国际顶刊 | 《美国政治科学杂志》2021年第3期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《美国政治科学杂志》2021年第65卷第3期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
American Journal of Political Science（美国政治科学杂志）致力于在公民、治理和政治的知识和理解方面取得重大进展，并致力于政治科学研究的公共价值。作为美国中西部政治学协会的官方期刊，《美国政治科学杂志》发表政治学所有主要领域的研究，包括美国政治、公共政策、国际关系、比较政治、政治方法论和政治理论。
美国政治科学杂志被认为是政治科学领域最为主要的期刊之一。2020年的影响因子为6.081，在2020 Journal Citation Reports (JCR)中政治科学（Political Science）研究领域的183种期刊中排名第13。
PART 2
期刊目录
How to Measure Legislative District Compactness If You Only Know It When You See It
如何衡量立法区的紧凑性？如果只有当你看到它时才能知道
How Settlement Locations and Local Networks Influence Immigrant Political Integration
定居点和当地网络如何影响移民的政治融合
Father Founders: Did Child Gender Affect Voting at the Constitutional Convention?
国父奠基人：孩童性别影响制宪会议的投票吗？
Does Economic Inequality Drive Voters’ Disagreement about Party Placement?
经济不平等使得选民的政党立场不同吗？
Territorial Rights in Unoccupied Places
未占领地的领土权利
Attitudes toward the Use of Force: Instrumental Imperatives, Moral Principles, and International Law
对使用武力的态度：工具性命令、道德原则和国际法
The Organizational Voter: Support for New Parties in Young Democracies
组织化的选民：新兴民主国家的新生政党支持研究
Partisan Procurement: Contracting with the United States Federal Government, 2003–2015
党派采购：与美国联邦政府订约，从2003年至2015年
Can Popular Sovereignty Be Represented? Jacobinism from Radical Democracy to Populism
人民主权能否得到代表? 从激进民主到民粹主义的雅各宾主义
Candidate Supply Is Not a Barrier to Immigrant Representation: A Case–Control Study
候选人供应问题不是移民代表的障碍：案例对照研究
How Does Minority Political Representation Affect School District Administration and Student Outcomes?
少数族裔政治代表如何影响学区管理和学生成绩?
Propaganda and Skepticism
宣传和怀疑态度
Policing the Organizational Threat in Morocco: Protest and Public Violence in Liberal Autocracies
管制摩洛哥的组织化威胁：自由专制国家的抗议与公共暴力
Do Female Officers Police Differently? Evidence from Traffic Stops
女性警察的出警方式不同吗?来自交通站的证据
Erratum to Direct Democracy and Women’s Political Engagement
关于《直接民主与妇女政治参与》一文的勘误
PART 3
精选译文
01 如果只有看到才知道，我们该如何衡量立法区的紧凑性？
【题目】
How to Measure Legislative District Compactness If You Only Know It When You See It
【作者】
Aaron R. Kaufman, Gary King, Mayya Komisarchik
【摘要】
为防止不公正的选区划分（“格里蝾螈”），许多州宪法都要求立法区“紧凑”。然而，除了"当你看到它时就能知道"之外，法律几乎没有提供精确的定义，这实际上有效暗示了对该概念的共同理解。相比之下，学术界已表明，紧凑性具有多重维度，并且产生了许多冲突的度量。我们假设两者都是正确的——即紧凑性是复杂的和多维的，但一种共同的理解依然存在于人们之间。我们开展一项具有高信度的调查来引出这种理解（在标准配对比较法失败的数据中）。我们创建了一个统计模型，该模型仅根据区域的几何特征、负责重新划分区域的法官和公职人员的紧凑性评估等，就可以高精度地进行预测。我们还提供了从我们的有效度量中得到的17，896个州立法和国会选区的紧凑度数据，以及从任何地区计算这个度量的软件。
To deter gerrymandering, many state constitutions require legislative districts to be “compact.” Yet, the law offers few precise definitions other than “you know it when you see it,” which effectively implies a common understanding of the concept. In contrast, academics have shown that compactness has multiple dimensions and have generated many conflicting measures. We hypothesize that both are correct—that compactness is complex and multidimensional, but a common understanding exists across people. We develop a survey to elicit this understanding, with high reliability (in data where the standard paired comparisons approach fails). We create a statistical model that predicts, with high accuracy, solely from the geometric features of the district, compactness evaluations by judges and public officials responsible for redistricting, among others. We also offer compactness data from our validated measure for 17,896 state legislative and congressional districts, as well as software to compute this measure from any district.
