谁主法兰西（下）| 卫报
Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron face off for the soul of France
A political startup | 权坛草创
In the back of an elderly Peugeot camper van, Rachel-Flore Pardo smiles and says: “You can tell Christophe Guilluy that we’re doing what he wants. We’re actually going out to listen to the people who aren’t listened to enough.”
雷切尔-弗洛雷·帕尔多站在一台老旧的标致野营车后，笑盈盈地说：“你可以对克里斯托弗·居雷说，我们正在照他说的做呢。实际上，我们正在听那些被遗忘的人怎么说。”
Pardo, a law student at the prestigious Paris Institute of Political Studies, is part-way through a 5,000km roadtrip with three other twentysomethings, on behalf of the Macron campaign. By 21 April, they aim to have visited 55 French towns, all chosen on the basis that they have swung towards the FN in recent years.
帕尔多是大名鼎鼎的巴黎政治研究所的一名法学专业学生，他和3个二十来岁的人正代表马克龙竞选阵营，完成一次长达5000公里的调研。到4月21日，他们打算造访55个法国镇子，所有这些镇子都在近年来倒向了国民阵线。
The trip is the idea of 27-year-old Violaine Pierre, the founder of a startup travel company based in New York, and has its origins in a night of deep personal angst.
下乡的想法是27岁的菲奥莲·皮埃尔想出来的，她是纽约一家旅行初创公司的创始人。一个辗转反侧的深夜里，她拿定了主意。
Two years ago Pierre was helping with a vote count for regional elections in Sainte-Tulle, the village where she grew up, not far from Aix-en-Provence. For many years Sainte-Tulle had been a stronghold of the French Communist party, but that night Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, fighting for control of the region, won 53% of the village vote. “It made me feel the time had come to act. We need to act now, not wait for the cataclysm.”
两年前，皮埃尔在距离普罗旺斯艾克斯不远的圣蒂尔村老家，帮着清点地方选举的选票。多年来，圣蒂尔都是法国共产党的大本营，可当晚，玛丽昂·马拉夏尔-勒庞赢得村里53%的选票。“这让我感觉到了要行动的时刻了。我们应该立即行动，不要坐等灾难降临。”
Along with her friend, Mathieu Teachout, Pierre approached Macron when the candidate visited New York. He loved the idea of “En Marche! Le Tour” and authorised the campaign to buy the van. So, since February, Teachout, Pierre and Pardo have been spreading the Macron gospel, from Gaillac in the south to Verdun near the Belgian border.
候选人马克龙到访纽约时，皮埃尔和她的好友马蒂厄·蒂奇奥特找到了他。他喜欢“乐途向前进”这个想法，于是批准竞选团队购买了一辆野营车。从2月开始，蒂奇奥特、皮埃尔和帕尔多一直在法国宣传马克龙的信条，从南法的盖亚克走到比利时边境附近的凡尔登。
The get-up-and-go concept is a perfect expression of what En Marche! is trying to be. Since its formation in April last year, Macron’s “startup” movement has attracted more than 200,000 registered supporters and a mainly middle-class volunteer army which has its HQ in the 15th arrondissement of Paris. There, political novices and refugees from the mainstream parties frantically build networks across France.
“说走就走”正是“向前进”的完美表达。自去年4月成立以来，马克龙的“初创”运动吸引超过20万注册支持者以及主要由中产阶级组成的志愿者大军，后者的总部设在巴黎十五区。在那里，来自主流政党的政坛新秀和被放逐者疯狂地在全法国开疆拓土。
The operation is a curious hybrid of the new and the old. It is overseen by seasoned political operatives from the Socialist party, but also boasts the backing of the veteran centrist François Bayrou and volunteers from the right who have given up on Fillon. If it has a grand theme, it is what Macron describes in his book, Revolution, as a “profound democratic revolution” to restore faith in mainstream politics.
这一行动是新旧派别的古怪混合。来自社会党、经验丰富的政客负责运作，还获得中间派老政治家弗朗索瓦·贝鲁的支持，以及离菲永而去的右翼志愿者。如果说有一个宏大的主题，那就是马克龙在《革命》一书中所言，一场“深刻的民主革命”，重塑对主流政治的信仰。
Macron’s election pitch was the result of a consultation with 400 experts and numerous local impromptu committees around France. According to its guidelines, a Macron presidency would promote expertise from civil society at the expense of career politicians and “moralise” public life by limiting terms of office, eliminating conflicts of interest and taking away parliamentary immunity for MPs.
