国际同文馆第十四期 || 什么是社会主义女权主义？「贰」

What Is Socialist Feminism?

[2]

什么是社会主义女权主义？

「贰」

BY

BARBARA EHRENREICH

// 作者引：<摘录>

在某种程度上，社会主义女权主义已经存在了很长一段时间。你是资本主义社会的女性。你很生气——关于工作，关于账单，关于你的丈夫(或前任)，关于孩子的学校，家务，漂亮或是不漂亮，被人注意或是没有人注意等等。如果你思考这些事情，以及它们是如何共同起作用的，以及需要改变什么，你几乎必须考虑“社会主义女权主义”。

马克思主义和女权主义有一个重要的共同点：那就是它们看待世界的重要方式。两者都撕裂了流行神话和“常识”经验，迫使我们以一种新的方式看待现存经验。两者都试图从新的维度理解世界——不是从静态平衡、同一的角度(如传统社会科学)——而是从对立的角度。他们得出的结论在令人震惊和不安的同时，意味着是解放。拥有马克思主义或女权主义的观点，就不可能同时保持旁观者的身份。要理解这些分析揭示的现实，就必须采取行动作出改变。

/本文来自：Jacobin 2018/7/30 （有删减）（图片来源于网络）

本文于1976年首次出现在Win杂志上，随后又收录于新美国运动(New American Movement)时期关于社会主义和女权主义的论文中。本文为Ehrenreich女士在Jacobin杂志上的再版。

Ehrenreich女士是美国著名女权主义者、小说家、政治活动家。

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I think that most radical feminists and socialist feminists would agree with my capsule characterization of feminism as far as it goes. The trouble with radical feminism, from a socialist feminist point of view, is that it doesn’t go any farther. It remains transfixed with the universality of male supremacy — things have never really changed; all social systems are patriarchies; imperialism, militarism, and capitalism are all simply expressions of innate male aggressiveness. And so on.

我认为大多数激进的女权主义者和社会主义女权主义者都会同意我对目前女权主义特征的概括。从社会主义女权主义的视角来看，激进女权主义的问题在于，它没有（在反抗的路上）走得更远。激进女权主义仍然停留在对于男权社会的普遍存在而惊恐的阶段——事情从来没有真正改变过。(她/他们认为)所有的社会制度都是父权制——她/他们将帝国主义、军国主义和资本主义都简单地归为男性先赋的侵略性的表现，如此等等。

capsule：

1.a small container which has a measured amount of a medicine inside and which dissolves when you swallow it （装药物的）胶囊

2.a small plastic container with a substance or liquid inside （装物或装液体的）小塑料容器

3.the part of a spacecraft in which people travel and that often separates from the main rocket 太空舱；航天舱

4.(technical 术语) a shell or container for seeds or eggs in some plants and animals（植物的）荚，蒴果；（动物的）囊，被膜

transfix：vt. to make sb unable to move because they are afraid, surprised, etc. 使（因恐惧、惊愕等而）动弹不得；使惊呆

patriarchies：n. 父权制；家长统治；父系社会

The problem with this, from a socialist feminist point of view, is not only that it leaves out men (and the possibility of reconciliation with them on a truly human and egalitarian basis) but that it leaves out an awful lot about women. For example, to discount a socialist country such as China as a “patriarchy” — as I have heard radical feminists do — is to ignore the real struggles and achievements of millions of women. Socialist feminists, while agreeing that there is something timeless and universal about women’s oppression, have insisted that it takes different forms in different settings, and that the differences are of vital importance. There is a difference between a society in which sexism is expressed in the form of female infanticide and a society in which sexism takes the form of unequal representation on the Central Committee. And the difference is worth dying for.

从社会主义女权主义的观点来看，这个问题不仅在于它忽略了男性的作用(以及在真正的人道主义和性别平等的基础上与男性和解的可能性)，而且还忽略了女性自身斗争的成就。例如，像我所听闻的那样，激进的女权主义者把中国这样的社会主义国家贬低为“父权制”国家[1]，就是忽视了数百万中国妇女的艰苦卓绝的斗争和取得的成就。社会主义女权主义者一方面认同女性受到的压迫的持久性和普遍性，但坚持认为，（这种压迫）在不同的社会背景中以不同的形式存在，并且这种差异至关重要。以杀女婴为表现形式的性别歧视的社会与以在中央委员会中男女代表的不平等为表现形式的性别歧视的社会是有区别的。这种区别（从原始的性别歧视向文明的性别歧视的转变）也同样是值得为之牺牲的。

“在合作社内实行男女同酬”

One of the historical variations on the theme of sexism which ought to concern all feminists is the set of changes that came with the transition from an agrarian society to industrial capitalism. This is no academic issue. The social system which industrial capitalism replaced was in fact a patriarchal one, and I am using that term now in its original sense, to mean a system in which production is centered in the household and is presided over by the oldest male. The fact is that industrial capitalism came along and tore the rug out from under patriarchy. Production went into the factories, and individuals broke off from the family to become “free” wage earners. To say that capitalism disrupted the patriarchal organization of production and family life is not, of course, to say that capitalism abolished male supremacy! But it is to say that the particular forms of sex oppression we experience today are, to a significant degree, recent developments. A huge historical discontinuity lies between us and true patriarchy. If we are to understand our experience as women today, we must move to a consideration of capitalism as a system.