02 定居点和当地网络如何影响移民的政治融合
【题目】
How Settlement Locations and Local Networks Influence Immigrant Political Integration
【作者】
Bernt Bratsberg, Jeremy Ferwerda,
Henning Finseraas, Andreas Kotsadam
【摘要】
移民在其所在国家的早期经历多大程度上塑造了移民政治融合？我们认为，移民政治参与的行为模式受到最初社区移民定居情况的影响。利用挪威行政登记数据，我们利用难民安置中的准外生变异来评估分配到特定社区的后果。我们发现，最初居住在第20百分位和第80百分位社区的移民，在投票率方面存在12.6%的差异，这说明了移民和居民之间47%的参与差距。为了评估这一机制，我们利用每个难民到达时所有邻居的个人层面数据，然后评估邻居特征和可用社交网络的相对影响。我们的发现表明，尽管邻里社会经济因素的作用有限，但从长远来看，如果能在早期接触参与政治的邻居和同龄人群体，移民的投票率将会增加。
To what extent do early experiences in the host country shape the political integration of immigrants? We argue that the initial neighborhoods immigrants settle in establish patterns of behavior that influence subsequent political participation. Using Norwegian administrative register data, we leverage quasi-exogenous variation in the placement of refugees to assess the consequences of assignment to particular neighborhoods. We find that the difference in turnout between refugees initially placed in 20th and 80th percentile neighborhoods is 12.6 percentage points, which represents 47 % of the participation gap between refugees and residents. To assess the mechanism, we draw on individual-level data on all neighbors present at the time of each refugee's arrival and then evaluate the relative impact of neighborhood characteristics and available social networks. Our findings suggest that while neighborhood socioeconomic factors play a limited role, early exposure to politically engaged neighbors and peer cohorts increases immigrants' turnout over the long run.
03 国父奠基人：孩童性别影响制宪会议的投票吗？
【题目】
Father Founders: Did Child Gender Affect Voting at the Constitutional Convention?
【作者】
Jeremy C. Pope，Soren J. Schmidt
【摘要】
儿童性别如何影响1787 年美国制宪会议的审议和投票？尽管最近的学术研究发现儿童性别对现代父母的信仰和行为有着深远的影响，但没有理由相信这仅仅是目前才有的一个重要影响因素。利用孩子性别的自然实验，我们测试了制宪会议代表的后代性别是否影响了他们的投票。我们假设有儿子的父亲会赞成建立一个强大的国家政府，因为他们可以更容易地设想他们的儿子在新兴帝国中占有一席之地（尤其是年幼的儿子）。使用关于代表子女的新数据，我们发现了统计上和实质性的显著结果：后代是儿子的代表，确实会支持一个更强大的、中央集权的国家政府（后代是女儿的代表则表现出相反的效果）。这些差异大到可能会影响会议的进程，进而影响美国宪法。
How did child gender affect deliberations and voting at the 1787 U.S. Constitutional Convention? Though recent scholarship has found profound and far-reaching influence of child gender upon the beliefs and behavior of modern parents, there is no reason to believe that this is only an important consideration in the present. Leveraging the natural experiment of child gender, we test whether the gender of a delegate's children influenced his voting. We hypothesize that fathers of sons would favor creating a strong national government because they could more easily envision their sons holding places in the emergent empire (especially younger sons). Using new data on delegates' children, we find statistically and substantively significant results: having sons indeed predicts delegates' favoring a stronger, centralized national government (with daughters showing an opposite effect). These differences are sufficiently large to have likely affected the Convention's proceedings and therefore the U.S. Constitution.
04压制还是拉拢? 数字监控时代的威权控制
【题目】
Does Economic Inequality Drive Voters’ Disagreement about Party Placement?