马克龙的选举主张是与400名专家和法国各地临时委员会商议的结果。照其规划，如果马克龙当选总统，将推动公民社会贤达发挥作用，取代职业政客，并通过限制任职期限、取缔利益冲突和取消议员豁免权等，让公共生活“道德化”。
Cleaning up politics certainly carries appeal in a country where distrust in politicians is at record levels. “It’s the one big message we’re hearing in every town,” says Teachout. “The idea ‘they’re all the same, they’re on the make’ and so on. Especially after the Fillon affair.”
清理政坛，这对一个前所未有地不信任政客的国家而言无疑有吸引力。“这就是我们在每个镇子里听人们说的，”蒂奇奥特说。“‘他们全都一样，全都是争名逐利之徒，尤其在菲永丑闻之后。”
But when it comes to policy, Macron appears to be offering a freshened-up version of familiar solutions rather than a new economic model. As president, he would reduce public spending and the size of the state and respect Brussels’ deficit targets. Taxes on business would be lowered. A combination of better education and training and tougher sanctions on the jobless would be deployed to lower unemployment, running at about 25% among the young.
可就政策而言，马克龙却更像是新瓶装旧酒，没有新的经济方案。如果当了总统，他会削减公共开支和政府规模，并遵守欧盟的赤字目标。他将给企业减税，通过改进教育、培训和严厉制裁无业者这一套组合拳来降低失业率，如今年轻人当中，失业率高达25%。
Guilluy is sceptical that the solutions meet the scale of the problem: “For 20 years we accepted an international division of labour allowing the Chinese worker to work in the place of the French or the American worker. We told ourselves it didn’t matter because tomorrow that French worker will become someone better qualified, in a better job. It’s going to be all right. But that didn’t happen. Instead we created an economic model that created a great deal of wealth but has not created a unified society. That’s the big issue.”
居雷怀疑这些解决方案能否解决问题。“过去二十年，我们接受了那种国际分工，中国工人取代法国或美国工人。我们对自己说，没关系，明天法国工人会更优秀，找到更好的工作。这倒是不错，只是并未实现。相反，我们建立的经济模型，创造了大量的财富，却没构造一个团结的社会。这才是大问题。”
When Macron was still minister for the economy in Hollande’s government, he called in Guilluy for a chat. “We talked about the problems of the middle class that was disappearing, the problem of the working class. I said: ‘You are following a model which functions in economic terms, but it’s not going to give a place to them.’ His reply was interesting. He said that he knew there was a problem but that the difficulty was an intellectual one: there was no alternative model.”
马克龙任奥朗德政府经济部长时，约谈过居雷。“我们谈到中产阶级消失的问题，工人阶级的问题。我说：‘你的思路在经济学上可行，可没有给他们留有空间。’他的回答很有意思。他说他知道这是个问题，但困难在于也想不出什么好办法：没有替代路径。”
Today the “tour” is heading to Saint-Quentin, once home to a thriving textile industry but now notable for the number of shop closures in its town centre. In 2015 the Front National candidate made the second-round runoff here, gaining more than double the vote of her leftwing rival.
今天“下乡”行要去圣昆廷了，这里曾经是繁荣的纺织业中心，现在却以市里倒闭的商铺著称。2015年，国民阵线的候选人在这里赢下第二轮选举，比左翼对手的选票多了一倍还有余。
“We have found that there are two types of Front National supporters,” says Pardo. “Those who really support what the FN represents, its values, and those who vote FN to protest. To those ones, we hope to show that Macron can give them a voice and help them find solutions.”
“我们发现有两种人支持国民阵线，”帕尔多说。“真心支持国民阵线价值观的人和投票给国民阵线以表达抗议的人。对于后者，我们希望表明，马克龙能让他们发声，帮助他们找到解决办法。”
After a visit to a housing estate, Pierre reports that one man told her with pride: ‘I’ve converted my whole block to the FN.’ But there is better news.
