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挑战Mann之一:从<社会权力的四种来源>到(非)社会权力的六种来源

高行云 Sociological理论大缸 2021-02-04

专辑预告:

259-61期预告|在赵鼎新之外挑战Mann的权力理论:拓展、解释与否定


荐读:Heiskala,Risto. 2018. “For a Holistic Social Science: The NACEVP Model Applied to theEnvironment, Gender and Populism.” Journalof Political Power 11(3):322–40.

 


HeiskalaMann定位在社会学grand theory的这样思潮中:

 

Parsons的结构功能主义之后,历史唯物主义的重建

 

一、Heiskala先是总结了Mann的理论:

1. 人类are purposeful creatures who strive to attain various ends.

2. 追求目标, they need power to make social networks work for them

3. 所用权力:These four are ideological, economic, military and political power,

——意识形态权力:sociospatically “transcendent.”(不是一份证据说一分话,会出格子闹事)、“immanent morale”(给现有制度加持开光)

——经济权力:from the need to extract, transform, distribute and consume resources ofnature’ that characterize the human condition

——军事权力:the social organization of physical force. Mann早期倾向用enforced来理解,比如强制劳动,但后期会用lethal force(致命)来理解。

——政治权力:Domestically, it is ‘territorially centralized’; externally, it involvesgeopolitics’

 

二、HeiskalaMann的批判

1.落入Weber and Durkheim Objective idealism/social fact的解释,而没有taking material factors of the social reality intoaccount

2. 只谈国家Telling state-level historical narrations,尤其是对于政治权力的界定,像内政上的领土中心化、外交上地缘政治,和Weber传统下的政治也可谈政党等non-state level不同,所以使自己的理论受限。

 

三、HeiskalaMann的拓展

基础拓展包括:

1)不再以the intentional conscious and goal-directed humanaction为局限,也要包括half orcompletely unconscious agency (whether social or not) to artefactual or naturalcausation

2)虽然现象描述上不错,但是还需要再发展the dynamics of power sources而非只是谈power sources,比如网络认知制度解释之间的交织作用,从而避免因为Mann ideal type而变得以研究者为中心。


 

1. 改称意识形态权力为文化权力(C);

2. 经济权力不变(E);

3. 军事权力改为violence-related powerV),否则不好解释恐怖主义、摩托车党之类的暴力行为;

4. 政治权力不再局限于state,而是政党、市政等Weber说的all institutions of domination

5. 增加Nature例如N

genotype (women are and men are notcapable of giving birth to new human

beings, the intelligent or strong people are inmany situations privileged over the

less intelligent and weaker, etc.);

 

environment (some areas are bettersuited for

agriculture, fishing, mining or industrialproduction than others);

 

density of population in theircommunity (sometimes the population is too small for certain activities toemerge and sometimes the contrary is true and there are so many people that theirsheer density prevents some desirable activities).


6. 增加TechnologyArtefactsA

technostructures themselves also set limits on ouragency in the form of the historically developed infrastructures and artefacts


Think of a fork, for example. It doesnot serve anybody’s interest in particular and it is not part of any actor’sproject.

 

四、案例与意义

Heiskala认为,Mann这种类型的研究,最大的意义在于当作checklist(说白了,不就是罗列的时候有得check吗?)

 

所以,他也罗列地说明像Mann承认自己不好解释的sex and gender, climate change问题,是可以用他拓展后的NACEVP model

 

读过Mann的四卷本才会知道:Mannvol.1 ch.1是谈到自己对于sex and gender不好解释,是自己理论的弱点;在vol.4的最后一部分是谈climate change,是展望未来。所以Heiskala特别挑这两个案例来回应Mann

 

比如,性别议题涉及(Economic power)劳动关系平等、(Political power)国家政策设计、(Violate-related power)家庭暴力等、(Cultural power)性别的原教旨主义和性别自愿主义,以及怎么可能不从性别的生物基础(Nature)和(Artefactual Power)变性/避孕等各种技术有关呢?

 

Sociological理论大缸第259期)


链接:

ASR2017| 女生早恋=容易退学?统计不显著背后的集体叙事力量


经济学随想录03| 公共意见是如何变得极端的?物理学家看法


为什么药店里全是女性?20世纪初菲律宾性别/职业的再殖民变迁

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