【作者】
Taishi Muraoka，Guillermo Rosas
【摘要】
经济不平等是否扭曲了选民对政党纲领的看法？如果答案是肯定的，那么选民的感知偏见是被他们的经济地位系统性地塑造出来的吗？从阶级冲突的心理学理论出发，我们认为不平等加剧了不同经济地位的人在政党立场上的分歧。通过分析人们对110多次选举中700多个政党的意识形态立场的答复，我们发现，较贫穷和较富裕的选民在相反的政党立场方面具有系统性差异，而在更不平等的社会中，分歧的程度也更大。同时，基于阶级的感知分歧在左翼和右翼政党中尤为突出，但在中间派政党中则不然。我们的发现对代议制民主的一个基本原则提出了质疑，我们认为在高度不平等的社会中，即使是关于政党意识形态定位的基本共识也不能被视为理所当然。
Does economic inequality warp voters' views about party platforms? If so, are voters' perceptual biases systemically shaped by their economic status? Drawing from a psychological theory of class conflict, we argue that income inequality heightens disagreement about party positions among people with different economic status. Analyzing survey responses on perceived ideological positions of 700+ parties in over 110 elections, we reveal that poorer and richer voters systematically misperceive the positions of parties in opposite directions, and that the extent to which they do so is larger in more unequal societies. We also show that class-based perceptual disagreement is particularly salient among left- and right-leaning parties, but not among centrist parties. Our findings question a fundamental principle of representative democracy, suggesting that even a basic consensus on the ideological placements of parties cannot be taken for granted in highly unequal societies.
05未占领地的领土权利
【题目】
Territorial Rights in Unoccupied Places
【作者】
Margaret Moore
【摘要】
控制一片领土的标准在于为生活在这块领土之中的居民提供有吸引力的物品(自决权，正义)。这就提出了一个问题：在未占领地拥有领土权利的正当理由是什么？这涉及到一个紧迫的实际问题，即国家和公司在未占领地进行矿产、天然气或其他资源的勘探开采活动的许可问题，其中一些活动在过去技术难以实现或成本过高，但现在是可能的。领土权利文献并未聚焦于未占领地，而是将那里的资源权利视为有主地权利的延伸，从而表明这些开采活动能以同样的方式正当化。本文考察了未占领地的特有的规范性轮廓，因此考虑了一些可能的论据来证明这些权利的正当性。着重讨论了与三类不同未占领地相关的资源权利，并指出管理理由是最可行的（尽管其他与特定类型的未占地有关的论点也有一定的作用）。
The standard justifications for control over territory appeal to goods that are delivered to persons who inhabit the territory (self-determination, justice). This raises the question: What justifies territorial rights in unoccupied places? This question is relevant to a pressing practical question concerning the permissibility of national and corporate interests in mining or gas drilling and other resource extraction activities in unoccupied places, some of which were either technologically impractical or prohibitively expensive in the past, but which now are possible. The territorial rights literature does not focus on unoccupied places, treating resource rights there as an extension of rights in occupied places, thereby suggesting that these activities could be justified in the same way. This article examines the distinctive normative contours of unoccupied spaces, and so considers a number of possible arguments to justify such rights. It focuses on rights to resources in relation to three different kinds of unoccupied places and suggests that the stewardship justification is the most promising (although there is some role for other arguments in relation to certain kinds of unoccupied places).
