论文快递: 第一百七十七期

六yi利物浦

编者按

Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。"论文快递" 栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！

本期为“论文快递”栏目的第一百七十七期，将介绍Urban Studies Current Issue的五篇论文。主题包括社会主义国家的新型文化空间，租房市场的种族歧视，商业改善区，后政治视角下的缅甸城市发展，南非二级城市的大都市改革，欢迎阅读。

01

Creative hubs in Hanoi, Vietnam: Transgressive spaces in a socialist state?   

越南河内的创意中心：社会主义国家的越轨空间？

Danielle Labbe（加拿大蒙特利尔大学）Celia Zuberec（加拿大麦吉尔大学）Sarah Turner（加拿大麦吉尔大学）首次出版时间：2022/6/16｜研究论文
Abstract

Vietnam’s capital city has recently witnessed the emergence of a new type of cultural space akin to what have been labelled creative hubs in other contexts: that is, locales that foster creation, collaboration, community engagement and business development in the cultural sector. During the 2010s, Hanoi saw a proliferation of small-scale, art-oriented creative hubs, most of them community-led and developed without state funding. In a context marked by a government historically wary of contemporary and experimental arts, these spaces face various forms of state control ranging from the censorship of events, to stiff fines or even closure. Despite these barriers, creative hubs have become important sites for the gathering and formation of Hanoi’s contemporary arts scene and countercultures. Based on over 80 interviews conducted in 2019, this paper investigates the motives behind the rise of these spaces in Hanoi and the political engagement techniques their founders, operators and users employ to remain in operation. Drawing on the notion of ‘informal life politics’, we argue that creative hubs seek to provide spaces of (partial) autonomy from governmentality in Hanoi. We further find that artists, intellectuals and other creative individuals use these spaces to challenge state controls. They do so not by lobbying formal institutions for policy changes, but instead by enacting the more open and free socio-cultural milieu they seek, from the bottom up.

摘要越南首都最近见证了一种新型文化空间的出现，类似于在其他情况下被称为创意中心的地方：即促进文化领域的创造、合作、社区参与和商业开发的场所。在 2010 年代，河内经历了以艺术为导向的小型创意中心的激增，其中大多数是由社会主导的，并没有国家的资助。在政府历来对当代和实验艺术持谨慎态度的背景下，这些空间面临着各种形式的国家控制，从事件审查到严厉罚款甚至关闭。尽管存在这些障碍，创意中心已成为河内当代艺术场景和反主流文化聚集和形成的重要场所。基于 2019 年进行的 80 多次访谈，本文研究河内这些空间兴起的动机，以及它们的创始人、运营商和用户为保持运营而采用的政治对话技巧。借鉴“非正规生活政治”的概念，我们认为创意中心寻求在河内提供（部分）自治的空间。我们进一步发现艺术家、知识分子和其他创意人士利用这些空间来挑战国家控制。为达此目的，他们不是通过游说正式机构来改变政策，而是自下而上地开创他们寻求的更开放和自由的社会文化环境。
Keywords 

creative hubs, cultural spaces, Hanoi, informal politics, resistance, Vietnam

关键词创意中心，文化空间，河内，非正规政治，抵抗，越南
原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221086371

02

Does the neighbourhood of the dwelling and the real estate agency matter? Geographical differences in ethnic discrimination on the rental housing market

住宅街区和房地产中介是否重要？租房市场中种族歧视的地域差异

Billie Martiniello（比利时布鲁塞尔自由大学）Pieter-Paul Verhaeghe（比利时布鲁塞尔自由大学）首次出版时间：2022/5/11｜研究论文
Abstract

This study aims to investigate to which extent the ethnic and socio-economic composition of the neighbourhood is related to levels of discrimination in the rental housing market and how this is linked to theories of ethnic discrimination. Hereby, we divide the context into the neighbourhood of the dwelling and the real estate agency, using data from 2385 correspondence tests conducted among realtors in the city of Antwerp in Belgium. Regarding the neighbourhood of the dwelling, we find a tipping point at one third ethnic minorities whereafter ethnic discrimination decreases, which is in line with the perceived preference hypothesis and customer-based prejudice. A lower socio-economic composition relates to lower general invitation rates, which we describe as an elaboration of Putnam’s hunkering down hypothesis. Regarding the neighbourhood of the real estate agency, a higher percentage of ethnic minorities leads to lower general invitation rates, also referring to the hunkering down hypothesis. The socio-economic neighbourhood composition of the agency, however, has no impact.