一次家访后，皮埃尔说一个男人骄傲地对她说：我全心地倒向国民阵线。可也有好消息。
Denise and Pierre Briot have come for a chat. “We voted for Hollande last time, but he let us down,” says Pierre Briot, who is unemployed. “He didn’t do anything for Saint-Quentin. The factories have closed and he hasn’t brought any work to replace the jobs. And we only see the politicians at election time.”
丹尼斯·布里奥和皮埃尔·布里奥前来攀谈。“我们上次选了奥朗德，可他让我们失望了，”失业的皮埃尔·布里奥说。“他没给圣昆廷做任何事，工厂倒闭，他没创造任何新工作。我们只在大选的时候看到了那些政客。”
Denise Briot says she would never vote for the FN. She might consider Macron. “He’s young, he’s a bit of a breath of fresh air.”
丹尼斯·布里奥说她不会再投票给国民阵线了。她会考虑马克龙。“他年轻，是一缕清风。”
They agree to pose for pictures in the agreed En Marche! Le Tour format, which involves holding a piece of paper with a message for the election. The Briots’ is: “Keep your promises.”
他俩同意在“乐途向前进”的标语前留影，他们拿着一张纸，上面写着，布里奥夫妇：“遵守你的承诺”。
Back to the future? | 回到未来？
There is still time for further twists in what has already been an extraordinary presidential contest. But should the second round pit Le Pen against Macron, voters will be faced with two opposite visions of France.
尽管总统竞选已经非同寻常，可尚存变数。如果第二轮真是勒庞对阵马克龙，选民将在两个截然不同的法国中做出抉择。
A taste of how that will play out came in the last week. When Le Pen accused her opponent of approving of the full-body “burkini” swimsuit for Muslim women, Macron responded furiously: “You are failing voters by twisting the truth. The trap you are falling into with your provocations is to divide society.” It was only the opening salvo in the coming culture war.
上周第一轮总统辩论已经嗅出了火药味。当勒庞指责他的对手批准穆斯林妇女穿“burkini”全身泳装时，马克龙愤怒地回应说：“你扭曲事实，误导选民。你的挑衅言论让你陷入机关，这将分裂社会。”在即将发生的文化大战中，这只是开场雷。
Last month, launching her campaign, Le Pen told a mass rally in Lyon that “we are not done with being French”. She was quoting from a volume of poems by Victor Hugo entitled L’année terrible (“The terrible year”), written in 1872. Two years previously, France had been humiliated in the Franco-Prussian war – one of the most traumatic experiences in the country’s history. According to the philosopher Michel Eltchaninoff, the author of Inside the Head of Marine Le Pen, the choice of verse was no accident.
上个月，开展选战的勒庞在里昂的民众集会上说“我们还没做够法国人”。她引用了维克多·雨果1872年在《糟糕之年》诗集中的话。创作两年前，法国在普法战争中受辱，这是国家历史上最痛苦的经历之一。《玛琳·勒庞所想》的作者、哲学家米歇尔·艾尔恰尼诺夫认为，引用并非偶然。
“Le Pen has rejected the discourse of her father’s party in the 1980s and returned to an older vision associated with the far right,” said Eltchaninoff. “She can’t use De Gaulle as inspiration because he’s too divisive in relation to Algeria. She can’t draw on the 1930s because of the fascist stigma. So in her speeches and her rhetoric she goes back to the largely forgotten period between 1870 and 1914, the Third Republic. Why? Because that was when France was humiliated by a foreign power.”
“勒庞拒绝她父亲在八十年代领导国民阵线时的话语方式，她回到了更古老的极右翼传统，”艾尔恰尼诺夫说。“她不会用戴高乐来鼓舞士气，因为戴高乐与阿尔及利亚关系密切，这会造成分裂。她也不会利用三十年代，以免被钉在法西斯主义的耻辱柱上。在她的演讲和措辞中，她追溯到1870年到1914年间那段被遗忘的年代，第三共和国。为什么？因为当时法国正受到外国的凌辱。”
“Now of course it’s that dominates France in this view. In fact, the Third Republic is a period where you find all the anxieties that drive the contemporary FN – domination by the external power, loss of sovereignty and fear of foreigners. Antisemitism was rife. Now there is Islamophobia.”