06 对使用武力的态度：工具性命令、道德原则和国际法
【题目】
Attitudes toward the Use of Force: Instrumental Imperatives, Moral Principles, and International Law
【作者】
Janina Dill, Livia I. Schubiger
【摘要】
普通公民对使用武力的态度是什么？以往的研究确定了公众舆论对战争的几个关注点，但尚未直接评估这些要点的相对重要性。我们阐述了三类支持战争的不同逻辑——道德的、法律的和工具性的——并利用一项针对3000名美国受访者的实验调查，来检验普通公民如何在与战争决策相关的多重相互竞争的必要性之间进行权衡。我们的设计首要任务是分离实质性法律要求、工具性军事命令以及具体的道德原则在受访者偏好中的反映程度。尽管这些逻辑存在一定的共鸣，但我们发现，即使受访者未被告知使用武力的合法性受到威胁，但其偏好同国际法的几项核心要求是非常一致的。只有最大限度减少美军伤亡的命令，才能压倒法律和道德两方面的要求。
What informs ordinary citizens’ attitudes toward the use of force? Previous research identifies several key concerns in public opinion toward war, but does not directly evaluate the relative importance of these considerations. We articulate three distinct logics of war support—moral, legal, and instrumental—and use an experimental survey with 3,000 U.S. respondents to test how ordinary citizens make trade-offs among multiple competing imperatives relevant for decision making in war. Our design is the first to isolate to what extent substantive legal demands, instrumental military imperatives, and specific moral principles are reflected in respondents’ preferences. Although all logics have some resonance, we find that respondents’ preferences are remarkably consistent with several core demands of international law even though respondents are not told that the legality of the use of force is at stake. Only the imperative to minimize U.S. military casualties overwhelms both legal and moral demands.
07 组织化的选民：新兴民主国家的新生政党支持研究
【题目】
The Organizational Voter: Support for New Parties in Young Democracies
【作者】
Mathias Poertner
【摘要】
选民是如何逐渐支持新政党的？本文认为，新型的地方组织、基于参与者的社会组织——如邻里协会、非正规部门工会和土著运动——可以在确保新政党获得选举支持方面发挥重要的中介作用。根据社会认同和自我归类理论，我认为这类组织对新政党的支持会影响组织成员和更大社交网络中人们的投票偏好。一项向玻利维亚选民展示竞选海报的离散选择实验表明，组织支持在动员选民方面非常有效，尤其是当选民面对一个新政党时。这种组织性背书，甚至可以抵消候选人和选民之间的政策和种族差异。本文提出了新兴民主国家中，选民对新政党支持的一条重要但未被充分研究的路径，并且对政治问责制的相关研究有重要意义。
How do voters come to support new political parties? This article contends that new types of locally organized, participant-based societal organizations—such as neighborhood associations, informal sector unions, and indigenous movements —can play a crucial mediating role in securing electoral support for new parties. Drawing on social identity and self-categorization theory, I argue that endorsements of new parties by such organizations sway the vote preferences of organization members and people in their larger social networks. A discrete choice experiment, presenting voters in Bolivia with campaign posters, demonstrates that organizational endorsements are highly effective in mobilizing voters, especially when voters face a new party. Endorsements can even counteract policy and ethnic differences between candidates and voters. The findings suggest an important, understudied route to partisan support in new democracies and have important implications for research on political accountability.
08 党派采购：与美国联邦政府订约，从2003年至2015年
【题目】
Partisan Procurement: Contracting with the United States Federal Government, 2003–2015
【作者】
Carl Dahlström, Mihály Fazekas, David E. Lewis
【摘要】
美国联邦政府花费巨资从公共部门外购买商品和服务。鉴于涉及量，战略性政府采购能对选举结果产生影响。本文认为更政治化的机构对关键选区的生意和与政党有联系的公司会展现出偏爱，并使用2003年至2015年美国政府合同的新数据来评估这些主张。我们发现行政部门，尤其是政治化程度更高的部门级办公室，最有可能签订以非竞争性程序和结果为特征的合同以表明偏袒。这些政治回应性机构在摇摆州签订了更多的非竞争性合同。我们还观察到，在白宫政党更迭后接受政府合同的公司的更替率更高，但仅限于政治化程度更高的机构。我们得出的结论是，在采购决策中限制委任者代表性的机构设计能够减少政治偏袒。
【Abstract】The U.S. federal government spends huge sums buying goods and services from outside of the public sector. Given the sums involved, strategic government purchasing can have electoral consequences. In this article, we suggest that more politicized agencies show favoritism to businesses in key electoral constituencies and to firms connected to political parties. We evaluate these claims using new data on U.S. government contracts from 2003 to 2015. We find that executive departments, particularly more politicized department-wide offices, are the most likely to have contracts characterized by noncompetitive procedures and outcomes, indicating favoritism. Politically responsive agencies—but only those—give out more noncompetitive contracts in battleground states. We also observe greater turnover in firms receiving government contracts after a party change in the White House, but only in the more politicized agencies. We conclude that agency designs that limit appointee representation in procurement decisions reduce political favoritism.