所有女权主义者都应该关注的性别歧视的历史变化之一，就是从农业社会向资本主义工业社会过渡所带来的一系列变化。这不是学术问题，工业资本主义社会实际上取代的是父权制社会，我现在使用的是这个概念的本意：是指以家庭为中心，由年龄最大的男性主导的生产体系。事实是，工业资本主义出现了，破除了传统父权制下的生产形式。工厂取代家庭成为主要生产场所，个人脱离家庭成为“自由”劳动力。认为资本主义破坏了传统父权制下的生产组织和家庭生活，当然不是肯定资本主义废除了男性至上主义！但我要强调的是，我们今天所经历的特殊形式的性别压迫，在很大程度上，是晚进发展的结果。我们和真正的父权制之间存在着巨大的历史断层。作为女性，如果我们欲理解我们当下的经历，就必须把资本主义作为一个系统来看待。

agrarian：adj. 土地的；耕地的；有关土地的

There are obviously other ways I could have gotten to the same point. I could have simply said that, as feminists, we are most interested in the most oppressed women — poor and working-class women, Third World women, etc., and for that reason we are led to a need to comprehend and confront capitalism. I could have said that we need to address ourselves to the class system simply because women are members of classes. But I am trying to bring out something else about our perspective as feminists: there is no way to understand sexism as it acts on our lives without putting it in the historical context of capitalism.

显然还有其他分析方法可以得到相似的结论。我本可以简单地说，作为女权主义者，我们对受压迫最严重的妇女最感兴趣——贫穷的和工人阶级妇女，第三世界的妇女等等，因此我们需要理解和面对资本主义。我本可以说，我们需要关注社会分层，仅仅因为女性是阶级的成员。但我试图从女权主义者的角度提出另一个观点：如果不将性别歧视置于资本主义的历史背景中，就无法理解它对我们生活的影响。

世界工人联合会妇女委员会：反对一切形式的排斥、不平等和剥削

Socialist feminists are in a very differentcamp from what I am calling “mechanical Marxists.” We (along with many, many Marxists who are not feminists) see capitalism as a social and cultural totality. We understand that, in its search for markets, capitalism is drivento penetrate every nook and cranny of social existence. Especially in the phase of monopoly capitalism, the realm of consumption is every bit as important, just from an economic point of view, as the realm of production. So we cannot understand class struggle as something confined to issues of wages and hours, or confined only to workplace issues. Class struggle occurs in every arena where the interests of classes conflict, and that includes education, health, art, music, etc. We aim to transform notonly the ownership of the means of production, but the totality of social existence. 

社会主义女权主义者与我所说的“机械马克思主义者”属于两个完全不同的阵营。我们(以及许多不是女权主义者的马克思主义者们)都将资本主义视为社会和文化的总体。众所周知，在寻找市场的过程中，资本主义被驱使着渗透到社会的每一个角落。特别是在垄断资本主义阶段，从经济的角度来看，消费领域同样重要。所以我们不能把阶级斗争仅仅局限地理解为工资和工时问题，或者仅仅局限于工作场所问题。阶级斗争发生在阶级利益冲突的各个领域，包括教育、健康、艺术、音乐等。我们不仅要改变生产资料的所有权，而且要改变整体的社会存在。

every nook and cranny：每个角落

monopoly capitalism：垄断资本主义

Furthermore, in our brand of Marxism, there is no “woman question” because we never compartmentalized women off to the“superstructure” or somewhere in the first place. Marxists of a mechanical bent continually ponder the issue of the unwaged woman (the housewife): is shereally a member of the working class? That is, does she really produce surplus value? We say, of course housewives are members of the working class — not because we have some elaborate proof that they really do produce surplus value — but because we understand a class as being composed of people, and as having a social existence quite apart from the capitalist-dominated realm of production. When we think of class in this way, then we see that in fact the women who seemed most peripheral, the housewives, are at the very heart of their class — raising children, holding together families, maintaining the cultural and social networks of the community.

此外，在我们的马克思主义字典中，从来没有“女性问题”这一词汇，因为我们从一开始就没有把女性（问题）划分到“上层建筑”或其他什么范畴内。机械马克思主义者不厌其烦地考量无薪妇女(家庭主妇)的问题：她们真的是工人阶级的一员吗？换句话说，她（们） 真的能产生剩余价值吗？我们认为，家庭主妇当然是工人阶级的成员——不是因为我们会煞费苦心地证明她们真的会产生剩余价值，而是因为我们认为一个阶级是由人民组成的，是作为与资本主义统治下的生产领域完全不同的社会存在。当我们以这种方式思考阶级时，我们就会发现，实际上那些看起来最边缘化的女性，即家庭主妇们，正处于工人阶级的核心——抚养孩子，维系家庭，维持社区的文化和社交网络。

ponder：to spend time thinking carefully and seriously about a problem, a difficult question, or something that has happened 仔细考虑，深思

未 完 待 续

注释

[1] 此处遵照文意翻译，相信读者能够自行鉴明。

翻译：奥伯里恩 腾

校对：奥利弗

编辑：奥伯里恩

“TO CONTINUE

TO STRUGGLE”

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