“如今当然是欧洲在凌辱法国。事实上，第三共和国期间，你能发现所有造就了当代国民阵线的社会不满情绪——外部权力干预、丧失主权、对外国人的恐惧。反犹主义在当时很盛行，如今换成了伊斯兰恐惧症。”
It was also the time when one of Le Pen’s favourite formulations – neither left nor right – was first coined, the idea being that the interests of the nation transcended that division. “The argument was, it’s necessary to protect the worker against the bosses (many of whom were Jewish) and against the invasions of migrants and armies. This was described as ‘socialisme national’.”
也正是在这一时期，勒庞最喜欢的表达被构造出来，既不左也不右，只是主张民族利益超越分裂。“这一论断说的是，有必要保护工人，反对老板（许多老板是犹太人），反对移民和军队入侵，这被描述为‘国家社会主义’。”
译注：国家社会主义，即纳粹。
Emmanuel Macron also talks of En Marche! being a movement that does not belong to the left or the right, despite his previous service in a centre-left government. His aim is to make the case for a pragmatic optimism that has no ideological affiliation, whether to party, ideology or to a mystical idea of the nation.
马克龙认为“向前进”也是一场既不左也不右的运动，尽管他曾经供职于中左翼政府。他旨在主张一种没有意识形态牵涉的实用乐观主义，不囿于党派、意识形态或是某种神秘的民族观念。
While the attraction of the offer lies in its openness to dialogue and the commitment to diversity, his critics wonder whether the Macron phenomenon really represents anything more profound than a desperate desire to stop the Front National.
马克龙的吸引力在于主张公开对话和保护多样性，但批评者质疑，马克龙现象是否只是为了阻击国民阵线，除此之外没什么价值。
At the end of a long day in Saint-Quentin, Pierre is taking a breather after a Q&A session with local En Marche! volunteers. She has always been a Socialist voter, but was, like many others, hugely disappointed by the Hollande presidency. “I don’t see Emmanuel Macron as some kind of saviour,” she says.
在圣昆廷奔波了一天，与“向前进”志愿者做了问答会，皮埃尔歇了口气。她过去一直是法国社会党的选民，可和许多人一样，她对奥朗德总统失望至极。“我倒不认为伊曼纽尔·马克龙是什么救世主。”她说。
“But he has managed to mobilise 200,000 people nationwide. Yes, he’s a liberal, but it’s not inevitable that globalisation has to mean greater inequality. We have to make it easier to change jobs and to train. We have to get proper internet access across the whole country. And France cannot succeed by isolating itself.”
“但他设法在全国动员了20万人。没错，他是个自由派，可全球化是否一定意味着造成更大的不公平，这也未必。我们必须让换个工作和接受培训来得更容易些。我们必须让全国各处上网更方便些。孤立自己，法国没法获得成功。”
During “Le Tour” she has learned to sympathise with people intending to vent their anger with a vote for the FN. “I never got to really look at a farm before, for example. Now I understand their issues better. If the price of your milk is halved and then halved again ... and you’ve got no proper retirement income, no unemployment benefit and you know you’re going to work from 17 to 70 … well, it’s kind of understandable to say to yourself: ‘This is my life and I’m going to vote FN.’ That doesn’t mean you’re a racist.”
在“乐途”过程中，她学会同情那些为了出口气给国民阵线投票的人。“比方说，我以前从没见过农场，现在我更理解他们的问题了。如果牛奶价格跌了一半，又跌掉一半……你就没有固定的退休收入了，没有失业福利，你必须从17岁干到70岁，你对自己说，这就是我的命，我就去给国民阵线投票，这是可以理解的，这并不意味着你是个种族主义者。”
For Pierre, this tour of France’s towns is an act of personal catharsis after witnessing Maréchal-Le Pen take control of her village. But she is in no doubt about what is at stake for the whole of France, and Europe, in a month’s time. “Look at the moment we’re in: Trump, Russia, Brexit. It’s not what you want for the planet. It’s terrifying.”
对见证了马拉夏尔-勒庞在家乡得势的皮埃尔而言，这次下乡调研让她个人获得了提升。但毫无疑问，在一个月时间里，她着眼于整个法国和欧洲。“看看我们这个时代：特朗普、俄罗斯、退欧。这都不是你希望在这个星球上发生的事。这太糟糕了。”
She heads off to find something to eat. The next day the camper van is bound for the ancient town of Cambrai.
她起身去找饭吃了。明天，野营车将开往康布雷古城。