主义者。本文属于首批关注非西方、非民主语境下失业者动员问题的比较研究。
Why did unemployed university graduates form collective associations in some countries in the Middle East and North Africa but not in others? Despite similar levels of grievances around educated unemployment, reversals in guaranteed employment schemes, and similarly restrictive conditions for mobilization, unemployed graduates’ associations formed in Morocco and Tunisia but not in Egypt. Conventional explanations—focused on grievances, political opportunities, or pre-existing organizational structures—cannot account for this variation. Instead, I point to the power of ideologically conducive frames for mobilization around the time that grievances become salient. A strong Leftist oriented tradition of student unionism in Morocco and Tunisia was necessary for the emergence of a rights-based discourse around the “right to work.” This was not the case in Egypt, where Islamists, not Communists, dominated student politics at the time that grievances around educated unemployment became salient. This article offers one of the first comparative studies of the mobilization of the unemployed in a non-Western, non-democratic context.
05 没有分歧的碎片化？巴西政党体系的内生分化现象
【题目】
Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party System
【作者】
Cesar Zucco Jr. and Timothy J. Power
【摘要】
本文研究了巴西的政党制度过度分化的原因。我们提出了下述问题：为什么在社会分歧或选举规则发生了重大变化的情况下，过度分化现象（持续分化的极端多党主义）仍会出现。基于对联邦议员的调查数据，我们排除了新的议题导向的多元立场所导致的可能性。利用对议会内政党意识形态立场的最新测算结果，我们表明，新党派的加入并不是受传统党派间的极化或趋同驱动的。我们提出了另一种解释，即“没有分歧的碎片化”，认为选举名单构成、联邦政党资金和联盟管理不断变化的动态已经改变了政治抱负所处的背景。对于具有战略头脑的精英而言，成为小党的主导者比以往任何时候都更具吸引力。
This article investigates the causes of party system hyperfragmentation in Brazil. We ask why hyperfragmentation—understood as extreme multipartism that continues to fractionalize—occurs despite significant changes to social cleavages or to electoral rules. Using survey data from federal legislators, we rule out the possibility of new issue-based multidimensionality. Using new estimates of the ideological position of legislative parties, we show that new party entry was not driven by polarization or convergence among traditional parties. We advance an alternative explanation of “fragmentation without cleavages,” arguing that changing dynamics of electoral list composition, federal party funding, and coalition management have changed the context of political ambition. For strategically minded elites, it is more attractive than ever before to be a dominant player in a small party.
06 制宪中的政党和公众参与：为了合法化、分散注意力还是真的有影响力？
【题目】
Political Parties and Public Participation in Constitution Making: Legitimation, Distraction, or Real Influence?
【作者】
Alexander Hudson
【摘要】
过去30年间，公众参与式制宪的方法得到了越来越多的认可，现已成为任何制宪过程中不可或缺的一部分。尽管如此，我们对公众参与对宪法内容的实际影响却知之甚少。本文研究了两个开创性案例中公众参与的影响，分别是1988年的巴西和1996年的南非。分析表明，公众参与对文本的影响力相对较小，但仍然存在系统性差异。本文提出的理论假定，政党实力（特别是在纪律和纲领性承诺方面）是决定公众参与有效性的关键因素。强大的政党可能在许多方面更加有效，但它们不太可能在制宪过程中根据公众的意见采取行动。
Over the past three decades, participatory methods of constitution making have gained increasing acceptance and are now an indispensable part of any constitution-making process. Despite this, we know little about how much public participation actually affects the constitution. This article investigates the impact of participation in two groundbreaking cases: Brazil (1988) and South Africa (1996). This analysis demonstrates that public participation has relatively small effects on the text, but that it varies in systematic ways. The theory advanced here posits that party strength (especially in terms of discipline and programmatic commitments) is the key determinant of the effectiveness of public participation. Strong parties may be more effective in many ways, but they are less likely to act on input from the public in constitution-making processes.
07 印度尼西亚对宗教权威的争夺和对伊斯兰信徒的动员
【题目】
Competition for Religious Authority and Islamist Mobilization in Indonesia
【作者】
Alexandre Pelletier
【摘要】
本文试图解释成功的伊斯兰动员工作中的各项差异。本文认为，在争夺宗教权威的竞争激烈的地方，伊斯兰教团体的表现更好。这些宗教“市场”有利于伊斯兰主义的成功，因为它们1）降低了新的宗教企业家的准入门槛，2）激励既有的领导人支持伊斯兰教动员，3）促使温和派领导人沉默。本文通过研究印尼爪哇岛伊斯兰教动员的次区域差异来发展这一理论。文章利用新收集的有关爪哇岛15000所伊斯兰学校的数据，对爪哇岛100多个县的宗教机构加以比较。本文还借助对印尼伊斯兰教徒和穆斯林领袖进行的数十次实地采访，说明市场结构在哪些地区促进了伊斯兰团体的发展。
This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious “markets” are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java’s 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. It also uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.
08 综述文章：理解新型社会福利制度在拉丁美洲的扩张
【题目】
Review Article, Understanding the Expansion of Latin America’s New Social Welfare Regimes
【作者】
Rehan Rajay Jamil
【摘要】
拉丁美洲国家被描述为被截断了的福利国家。然而，近期创新性社会福利项目的扩张，使数百万被排斥在外的公民有机会获得社会福利。这篇综述文章探讨了一个新的知识体系，它研究了民主的政治竞争如何为社会福利的扩张提供了制度背景。这些文献对分配政治的研究做出了几个重要贡献。它们超越了政权类型和政党的意识形态，重点关注了拉美民主国家国内政治体制的性质和公民与国家的联系。政治竞争激烈、与选民联系更紧密的国家，其福利扩张的范围最广，不带有党派倾向的计划更削弱了庇护主义。而在一党主导的环境中，非正式和庇护式地提供福利的政治动机仍然强烈。
Latin American countries have been described as truncated welfare states. However, the recent expansion of innovative social welfare programs have brought millions of excluded citizens access to social benefits. This review article examines a new body of scholarship that studies how democratic political competition has created the institutional context for social welfare expansion. This literature makes several important contributions to the study of distributive politics. It moves beyond regime type and party ideology and focuses on the nature of domestic political institutions and citizen-state linkages within Latin American democracies. Countries with robust political competition and denser ties to constituents have had the most extensive welfare expansion, and non-partisan programs have undermined clientelism. In single party dominated settings, the political incentives for informal and clientelist provision remains significant.
翻 译：吴佳蔚
校 对：袁 丁
相关阅读：
编辑：林 蓓
一审：刘博涵
二审：袁 丁
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