英国首相梅姨最新辩论，连失三员大将的她如何冷静回应（附视频&辩论稿）
英语演讲君按
7月9日英国政坛突发大地震！短短24小时，三名重量级内阁大臣意外请辞，管脱欧戴维斯和贝克辞，管外交的约翰逊也甩袖走人，折损三员大将的首相梅姨发表紧急声明却遭群嘲，科尔宾也各种冷嘲热讽，梅姨全程尴尬而不失礼貌的微笑回应来自在野党的各种问题。
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Turning to Brexit, I want to pay tribute to my right hon. Friends the Members for Haltemprice and Howden (Mr Davis) and for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Boris Johnson) for their work over the last two years. [Interruption.] We do not agree about the best way of delivering our shared commitment to honour the result of the referendum, but I want to recognise the former Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union for the work he did to establish a new Department and steer through Parliament some of the most important legislation for generations, and similarly to recognise the passion that the former Foreign Secretary demonstrated in promoting
Order. There is a very unseemly atmosphere. I want to hear about these important matters, and I think the House should.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I recognise the passion that the former Foreign Secretary demonstrated in promoting a global Britain to the world as we leave the European Union. I am also pleased to welcome my hon. Friend the Member for Esher and Walton (Dominic Raab) as the new Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union.
On Friday at Chequers, the Cabinet agreed a comprehensive and ambitious proposal that provides a responsible and credible basis for progressing negotiations with the EU towards a new relationship after we leave on 29 March next year. It is a proposal that will take back control of our borders, our money and our laws, but do so in a way that protects jobs, allows us to strike new trade deals through an independent trade policy and keeps our people safe and our Union together.
Before I set out the details of this proposal, I want to start by explaining why we are putting it forward. The negotiations so far have settled virtually all of the withdrawal agreement, and we have agreed an implementation period that will provide businesses and Governments with the time to prepare for our future relationship with the EU. But on the nature of that future relationship, the two models that are on offer from the EU are simply not acceptable.
First, there is what is provided for in the European Council’s guidelines from March this year. This amounts to a standard free trade agreement for Great Britain, with Northern Ireland carved off in the EU’s customs union and parts of the single market, separated through a border in the Irish sea from the UK’s own internal market. No Prime Minister of our United Kingdom could ever accept this; it would be a profound betrayal of our precious Union. And while I know some might propose instead a free trade agreement for the UK as a whole, that is not on the table, because it would not allow us to meet our commitment under the Belfast agreement that there should be no hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland.
Secondly, there is what some people say is on offer from the EU: a model that is effectively membership of the European economic area, but going further in some places, and the whole of the UK remaining in the customs union. This would mean continued free movement, continued payment of vast sums every year to the EU for market access, a continued obligation to follow the vast bulk of EU law, and no independent trade policy, with no ability to strike our own trade deals around the world. I firmly believe this would not honour the referendum result, so if the EU continues on that course, there is a serious risk it could lead to no deal. This would most likely be a disorderly no deal, for without an agreement on our future relationship, I cannot see that this Parliament would approve the withdrawal agreement with a Northern Ireland protocol and financial commitments, and without those commitments, the EU would not sign a withdrawal agreement.
A responsible Government must prepare for a range of potential outcomes, including the possibility of no deal, and given the short period remaining before the conclusion of negotiations, the Cabinet agreed on Friday that these preparations should be stepped up. But at the same, we should recognise that such a disorderly no deal would have profound consequences for both the UK and the EU, and I believe that the UK deserves better.
The Cabinet agreed that we need to present the EU with a new model, evolving the position that I had set out in my Mansion House speech, so that we can accelerate negotiations over the summer, secure a new relationship in the autumn, pass the withdrawal and implementation Bill and leave the European Union on 29 March 2019.
The friction-free movement of goods is the only way to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland and between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, and it is the only way to protect the uniquely integrated supply chains and just-in-time processes on which millions of jobs and livelihoods depend. So at the heart of our proposal is a UK-EU free trade area that will avoid the need for customs and regulatory checks at the border and protect those supply chains. Achieving this requires four steps. The first is a commitment to maintaining a common rulebook for industrial goods and agricultural products. To deliver this, the UK would make an up-front sovereign choice to commit to ongoing harmonisation with EU rules on goods, covering only those necessary to provide for frictionless trade at the border. This would not cover services, because that is not necessary to ensure free flow at the border, and it would not include the common agricultural and fisheries policies, which the UK will leave when we leave the EU.
