特朗普的就职演讲被批太烂？一个视频带你分析美国历届总统就职演讲
2017年1月20日，美国新一任的总统特朗普宣布正式就任。
那么，你们知道最好、最精彩的就职演讲是怎样的吗？它们有没有什么共同点呢？这个视频不仅告诉了我们就职演讲应该要包括的三点："unify the country, announce guiding principles, and affirm the limits of power"，还告诉了我们最好的就职演讲成功的因素包括有哪些。快看视频学一招吧！
视频和音频
https://v.qq.com/txp/iframe/player.html?vid=z0369hyecww&width=500&height=375&auto=0
翻译、时间轴：大可 校对：阿V
首发公众号：英语演讲视频精选
后台回复20170122可下载本视频音频
演讲稿
An inaugural address can be a defining moment for a president and certain lines become iconic. "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." But why do some addresses echo through history while others don't?
就职演讲对总统而言，是个决定性的时刻，同时某些台词会成为标志性的句子。“不要问你的国家能为你做什么，而要问你能为你的国家做什么。”但是为什么有些演讲能够流传，而有些则不能？
I asked Kathleen Hall Jamieson. I am director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at The University of Pennsylvania.
我问了Kathleen Hall Jamieson，我是宾夕法尼亚大学安嫩伯格公共政策中心的主任。
And what she told me is that an inaugural address should do three things: unify the country, announce guiding principles,and affirm the limits of power.
她告诉我，一个就职演讲应该做三件事情：维护国家统一，宣布指导原则，以及肯定实力的极限。
So let's take those one by one, starting with the need to unify the country. One of the more important characteristics of an inaugural is that it establishes that this is the president of all the people. Coming after a campaign, a president's first ask to heal a divided electorate.
所以让我们一个接一个地说明，从维护国家统一的需要开始。就职演讲更重要的特点之一，就是它确立了一点，这是所有人的总统。在竞选活动结束之后，总统的第一次演讲是要和解分裂的选民。
In 1801, Jefferson welcomed his opponents when he said, "Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. Weare all Republicans, we are all Federalists. "
在1801年，杰斐逊总统欢迎了他的对手们，当他说:"每一个意见的差异不是原则的差异。我们在一个相同的原则下，被称呼为不同的名字。我们都是共和党人，我们都是联邦主义者。"
And in 1953 ,Eisenhower echoed Jefferson's plea for unity, "May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our Constitution, hold to differing political faiths..." Eisenhower's inaugural explicitly suggests that we are coming together in this moment regardless of the kind of partisan divisions that we have had in the past.
在1953年，艾森豪威尔回应了杰斐逊关于团结的请求，"希望合作能被允许并使之成为那些根据我们宪法的概念，拥有不同政治信仰的人的共同目标..."艾森豪威尔的就职演讲明确地表明，我们在这个时刻是聚在一起的，不管我们过去有过的种种党派分歧。
That's actually a common theme across the inaugurals. We remember it more when it is phrased more memorably, as it is with Jefferson or Eisenhower, but you'll actually find an element of it invirtually all of the inaugural addresses.
那实际上是就职演讲的共同主题。当它的措辞更令人印象深刻时，我们会更记得它，由杰斐逊或艾森豪威尔讲出来。但你实际上，几乎能在所有就职演讲中，找到一个共同的元素。
Second, an inaugural should announce principles that will guide the presidency. "We'll restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost."
第二，一场就职演讲应该宣布就任期间的指导原则。“我们将会让科学恢复到它正确的位置，并运用技术的奇迹来提高医疗质量和降低成本。”
But, unlike the state of the union, the inaugural should focus on principles, not policy. When you get to policy proposals, you're back in campaign mode. "In this present crisis, governmentis not the solution to our problem, government is the problem." Notice that when Reagan said, 'government isn't the solution, government is the problem' what he was essentially doing was articulating a principle, not saying, 'and as a result, I recommend that we do x, y and z.'
但是，与国情咨文不同，就职演讲应该关注原则，而不是政策。当你开始政策提案的时候，你就回到了竞选的模式。"在这场危机中，政府不是我们问题的解决方法，政府本身就是个问题。注意里根所说的，'政府不是解决方法政府是个问题'，他正在做的，本质上是在阐明一项原则，而不是在说，'因此我建议我们要做x, y和 z。'
The philosophy of the president is embodied in an inaugural and if it's maintained at a level of principle it is not highly problematic.
一位总统的哲学就体现在一场就职演讲中，如果它是保持在一个原则的水平上，那它就没有很大的问题了。
Third, an inaugural affirms the limits of ower stating that no one is above the law.
第三，肯定了权力的极限，说明没有人能凌驾于法律之上的就职演讲。
One concern--when you let some presidents—particularly among those who didn't vote for the candidate-- is that person may overreach and may misuse the power or use the power in ways that will hurt the people wedid not vote for the president.