09 人民主权能否得到代表? 从激进民主到民粹主义的雅各宾主义
【题目】
Can Popular Sovereignty Be Represented? Jacobinism from Radical Democracy to Populism
【作者】
Geneviève Rousselière
【摘要】
当代研究大多把民粹主义理解为对代议制自由民主国家失败的回应。然而，民粹主义早在现代民主成为自由民主之前就已经存在。在法国大革命时期，关于人民主权相互冲突的主张催生了民粹主义，这在罗伯斯·庇尔的雅各宾理论中得以例证。在现代民主即将诞生的年代（1789-1794年），雅各宾主义的流变追踪了关于民粹主义本质的理论问题：主权如何被尚未团结起来的分裂人民代表？
Contemporary studies mostly understand populism as a reaction to the failures of representative liberal democracies. Yet populism existed at the very inception of modern democracy before it became liberal. I contend that, during the French Revolution, conflicting claims of popular sovereignty gave rise to populism, which was instantiated in the Jacobin theory of Robespierre. The rapid transformation of Jacobinism in the years of the attempted birth of modern democracy (1789–94) tracks the theoretical question at the heart of populism: How can sovereignty be represented for a divided people that have yet to be united in order to exist?
10 候选人供应问题不是移民代表的障碍：案例对照研究
【题目】
Candidate Supply Is Not a Barrier to Immigrant Representation: A Case–Control Study
【作者】
Rafaela Dancygier, Karl-Oskar Lindgren, Pär Nyman, Kåre Vernby
【摘要】
移民在大多数民主议会中代表性不足。为了解释移民和本地人代表性的差距，现有的研究强调政党看门人和结构性条件。但是一个更完整的解释必须考虑代表性差距开始于供给阶段的可能性。移民只是对选举产生的职位不感兴趣吗？为了检验这一解释，我们在瑞典进行了一项创新的案例对照调查。我们调查了当选的政治家、地方官员候选人和没有参加竞选的居民；按照移民身份对这些样本进行分层；并将所有受访者与当地的政治机会结构联系起来。我们发现，政治抱负、兴趣和效率的差异无助于解释移民的代表性不足。相反，移民代表面临的主要障碍是获得候选人提名并被列入候选人名单。我们的结论是，移民群体有足够的潜在候选人，但移民的政治抱负受到政治精英的阻挠。
Immigrants are underrepresented in most democratic parliaments. To explain the immigrant-native representation gap, existing research emphasizes party gatekeepers and structural conditions. But a more complete account must consider the possibility that the representation gap begins at the supply stage. Are immigrants simply less interested in elected office? To test this explanation, we carried out an innovative case-control survey in Sweden. We surveyed elected politicians, candidates for local office, and residents who have not run; stratified these samples by immigrant status; and linked all respondents to local political opportunity structures. We find that differences in political ambition, interest, and efficacy do not help explain immigrants’ underrepresentation. Instead, the major hurdles lie in securing a candidate nomination and being placed on an electable list position. We conclude that there is a sufficient supply of potential immigrant candidates, but immigrants' ambition is thwarted by political elites.
11 少数族裔政治代表如何影响学区管理和学生成绩?
【题目】
How Does Minority Political Representation Affect School District Administration and Student Outcomes?