The regulations covered are relatively stable and supported by a large share of our manufacturing businesses. We would continue to play a strong role in shaping the European and international standards that underpin them, and there would be a parliamentary lock on all new rules and regulations, because when we leave the EU we will end the direct effect of EU law in the UK. All laws in the UK will be passed in Westminster, Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. Our Parliament would have the sovereign ability to reject any proposals if it so chose, recognising that there would be consequences, including for market access, if we chose a different approach from the EU.
Secondly, we will ensure a fair trading environment. Under our proposal, the UK and the EU would incorporate strong reciprocal commitments relating to state aid. We would establish co-operative arrangements between regulators on competition and commit to maintaining high regulatory standards for the environment, climate change, social and employment, and consumer protection.
Thirdly, we would need a joint institutional framework to provide for the consistent interpretation and application of UK-EU agreements by both parties. This would be done in the UK by UK courts and in the EU by EU courts, with due regard paid to EU case law in areas where the UK continued to apply a common rulebook. This framework would also provide a robust and appropriate means for the resolution of disputes, including through the establishment of a joint committee of representatives from the UK and the EU. It would respect the autonomy of the UK’s and the EU’s legal orders and be based on the fundamental principle that the court of one party cannot resolve disputes between the two.
Fourthly, the Cabinet also agreed to put forward a new business-friendly customs model—a facilitated customs arrangement—that would remove the need for customs checks and controls between the UK and the EU because we would operate as if a combined customs territory. Crucially, it would also allow the UK to pursue an independent trade policy. The UK would apply the UK’s tariffs and trade policy for goods intended for the UK and the EU’s tariffs and trade policy for goods intended for the EU. Some 96% of businesses would be able to pay the correct tariff or no tariff at the UK border, so there would be no additional burdens for them compared with the status quo and they would be able to benefit from the new trade deals that we will strike. In addition, we will bring forward new technology to make our customs systems as smooth as possible for businesses that trade with the rest of the world.
Some have suggested that under this arrangement the UK would not be able to do trade deals. They are wrong. When we have left the EU, the UK will have its own independent trade policy, with its own seat at the World Trade Organisation and the ability to set tariffs for its trade with the rest of the world. We will be able to pursue trade agreements with key partners, and on Friday the Cabinet agreed that we would consider seeking accession to the comprehensive and progressive agreement for trans-Pacific partnership.
Our Brexit plan for Britain respects what we have heard from businesses about how they want to trade with the EU after we leave and will ensure we are best placed to capitalise on the industries of the future in line with our modern industrial strategy. Finally, as I have set out in this House before, our proposal includes a far-reaching security partnership that will ensure continued close co-operation with our allies across Europe while enabling us to operate an independent foreign and defence policy. So this is a plan that is not just good for British jobs but good for the safety and security of our people at home and in Europe too.
Some have asked whether this proposal is consistent with the commitments made in the Conservative manifesto. It is. The manifesto said:
“As we leave the European Union, we will no longer be members of the single market or customs union but we will seek a deep and special partnership including a comprehensive free trade and customs agreement.”
What we are proposing is challenging for the European Union. It requires the EU to think again, to look beyond the positions that it has taken so far, and to agree a new and fair balance of rights and obligations. That is the only way in which to meet our commitments to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland without damaging the constitutional integrity of the UK and while respecting the result of the referendum. It is a balance that reflects the links that we have established over the last 40 years as some of the world’s largest economies and security partners. It is a bold proposal, which we will set out more fully in a White Paper on Thursday. We now expect the EU to engage seriously with the detail, and to intensify negotiations over the summer so that we can get the future relationship that I firmly believe is in all our interests.
