国际顶刊｜《世界政治》2023年第75卷第2期

01

期 刊 介 绍

World Politics（WP，《世界政治》）创刊于 1948 年，是一份国际知名的政治科学季刊，由约翰·霍普金斯大学出版社出版，在普林斯顿国际和地区研究所（PIIRS）的赞助下编辑制作。普林斯顿国际和地区研究所是普林斯顿大学关于世界文化和全球问题的研究、学习和对话中心。该刊接受国际关系、比较政治、政治理论、外交政策和现代化方面的分析和理论文章、评论文章和研究笔记，不发表严格意义上的历史材料、时事文章、政策文章或新闻性质的叙述。该刊在《科睿唯安 2022 年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2022）中JIF=5.0，在 187 种政治科学类（Political Science-SSCI）期刊中排名第 10（Q1），在 96 种国际关系类（International Relations-SSCI）期刊中排名第 4（Q1）。

02

期刊目录

2.The Protestant Road to Bureaucracy

新教的官僚主义之路

3.Closing The Gap: The Politics of Property Rights in Kenya

缩小差距：肯尼亚的产权政治

4.Issue-Image Trade-Offs and the Politics of Foreign Policy: How Leaders Use Foreign Policy Positions to Shape Their Personal Images

议题-形象权衡与外交政策政治:领导人如何利用外交政策立场塑造个人形象

5.Great Expectations: The Democratic Advantage in Trade Attitudes

高期望:贸易态度上民主的优势

（本篇摘要有删减，完整版见后续发布的《国际研究动态》）

03

摘要译文

02 新教的官僚主义之路

【题目】

The Protestant Road to Bureaucracy

【作者】

Valentín Figueroa

【摘要】

17世纪以后，欧洲各国的统治者试图进行改革，用专业官僚取代业余行政人员。行政改革的成功与否，取决于统治者能否对地位稳固的官员给予补偿，能否聘用受薪雇员。作者论证了这些条件在改革时得到满足的程度取决于各州在16世纪是否经历了新教改革。这篇文章展示了宗教改革如何启动了两个过程，其中包括没收天主教会的资产。首先，新教统治者使用没收资产的收入来资助战争，而不是出售专有办公室，导致抵制行政改革的腐败官员减少。其次，征收财产使教堂变得更穷，减少了神职人员的好工作，刺激了教育投资的重新分配，从宗教知识转向对国家管理更有用的世俗技能。这种独特的新教发展道路加速了世袭制国家的消亡。到1789年，官僚化的主要领土国家只有新教国家。

After the seventeenth century, rulers across Europe attempted reforms to replace amateur administrators with professional bureaucrats. The success of administrative reforms hinged on whether rulers could compensate entrenched officeholders and recruit salaried employees. The author demonstrates that the extent to which these conditions were met at the time of reforms depended on whether states had experienced a Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century. This article shows how the Reformation, which involved the expropriation of the Catholic Church’s assets, set in motion two processes. First, to finance their wars, Protestant rulers used revenue from confiscated assets instead of selling proprietary offices, leading to fewer venal officeholders who resisted administrative reforms. Second, expropriations made churches poorer and reduced the number of plum jobs in the clergy, incentivizing a reallocation of educational investments from religious knowledge to secular skills more useful for state administration. This distinctive Protestant developmental path hastened the demise of the patrimonial state. By 1789, the only major territorial states that were bureaucratic were Protestant

03 缩小差距:肯尼亚的产权政治

【题目】

Closing The Gap: The Politics of Property Rights in Kenya

【作者】

Mai Hassan, Kathleen Klaus

【摘要】

政治家和学者都主张将土地改革作为解决政治不稳定和贫困问题的工具。然而，在许多土地改革的案例中，政府提供了土地，却保留了产权。为什么领导者要保留这些权利，他们什么时候授予之前被保留的权利？两位作者认为，土地权利是一种分配利益，领导人为了获得民众支持，会保守地、有选择地放弃它。文章利用肯尼亚的微观数据发现，民主政权下的领导人比专制政权下的领导人更愿意将权利正式化。肯尼亚历届政府都通过土地改革分配了该国的大部分可耕地。此外，土地正规化的逻辑随政权类型而变化。独裁者优先考虑核心支持者的土地正规化，而面临选举的精英优先考虑关键的摇摆选民。本文论证了产权的提供主要取决于政治考量，而不是国家能力。