【作者】
Vladimir Kogan, Stéphane Lavertu, Zachary Peskowitz
【摘要】
我们采用断点回归并利用相近的学校董事会选举，来研究加州学校董事会的种族和族裔构成如何影响学区管理和学生成绩。证据表明，在选举后的第六年，少数族裔代表的增加导致少数族裔学生的累积成绩提高约0.1个标准差。这些进步并不以牺牲白人学生的学业成绩为代价，他们的成绩也有提升。在解释这些影响的政策机制方面，我们发现少数族裔代表的增加会导致更多资金投入和更大比例的非白人学区校长。同时，少数族裔代表性对学校种族隔离、英语学习者的再分类或教师人员配备方面没有显著影响。
We employ a regression discontinuity design leveraging close school board elections to investigate how the racial and ethnic composition of California school boards affects school district administration and student achievement. We find some evidence that increases in minority representation lead to cumulative achievement gains of approximately 0.1 standard deviations among minority students by the sixth post-election year. These gains do not come at the expense of white students' academic performance, which also appears to improve. Turning to the policy mechanisms that may explain these effects, we find that an increase in minority representation leads to greater capital funding and a larger proportion of district principals who are non-white. We find no significant effects of minority representation on school segregation, the reclassification of English language learners, or teacher staffing.
12 宣传和怀疑态度
【题目】
Propaganda and Skepticism
【作者】
Carlo M. Horz
【摘要】
现有研究发现，宣传的极端性和有效性在应对如镇压、转移、危机等重大环境因素时，有时会以令人费解的方式变化。正式的宣传模型一般孤立地考察这些因素，难以全面理解；此外，这类模型通常会强加与实验结果相悖的理性假设。我提出一个同与心理学研究相一致的关于宣传的行为博弈论模型，在该模型中，公民的认知是有限的且对宣传的怀疑态度是内生的。有限认知为宣传者在通过极端言辞激发激进行动和催生公民怀疑态度之间带来了均衡。随后，我将压制、转移和危机纳入模型。通过展示每个因素如何影响公民的怀疑水平和宣传者的演算，综合并解释了关于这些因素之间关系的实证结果。
Existing work on propaganda finds that its extremeness and effectiveness vary in sometimes puzzling ways in response to major environmental factors such as repression, diversion, and crisis. Formal models of propaganda generally examine these factors in isolation, rendering a comprehensive understanding difficult; moreover, they often impose rationality assumptions at odds with experimental findings. I propose a behavioral game-theoretic model of propaganda in which, consistent with psychology research, citizens are cognitively constrained and their skepticism toward propaganda is endogenous. These cognitive constraints generate a trade-off for the propagandist between motivating extreme action through extreme statements and triggering citizen skepticism. I then incorporate repression, diversion, and crisis into the model. I synthesize, and explain, empirical findings on the relationships between these factors by showing how each affects both the citizen's level of skepticism and the propagandist's calculus.
13 管制摩洛哥的组织化威胁：自由专制国家的抗议与公共暴力
【题目】
Policing the Organizational Threat in Morocco: Protest and Public Violence in Liberal Autocracies
【作者】
Chantal E. Berman
【摘要】
作为一种针对公民的国家暴力的突出形式，抗议警务代表了“自由派”独裁者试图最小化的胁迫类型。“大众威胁”在威权主义回应争议的研究领域中占据主导地位，与此不同的是，本文发展了一个依据事件级别的抗议治安模型，其中心是社会运动组织在塑造精英威胁认知中的作用，以及抗议将面临国家暴力的可能性。除了公众抗议本身，我认为自由主义独裁者害怕自主的国家级组织的崛起，这些组织能够为公民的要求提供不受监管的渠道。在放弃了控制哪些网络作为社会运动组织变得活跃的能力后，自由主义独裁者利用抗议警务来劝阻公民与自治组织的共同动员，并利用抗议警务来保护近乎垄断性的嵌入式组织。我用摩洛哥独特的抗议事件数据来说明这些论点，更好地理解了自由化制度的持久性。
As a prominent form of state violence against civilians, protest policing represents the type of coercion that "liberal" autocrats seek to minimize. Departing from aggregate notions of “mass threat" that dominate studies of authoritarian response to contention, this article develops an event-level model of protest policing centering the role of social movement organizations in shaping elite threat perceptions and, hence, the likelihood that protests will face state violence. More than public protest perse, I argue that liberal autocrats fear the rise of autonomous, national-level organizations capable of providing unregulated channels for citizen claim-making. Having forsworn the ability to control which networks become active as social movement organizations, liberal autocrats use protest policing to dissuade citizens from mobilizing with autonomous organizations and to protect the near-monopoly of embedded organizations over contention. I illustrate these arguments with unique protest event data from Morocco. I draw implications for the durability of liberalized regimes.