In the two years since the referendum we have had a spirited national debate, with robust views echoing around the Cabinet table, as they have around breakfast tables up and down the country. Over that time I have listened to every possible idea and every possible version of Brexit. This is the right Brexit. It means leaving the European Union on 29 March 2019; a complete end to free movement, and taking back control of our borders; an end to the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the UK, restoring the supremacy of British courts; no more sending vast sums of money each year to the EU, but instead a Brexit dividend to spend on domestic priorities such as our long-term plan for the NHS; flexibility on services, in which the UK is world-leading; no hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, or between Northern Ireland and Great Britain; a parliamentary lock on all new rules and regulations; leaving the common agricultural policy and the common fisheries policy; the freedom to strike new trade deals around the world; an independent foreign and defence policy—but not the most distant relationship possible with our neighbours and friends; instead, a new deep and special partnership. It means frictionless trade in goods; shared commitments to high standards, so that together we continue to promote open and fair trade; and continued security co-operation to keep our people safe.
This is the Brexit that is in our national interest. It is the Brexit that will deliver on the democratic decision of the British people, and it is the right Brexit deal for Britain. I commend this statement to the House.
I thank the Prime Minister for advance copy of her statement, and share her condolences to the friends and family of Dawn Sturgess.
We are more than two years on from the referendum: two years of soundbites, indecision and Cabinet infighting, culminating in a series of wasted opportunities, with more and more people losing faith that this Government are capable of delivering a good Brexit deal—and that is just within the Prime Minister’s own Cabinet. It is two years since the referendum and 16 months since article 50 was triggered, and it was only this weekend that the members of the Cabinet managed to agree a negotiating position among themselves—and that illusion lasted 48 hours.
There are now only a few months left until the negotiations are supposed to conclude. We have a crisis in the Government; two Secretaries of State have resigned; and we are still no clearer about what our future relationship with our nearest neighbours and biggest trading partners will look like. Workers and businesses deserve better than this. It is clear that the Government are not capable of securing a deal to protect the economy, jobs and living standards. It is clear that the Government cannot secure a good deal for Britain.
On Friday the Prime Minister was so proud of her Brexit deal that she wrote to her MPs to declare that collective Cabinet responsibility “is now fully restored”, while the Environment Secretary added his own words, saying that
“one of the things about this compromise is that it unites the Cabinet.”
The Chequers compromise took two years to reach and just two days to unravel. How can anyone have faith in the Prime Minister getting a good deal with 27 European Union Governments when she cannot even broker a deal within her own Cabinet?
To be fair—I want to be fair to the former Brexit Secretary and the former Foreign Secretary—I think they would have resigned on the spot on Friday, but they were faced with a very long walk, no phone and, due to Government cuts, no bus service either. So I think they were probably wise to hang on for a couple of days so they could get a lift home in a Government car.
I also want to congratulate the hon. Member for Esher and Walton (Dominic Raab) on his appointment as the Secretary of State. He now becomes our chief negotiator on an issue that could not be more important or more urgent. But this new Secretary of State is on record as wanting to tear up people’s rights. He has said: “I don’t support the Human Rights Act…leaving the European Union would present enormous opportunities to ease the regulatory burden on employers.” And he is the one negotiating, apparently, on behalf of this Government in Europe.
This mess is all of the Prime Minister’s own making. For too long she has spent more time negotiating the divisions in her party than she has in putting any focus on the needs of our economy. The Prime Minister postured with red line after red line, and now, as reality bites, she is backsliding on every one of them. We were also given commitments that this Government would achieve “the exact same benefits” and “free and frictionless trade” with the EU. Now those red lines are fading, and the team the Prime Minister appointed to secure this deal for our country has jumped the sinking ship; far from “strong and stable”, there are Ministers overboard and the ship is listing, all at the worst possible time.
If we look at the Prime Minister’s proposals for the long delayed White Paper, we see that this is not the comprehensive plan for jobs in Britain and the economy that the people of this country deserve. These proposals stop well short of a comprehensive customs union, something trade unions and manufacturers have all been demanding; instead, they float a complex plan that had already been derided by her own Cabinet members as “bureaucratic” and “unwieldy”.
The agreement contains no plan to protect our service industry and no plan to prevent a hard border in Northern Ireland, and also puts forward the idea of “regulatory flexibility”, which we all know is code for deregulation of our economy. The Government’s proposals would lead to British workplace rights, consumer rights, food safety standards and environmental protections falling behind EU standards over time, and none of this has even been tested in negotiations.
