国际英语角第十三期 || 什么是社会主义女权主义？「壹」

What Is Socialist Feminism?

[1]

什么是社会主义女权主义？

「壹」

BY

BARBARA EHRENREICH

// 作者引：<摘录>

在某种程度上，社会主义女权主义已经存在了很长一段时间。你是资本主义社会的女性。你很生气——关于工作，关于账单，关于你的丈夫(或前任)，关于孩子的学校，家务，漂亮或是不漂亮，被人注意或是没有人注意等等。如果你思考这些事情，以及它们是如何共同起作用的，以及需要改变什么，你几乎必须考虑“社会主义女权主义”。

马克思主义和女权主义有一个重要的共同点：那就是它们看待世界的重要方式。两者都撕裂了流行神话和“常识”经验，迫使我们以一种新的方式看待现存经验。两者都试图从新的维度理解世界——不是从静态平衡、同一的角度(如传统社会科学)——而是从对立的角度。他们得出的结论在令人震惊和不安的同时，意味着是解放。拥有马克思主义或女权主义的观点，就不可能同时保持旁观者的身份。要理解这些分析揭示的现实，就必须采取行动改变改变。

/本文来自：Jacobin 2018/7/30

本文于1976年首次出现在Win杂志上，随后又收录于新美国运动(New American Movement)时期关于社会主义和女权主义的论文中。本文为Ehrenreich女士在Jacobin杂志上的再版。

Ehrenreich女士是美国著名女权主义者、小说家、政治活动家。

您可点击「阅读原文」获取原文链接。

Marxism addresses itself to the class dynamics of capitalist society. Every social scientist knows that capitalist societies are characterized by more or less severe, systemic inequality. Marxism understands this inequality to arise from processes which are intrinsic to capitalism as an economic system. A minority of people (the capitalist class) own all the factories/energy sources/resources, etc. which everyone else depends on in order to live. The great majority (the working class) must work out of sheer necessity, under conditions set by the capitalists, for the wages the capitalists pay.

马克思主义立足于资本主义社会的阶级矛盾。众所周知，资本主义社会以或多或少存在的系统性不平等为特征。马克思主义认为，这种症候源于资本主义经济体系固有的运行过程。少数人(资产阶级)拥有所有其他人赖以生存的工厂/能源/资源等。绝大多数人(工人阶级)必须在资本家规定的条件下，为资本家所付的工资而工作。

intrinsic ：~ (to sth) belonging to or part of the real nature of sth/sb 固有的；内在的；本身的

Since the capitalists make their profits by paying less in wages than the value of what the workers actually produce, the relationship between the two classes is necessarily one of irreconcilable antagonism. The capitalist class owes its very existence to the continued exploitation of the working class. What maintains this system of class rule is, in the last analysis, force. The capitalist class controls (directly or indirectly) the means of organized violence represented by the state – police, jails, etc. Only by waging a revolutionary struggle aimed at the seizure of state power can the working class free itself, and, ultimately, all people.

由于资本家通过支付低于工人实际生产价值的工资来获取利润，这两个阶级之间的关系必然是一种不可调和的对立关系。资产阶级的存续，正是建立在对于工人阶级的不断剥削之上。归根结底，维持这种阶级分层体系的是强力。资产阶级(直接或间接)控制着以国家（暴力机关）为代表的有组织的“合法”暴力手段——警察、监狱等。工人阶级只有发动旨在夺取国家政权的革命斗争，才能解放自己，最终解放全体人民。

antagonism：~ (to/toward(s) sb/sth)~ (between A and B) feelings of hatred and opposition 对立情绪；对抗情绪；敌对；敌意

Feminism addresses itself to another familiar inequality. All human societies are marked by some degree of inequality between the sexes. If we survey human societies at a glance, sweeping through history and across continents, we see that they have commonly been characterized by: the subjugation of women to male authority, both with the family and in the community in general; the objectification of women as a form of property; a sexual division of labor in which women are confined to such activities as child-raising, performing personal services for adult males, and specified (usually lowprestige) forms of productive labor.