Politicians and scholars alike have advocated for land reform as a tool to address political instability and poverty. Yet in many cases of land reform, governments provide land but withhold property rights. Why do leaders withhold these rights, and when do they grant previously withheld rights? The authors argue that land rights are a distributive good that leaders relinquish conservatively and selectively to build popular support. Using microlevel data from Kenya—a country in which successive governments have distributed most of the country’s arable land through land reform—the article finds that leaders under democratic regimes are more willing to formalize rights than those under autocratic regimes. Further, the logic of land formalization changes with regime type. Whereas autocrats prioritize land formalization among core supporters, elites facing elections prioritize pivotal swing voters. The article demonstrates how the provision of property rights is primarily a function of political calculations rather than state capacity

04 议题-形象权衡与外交政策政治:领导人如何利用外交政策立场塑造个人形象

【题目】

Issue-Image Trade-Offs and the Politics of Foreign Policy: How Leaders Use Foreign Policy Positions to Shape Their Personal Images

【作者】

Jeffrey A. Friedman

【摘要】

这篇文章解释了领导人如何利用外交政策问题塑造自己的个人形象。它特别指出，总统和总统候选人可以利用强硬的外交政策来塑造有价值的领导力印象。这种动态可能会激励领导人采取比选民实际希望的更强硬的外交政策立场。文章用预先登记的调查实验证明了这一论点的因果基础;它提供的档案证据表明，总统候选人使用不受欢迎的外交政策来传达有吸引力的个人特征;它使用观察数据来展示这些权衡如何影响了三十年来的总统选举。这篇文章的理论和证据表明，外交政策中的民主反应并不像选民想要的那样简单。领导人往往需要在满足选民的政策偏好和塑造选民觉得有吸引力的个人形象之间做出选择。因此，让外交政策与选民的偏好保持一致说起来容易做起来难，而且对于领导人来说，这并不总是最大化其公众地位的最佳方式。

This article explains how leaders can use foreign policy issues to shape their personal images. It argues in particular that presidents and presidential candidates can use hawkish foreign policies to craft valuable impressions of leadership strength. This dynamic can give leaders incentives to take foreign policy positions that are more hawkish than what voters actually want. The article documents the causal foundations of this argument with a preregistered survey experiment; it presents archival evidence demonstrating that presidential candidates use unpopular foreign policies to convey attractive personal traits; and it uses observational data to show how those trade-offs have shaped three decades of presidential voting. The article’s theory and evidence indicate that democratic responsiveness in foreign policy is not as simple as doing what voters want. Leaders often need to choose between satisfying voters’ policy preferences and crafting personal images that voters find appealing. Aligning foreign policy with voters’ preferences is thus easier said than done, and it is not always the best way for leaders to maximize their public standing.

05 高期望:贸易态度上的民主优势

【题目】

Great Expectations: The Democratic Advantage in Trade Attitudes

【作者】

Frederick R. Chen, Jon C. W. Pevehouse, Ryan M. Powers

【摘要】

为什么与一些国家的贸易比与其他国家的贸易更受欢迎?作者将有关政权类型和贸易合作的文献与有关贸易态度的文献联系起来，认为国内政治制度和外国的合作声誉决定了公众和政策精英深化贸易合作的意愿。通过对美国公众和美国对外经济政策制定者的独特样本进行调查实验，作者表明，受访者更喜欢与民主国家进行贸易，而不是与非民主国家进行贸易。此外，他们发现这种民主优势源于一种强烈的期望，即民主国家将成为更可靠、更一致的合作伙伴。这项研究为政体类型和国际合作的政治经济学理论的基本机制进行了直接的因果检验。虽然这篇文章关注的是贸易态度的问题，但论证具有普遍性，表明对其他问题领域合作的支持取决于类似的因素。

Why is trade with some countries more popular than with others? Linking the literature on regime type and trade cooperation with the literature on trade attitudes, the authors argue that the domestic political institutions and cooperative reputations of foreign states condition the willingness of the public and policy elites to deepen trade cooperation. Using survey experiments fielded on the American public and a unique sample of US foreign economic policymakers, the authors show that respondents prefer trade with democracies over trade with nondemocracies by large margins. Further, they find that this democratic advantage stems from a strong expectation that democracies will be more reliable and consistent cooperation partners. This study provides one of the first direct and causally identified tests of the mechanisms underlying theories of the political economy of regime type and international cooperation. Although the article focuses on the case of trade attitudes, the argument is general, suggesting that support for cooperation in other issue areas is conditional on similar factors.

翻  译：翟晓茗

校  对：郭见田

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编辑：孙则尧

一审：聂凯巍

二审：大    兰

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