The Chequers agreement now stands as a shattered truce, a sticking plaster over the cavernous cracks in this Government. The future of jobs and investment is now at stake, and those jobs and that investment are not a sub-plot in the Tory party’s civil war. At such a crucial time for our country in these vital negotiations, we need a Government who are capable of governing and negotiating for Britain. For the good of this country and its people, the Government need to get their act together and do it quickly, and if they cannot, make way for those who can.
The right hon. Gentleman has been in this House for quite a long time, and I know that he will have heard many statements. The normal response to a statement is to ask some questions. I do not think that there were any questions anywhere in that; nevertheless I will—[Interruption.]
Order. Members on both sides of the House should try to calm down. There is a long way to go and, as is my usual custom, I hope to be able to call everybody who wants to ask a question. People do not need to chunter from their seats when they can speak on their feet.
历经波折的梅姨内阁
就在戴维斯和约翰逊这两位重量级部长辞职前的7月6日，英国首相在位于白金汉郡的首相乡间别墅召集全体内阁会议，闭门讨论并签署英国脱欧白皮书。
这份长达120页、旨在阐明英国“脱欧”后与欧盟关系的文书被泄露的部分内容显示，英国将选择一条更为温和的“脱欧”道路，在2019年3月正式脱离欧盟以及2020年12月拟议的过渡期结束后，实现顺滑过渡。
据称，为了让这次特殊的内阁会议取得满意结果，梅姨也是拼了。内阁部长们被要求在参会期间交出手机和智能手表以防与外界联系，唐宁街还放风出来：部长们要么“以国家利益为重”签署白皮书，要么立刻辞职走人。
据新华社的总结，方案最受人关注的是贸易安排。方案提出，英国将与欧盟同在“一个货物自由贸易区”并与后者保持紧密贸易关系。同时，英国得以自由与其他贸易伙伴订立贸易协议。为确保跨境贸易的顺畅，英国将执行与欧盟“相同的规则手册”，确保包括农产品在内的英国货物符合欧盟标准。
在英国经济中占比颇重的服务业方面，根据方案，英国脱欧后将自主制定监管法规，理由是对英国而言“最大潜在发展机遇在欧盟以外地区”。相应地，“脱欧”后英国服务业不能享受当前自由进入欧盟市场的待遇。
方案还同意就英国是否遵从欧盟法规方面，议会将拥有更大决定权；政府将对与欧盟没有能达成任何协议的情形作更充分准备。
既然这份协议看起来很“软”，那么为何“硬脱欧派”竟然在会议上妥协了？
对此，中国现代国际关系研究院欧洲所副研究员曲兵分析认为，一方面，“脱欧”对经济的负面效应开始显现。一些大企业如空客、宝马、捷豹路虎、日产等纷纷向政府表达不满，称硬脱会影响他们的投资英国的计划。商界的抗议为梅提出软脱方案提供了支持。另一方面，“软脱欧派”开始发声。财政大臣哈蒙德威胁，如果经济恶化，将没有更多的资金用于公共开支，英国还得搞财政紧缩。温和派保守党议员厌恶内阁的纷争，46名保守党议员（其中11人曾是内阁大臣）致信梅，要求她倾听商界的声音。