女权主义则致力于解决另一个常见的不平等问题。人类社会不同文明发展中都存在一定程度的性别不平等。回顾人类社会，纵观历史，横跨各大洲，我们会发现社会性别不平等的共同特征是：在家庭和整个社会中，女性屈从于男性权威；同时，女性被物化为一种财产形式；并存在依照生理性别的劳动分工——妇女主体行为被限制于抚养孩子、为成年男子提供个人服务，以及特定的（通常是低级的）生产劳动形式等活动范围内。

subjugation：n. 征服；镇压；克制

Feminists, struck by the near universality of these things, have looked for explanations in the biological “givens” which underlie all human social existence. Men are physically stronger than women on average, especially compared to pregnant women or women who are nursing babies. Furthermore, men have the power to make women pregnant. Thus, the forms that sexual inequality take — however various they may be from culture to culture – rest, in the last analysis, on what is clearly a physical advantage males hold over females. That is to say, they result ultimately on violence, or the threat of violence.

女权主义者被这些不平等的普遍存在所震撼，且一直在从贯穿人类社会存在的生物学意义上的“天赋（的生理特性）”中寻找合理解释。一般而言，男性的身体比女性强壮，尤其是与孕妇或处于哺乳期的女性相比。此外，男人有能力[1]让女人怀孕。因此，性别不平等的表现形式——无论各文化之间的差异有多大——归根结底取决于男性相对于女性“先赋”的一种明显的身体优势。也就是说，它们最终是由暴力或暴力的威胁造成的。

The ancient, biological root of male supremacy — the fact of male violence — is commonly obscured by the laws and conventions which regulate the relations between the sexes in any particular culture. But it is there, according to a feminist analysis. The possibility of male assault stands as a constant warning to “bad” (rebellious, aggressive) women, and drives “good” women into complicity with male supremacy. The reward for being “good” (pretty, submissive) is protection from random male violence and, in some cases, economic security.

男性至上的古老的生物学根源——男性暴力的事实——通常被特定文化中规范两性关系的法律和规范所掩饰。但通过女权主义的分析，它（男性暴力的传统）真切地存在。男性发起（暴力）攻击的威胁是对所谓的“坏”（叛逆、反抗）的女性的持续警告，并驱使“好”的女性与男性至上主义沆瀣一气。对于“好”（可爱、顺从）的女性的回报是免受任意的男性暴力，以及保证在某些情况下的经济安全。

obscure：

1. v. to make it difficult to see, hear or understand sth 使模糊；使隐晦；使费解

2. adj. not well known 无名的；鲜为人知的；difficult to understand 费解的；难以理解的

Marxism rips away the myths about “democracy” and its “pluralism” to reveal a system of class rule that rests on forcible exploitation. Feminism cuts through myths about “instinct” and romantic love to expose male rule as a rule of force. Both analyses compel us to look at a fundamental injustice. The choice is to reach for the comfort of the myths or, as Marx put it, to work for a social order that does not require myths to sustain it.

马克思主义破除了“民主”及其“多元”的神话，揭示了建立在暴力剥削基础上的阶级统治体系；女权主义破除了对 “本性”和浪漫爱的解读，揭示了作为一种强力的男性统治。这两种分析都迫使我们正视最根本性的不公。我们的选择是寻求神话的慰藉，或者如马克思所言，为一种不需要神话支撑的社会秩序而努力。

pluralism：n. 多元主义；多元论；兼任

forcible：involving the use of physical force 强行的；用暴力的

It is possible to add up Marxism and feminism and call the sum “socialist feminism.” In fact, this is probably how most socialist feminists see it most of the time — as a kind of hybrid, pushing our feminism in socialist circles, our socialism in feminist circles. One trouble with leaving things like that, though, is that it keeps people wondering “Well, what is she really?” or demanding of us “What is the principal contradiction?” These kinds of questions, which sound so compelling and authoritative, often stop us in our tracks: “Make a choice!” “Be one or another!” But we know that there is a political consistency to socialist feminism. We are not hybrids or fence-sitters.

将马克思主义和女权主义结合起来是切实的，我们称之为“社会主义女权主义”。事实上，绝大多数社会主义女权主义者在更多时候看到的是——作为一种混合体，把我们的女权主义推向社会主义的范畴，或是把我们的社会主义推向女权主义的范畴。然而，有待解决的问题是，它使人们陷入持续的疑惑——“她到底是什么?”，或向我们求索——“主要矛盾到底是什么?（反对资产阶级统治或是反对男性统治？）”这类问题听起来的确很引人注意，也具专断性，往往会使我们止步不前——它要求我们：“做出选择!”；“非此即彼!”但我们知道，社会主义女权主义在政治上具有一致性。我们不是杂交种，也不是调和派。

未 完 待 续

注释

[1] 此处原文使用的词为“power”，此处不仅表达“能力”的含义，也应当包含“强力”之意。（译者注）

翻译：奥伯里恩

编辑：奥伯里恩

“TO CONTINUE

TO STRUGGLE”

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