14 女性警察的出警方式不同吗?来自交通站的证据
【题目】
Do Female Officers Police Differently? Evidence from Traffic Stops
【作者】
Carlo M. Horz
【摘要】
政治学家越来越多地开始研究公民特征如何影响他们是否以及如何与警察互动，但关于警察特征如何塑造这种互动的研究较少。本文考察了一项警察特征——警察性别——是如何影响警察主动与公民接触的性质。借鉴多领域的文献，我们开发并检验了一组相互竞争的期望。利用佛罗里达州公路巡逻队和北卡罗来纳州夏洛特警察局的400多万个交通站点，我们发现女性警察在队伍中搜寻司机的可能性小于男性警察。尽管搜查率较低，但当女警察一旦进行搜查会更有可能找到违禁品，且她们没收的违禁品净额与男警察相同。这些结果表明，女性警察能够在不损失有效性的情况下，将同公民消极互动的次数最小化。
Political scientists have increasingly begun to study how citizen characteristics shape whether—and how—they interact with the police. Less is known about how officer characteristics shape these interactions. In this article, we examine how one officer characteristic—officer sex—shapes the nature of police-initiated contact with citizens. Drawing on literature from multiple fields, we develop and test a set of competing expectations. Using over four million traffic stops made by the Florida State Highway Patrol and Charlotte (North Carolina) Police Department, we find that female officers are less likely to search drivers than men on the force. Despite these lower search rates, when female officers do conduct a search, they are more likely to find contraband and they confiscate the same net amount of contraband as male officers. These results indicate that female officers are able to minimize the number of negative interactions with citizens without losses in effectiveness.
15 关于《直接民主与妇女政治参与》一文的勘误
【题目】
Erratum to Direct Democracy and Women’s Political Engagement
【作者】
Jeong Hyun Kim
【摘要】
作者Kim发表在2019年的文章数据出现了错误。原文章的表2(2019，603)的结果是基于1921年至1944年的选举数据。但是，1940年和1944年的选举数据不应被包括在分析中，因为直接民主/代议制民主的待遇分配规则在1938年后发生了变化。具体而言，确定市政府类型的人口门槛从1500人变为700人。我对此错误深表遗憾，并为由此可能造成的任何混乱道歉。
The article (Kim 2019) was published with an error. The results reported in Table 2 (2019, 603) of the article are drawn from data from 1921 to 1944 elections. However, 1940 and 1944 election data should not be included in the analysis because the treatment assignment rules for direct democracy/representative democracy changed after 1938. Specifically, the population threshold for determining the type of municipal government changed from 1,500 to 700. I deeply regret this error and apologize for any confusion this might have caused.
【被勘误文章摘要】
促进政治参与中性别平等的条件是什么？在这篇文章中，我认为直接民主通过表明政治系统对女性声音的开放态度、确认她们的政治能力并突出她们在政治决策中的利害关系，从而扩大了政治参与中的性别平等。为了验证这一论点，我在瑞典引入普选之后，进行了一项准实验，其中市政政治机构的类型由人口阈值决定。我的发现有力地支持了直接民主对女性政治包容的影响。我发现当城市人口规模类似时，采用直接民主的城市在选举参与方面的性别差距，要小于只有代议机构的城市。
What are the conditions that promote gender equality in political participation? In this article, I propose that the presence of direct democracy expands gender equality in political participation by signaling the system's openness to women's voice, confirming their political competency, and highlighting their stake in political decisions. To test this argument, I leverage a quasi-experiment in Sweden in the aftermath of the introduction of universal suffrage, where the type of municipal political institutions was determined by a population threshold. My findings lend strong support to the effect of direct democracy on the political inclusion of women. I find that the gender gap in electoral participation was smaller in municipalities using direct democracy than in similarly sized municipalities that only had representative institutions.
翻 译：王智灏 马丝妮
校 对：王智灏 马丝妮
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编辑：王智灏
审核：焦 磊
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