当然还有一个原因就是，约翰逊等“硬脱欧派”也拿不出“B方案”，一味反对肯定站不住脚。
不过英国首相发言人也放出消息，英国将于本月12日发布未来与欧盟关系的白皮书，届时我们应该能看到更加完整的一套“脱欧”方案。时间确实紧迫，毕竟英国必须在今年10月达成可持续性的脱欧后伙伴关系，但眼下仍有不少重大障碍需要克服。
https://v.qq.com/txp/iframe/player.html?vid=k0718ama3px&width=500&height=375&auto=0
英国政府内部人员“大换血”。周一（7月9日），英国首相特蕾莎·梅宣布，英国卫生大臣杰里米·亨特（Jeremy Hunt）将接替鲍里斯·约翰逊（Boris Johnson）担任英国外交大臣一职。此外，特蕾莎·梅任命住房部长多米尼克·拉布（Dominic Raab）为新任脱欧大臣。
杰里米·亨特将接替鲍里斯·约翰逊担任英国外交大臣一职
唐宁街7月9日宣布，杰里米·亨特将接替鲍里斯·约翰逊担任英国外交大臣一职。此前，因不满特蕾莎·梅的软脱欧政策，约翰逊宣布辞去英国外交大臣一职。
特蕾莎·梅在声明中表示，女王很高兴批准任命尊敬的杰里米·亨特担任英国外交和联邦事务大臣。
亨特是所谓“软脱欧”的支持者，是英国保守党议员。周一（7月9日），因不认同首相特雷莎·梅的“软脱欧”方案，英国负责脱欧事务的两大要员和英国外长辞职，令英国平稳脱欧再添一层不确定性。
在《电讯报》2016年的一篇文章中，亨特写道，英国需要明确表示，即使离开欧盟机构，留在单一市场也是一个明确的国家目标，以安抚市场和很多焦虑的国内外投资者和企业。
特雷莎·梅任命多米尼克·拉布为新任脱欧大臣
英国现任住房部长多米尼克·拉布9日被首相特雷莎·梅任命为英国新的脱欧事务大臣，将在英国脱欧谈判中扮演关键角色。
拉布是脱欧公投期间脱欧派的重要支持者，是“改变英国”（Change Britain）组织的共同创始人，该组织由脱欧阵营“Vote Leave”演变而来。
拉布还是英国保守党党员。自2010年开始，他担任英国下议院议员，曾任卡梅伦政府司法部民权政务次官。他在卡梅伦离职后去任，2017年大选后重回司法部任法院和司法副大臣至今。
拉布还曾担任欧盟和贸易法顾问，被形容为“非常能干”的人物、“有才华的新一代”人士。出任脱欧事务大臣将是他的第一个内阁职位，并使他成为年轻一代保守党部长中第一个加入首相高层团队的人士。
《卫报》称，此次火速出任脱欧大臣，正是由于拉布在脱欧事务上的强硬立场。不过，尽管拉布在“Vote Leave”中担任领导角色，他被认为是“务实”而“理智”的脱欧派人士，而不是“强硬的”空想者。
英国将于2019年3月29日离开欧盟，但双方尚未就脱欧后英国与欧盟之间的贸易往来达成一致。在不到9个月的时间里，布拉将领命接手与欧盟进行一系列艰难的谈判。一位内阁发言人表示，就英国脱欧准备而言，还有大量工作要做，包括 “达不成协议”的准备工作。
英国脱欧欧事务部确认，原脱欧大臣戴维斯（David Davis）已于当地时间周日（7月8日）辞去公职。随后，英国脱欧事务副大臣贝克（Steve Baker）也被曝出辞职。很快，英国《卫报》称，英国脱欧事务部长助理布瑞弗曼（Suella Braverman）也已辞职。
特蕾莎·梅表示，存在2019年脱欧最后期限前，英国和欧盟无法就脱欧谈判条款达成协议的可能性。
欧盟会议，英国政府提交一份大纲以便双方协商；
欧盟会议，如果十月没交，这是延期之后的Deadline；
上下议院就计划投票表决；
不管计划如何，两派怎么争执，当天晚上11点正式脱欧；
19年到20年是“过渡期”，2020年最后天，标志脱欧完成。
英镑闻讯大跌
周一亚洲交易时段伊始，英镑兑美元一度大幅攀升，最高一度触及1.3326，在戴维斯辞职消息传出后急剧走低，一度下挫至1.3286附近。
荷兰合作银行汇市策略师Viraj Patel认为，当前的脱欧谈判已经进入关键环节，如果首相特蕾莎·梅无法在最后一刻赢得胜利，英镑多头将丢失最后一根救命稻草。
英镑已经进入新的一周，这则消息对近期的英镑看涨势头构成挑战。在英国保守党内部强硬派的反对下，英镑交易员对首相新的挑战保持警惕。
彭博分析师Mark Cranfield表示，欧元兑英镑可能会进一步攀升，戴维斯的辞职让英国失去了经验丰富的脱欧谈判代表。这大大降低了特蕾莎·梅本周在英国议会推动脱欧白皮书的可能性。
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