一个关注点--当你让一些总统--特别是那些没有以候选人身份接受投票，可能会是越权和滥用权力，或是会使用那些伤害百姓的权力的方式的，我们没有投票给的总统。
Look at the passage in Gerald Ford's inaugural address-- which was, in effect his inaugural address -- that begins, "...our long national nightmare is over. Our Constitution works, our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men." That is a repudiation of the Nixon Presidency. Ford is affirming it explicitly: that no president is above the law. That's the speech that tells us that, in language that we should always remember.
看看杰拉尔德·福特的就职演讲的一个段落--实际上他的就职演讲--开始于，"...我们长期的国家的噩梦结束了。我们的宪法起作用了。我们伟大的共和国是一个法律政府，而不仅仅是个人的。”那是一个对尼克松总统的否认。福特总统明确地肯定了：没有一位总统能凌驾于法律之上。就是这个演讲告诉了我们，用语言描述出我们应该永远记住的东西。
Besides indicating what the address should be about, past inaugurals suggest how a president should deliver it.
除了指出就职演讲应该是关于什么。过去的就职演讲还建议了一位总统应该怎样发表它。
First, they should keep it short. People who assume that you have to speak at length in order to be eloquent are wrong. Aleader's message should be clear and concise. The three shortest speeches were delivered by some of the most respected presidents, albeit during subsequent inaugurals, while the three longest came from some less well-known presidents, including William Henry Harrison, who aggravated a cold during his epic inaugural anddied the next month from pneumonia.
首先，他们应该确保它简短。认为你要表现出口才好，而必须详细地说话的人是错的。一位领导者的信息应该是清晰又简洁的。三场最短的演讲是由一些最受欢迎的总统发表的，即使是在随后的就职演讲中。而三场最长的就职演讲是来自一些不太知名的总统，包括威廉·亨利·哈里森，他在自己的史诗般的就职演讲中加重了感冒，并在下个月死于肺炎。
Second, Put the campaign behind you. Do not be Ulysses S. Grant, who whines about having a scandal-ridden campaign. "I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which today I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication."
第二，把竞选活动抛在脑后。不要成为尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特。他(在就职演讲中)抱怨有一个丑闻缠身的竞选活动。“我一直有的，是政治历史上，几乎没有平等地位的虐待和毁谤的话题。今天，我认为我可以承受你们的判决，非常感激能作为我的辩解来接受。”
If you come out of an inaugural address feeling as if the candidate is still there and the president isn't-- we're still in campaign mode, this isn't a president speaking-- it's a failed address.
如果你出现在一场，感觉好像仍然是候选人在那里，而总统不在的就职演讲--
那我们就仍然是在一个竞选模式，这不是一位总统在说话--它是一场失败的就职演讲。
A third caution is to avoid making it about yourself, which a president can do by using "we" instead of "I".
第三个警告是要避免让演讲都是有关你自身的，总统可以通过使用"我们"而不是"我"。
When you're trying to speak to a nation thath as been divided by a campaign, the unifying rhetoric requires that the audience hear itself in the rhetoric. And as a result, the collective rhetoric-- the rhetoric of "we"-- is the characterizing rhetoric of the best inaugural addresses. "Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself."
当你试着向一个被竞选活动分裂的国家演讲的时候，统一的辞章要求观众能在言语中听到自己。结果就是，这个集体的名词--这个词语"我们--是最好的就职演讲中的特征辞藻。"让我重申一下我坚定的信念，我们唯一要害怕的东西就是恐惧本身。”
Lastly, and most importantly, we tend to remember inaugurals. Because history vindicated the observation and the observation was made memorably. So, you might say that the deciding factor fora successful inaugural speech is the presidency that follows.
最后一点同时也是最重要的，我们倾向于记住就职演讲。因为历史证明了言论和言论是值得铭记的。所以，你可能会说一场成功的就职演讲，是总统依照了以上的决定性因素。
There's a reason we remember FDR and Kennedy. Both were speaking at a point of crisis and their words inspired a future that would follow. But no president did this better than Abraham Lincoln, who on the eve of Civil War, predicted a Union victory when he said: "The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
我们会记得罗斯福和肯尼迪总统有一个原因，他们都是在一个危机时刻演讲，同时他们的话也激发了未来的发展。但是没有一位总统能比亚伯拉罕·林肯做得更好。他在内战前夕，预计了联盟的胜利。当他说:"记忆的神秘的和弦，从每个战场和爱国者的坟墓，在这宽广的国土上，与每一颗搏动的心房和壁炉联结起来，将会生成联邦的大合唱，当再次触抚琴弦，只要确定他们真的乐意，由我们的天性成为更好的天使。”
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