摘要 

本研究旨在探究街区的种族和社会经济构成在多大程度上与租房市场的歧视程度相关，以及这与种族歧视理论有何联系。为此，我们使用在比利时安特卫普市房地产经纪人中间进行的 2,385 次对应测性试的数据，将环境划分为居住街区和房地产中介街区。关于居住街区，我们发现三分之一的少数民族有一个临界点，在此临界点后种族歧视减少，这与感知偏好假设和基于客户的偏见理论一致。较低的社会经济构成与较低的一般邀请率相关，我们将其描述为对普特南 (Putnam) 的“留守假设”的阐述。关于房地产中介街区，少数民族比例越高，总体邀请率越低，这也指向“留守假设”。然而，中介的社会经济街区构成没有影响。

Keywords 

inequality, neighbourhood, race, ethnicity, real estate, discrimination, correspondence tests

关键词 

不平等, 街区, 种族, 民族, 房地产, 歧视, 对应性测试

原文地址 https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221086502

03

Fifty years of Business Improvement Districts: A reappraisal of the dominant perspectives and debates        

商业改善区五十年：重新评估主流观点和争论

Daniel Kudla（加拿大纽芬兰纪念大学）首次出版时间：2022/2/1｜研究论文
Abstract

Originally created in 1970 by a small group of business people in Toronto’s Bloor West Village, Business Improvement Districts (hereafter BIDs) have become commonplace urban revitalisation strategies in cities across the world. Many critical urban scholars have conceptualised BIDs as neoliberal organisations and have resultantly critiqued their role in contemporary urban governance. With BIDs now existing for over 50 years, the purpose of this paper is to provide an overdue reappraisal of the BID research and orient future scholarship. After describing key debates from early BID research, this paper analyses two distinct themes in more recent scholarship: (1) BID policy mobility, and (2) BIDs and social regulation. As the BID model has been transferred to new locations across both the Global North and South, its rapid mobility demonstrates the permeability, resilience and limits of neoliberal urban policies. Moreover, BIDs’ social control tactics highlight how these organisations are shaped by a neoliberal logic that seeks to manage and control urban spaces in ways that attract desirable consumers and exclude the visible poor. This paper outlines the origins of both bodies of work and traces common patterns and variances over time. It concludes by highlighting gaps in the existing literature and offers suggestions for future work.

摘要 商业改善区（以下简称 BID）最初由多伦多布鲁尔西村 (Bloor West Village) 的一小群商界人士于 1970 年创建，现已成为世界各地城市振兴策略的通行做法。许多批判性城市学者将 BID 概念化为新自由主义组织，并因此批评了它们在当代城市治理中的作用。由于 BID 已经存在了 50 多年，本文的目的是对 BID 研究进行一项姗姗来迟的重新评估，并为未来的学术研究指明方向。在阐述了早期 BID 研究的关键辩论后，本文分析了近期学术研究中的两个不同主题：(1) BID 政策流动性，以及 (2) BID 和社会监管。随着 BID 模式被复制到全球北方和全球南方的新地点，其快速流动性证明了新自由主义城市政策的渗透性、复原性和局限性。此外，BID 的社会控制策略凸显了这些组织如何受到新自由主义逻辑的影响，这种逻辑寻求以吸引理想消费者和排斥可见的贫困阶层的方式管理和控制城市空间。本文概述了这两种工作的起源，并追踪了长期中的共同模式和差异。最后，我们强调现有文献中的空白，并为未来的研究工作提供了建议。
Keywords Business Improvement Area, Business Improvement District, neoliberal urbanism, policy mobility, social control
关键词

商业改善区 (Business Improvement Area), 商业改善分区 (Business Improvement District), 新自由主义城市化, 政策流动性, 社会控制

原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211066420

04

The imaginary of a modern city: Post-politics and Myanmar’s urban development

现代城市的想象：后政治与缅甸的城市发展

Tamas Wells（澳大利亚墨尔本大学）Vanessa Lamb（澳大利亚墨尔本大学）首次出版时间：2021/10/12 ｜研究论文
AbstractTheories of ‘post-politics’ provide a lens through which to analyse contemporary urban development. Yet empirical studies examining this ‘age of post-politics’ are few, especially outside of Europe and North America. This article examines the promise and limits of notions of post-politics through the case of planning for New Yangon City, a multi-billion dollar urban development in Myanmar (Burma). While the 2021 military coup has now made the future of the project uncertain, our research conducted in 2019 revealed similar dynamics at play to those described more broadly in the literature on post-politics. We highlight familiar processes of delegation of decision-making, a proliferation of governance actors and an individualisation of policy issues. What is distinctive in Myanmar is the way a coalition of elite decision-makers have diluted and defused policy disagreements through the construction of a utopian vision of a modern international city. We see this imaginary of the modern city as a tactic to support the broader efforts of depoliticisation. This diverges from arguments that the imagination of social change is curtailed through the pragmatic post-political notion that ‘there is no alternative’. Instead, in the context of New Yangon City, utopian vision is integral to depoliticisation and limiting dissent. We conclude that attention to processes of depoliticisation is crucial in relation to mega project planning in Asia, and that a productive way forward for studies of urban development is not wholesale acceptance or dismissal of the notion of post-politics, but robust engagement with its critiques and promise.摘要“后政治”理论为分析当代城市发展提供了一个视角。然而，检验这个“后政治时代”的实证研究很少，在欧洲和北美之外尤其如此。本文通过缅甸价值数十亿美元的城市发展规划案例“新仰光城”项目，考察了后政治概念的前景和局限性。虽然目前 2021 年的军事政变已使该项目的未来变得不确定，但我们在 2019 年进行的研究揭示了与更广泛的后政治文献中描述的动态相似的动态。我们强调熟悉的决策授权流程、治理参与者的激增和政策问题的个性化。缅甸的独特之处在于，精英决策者联盟如何通过构建现代国际城市的乌托邦愿景来淡化和化解政策分歧。我们将这种对现代城市的想象视为支持更广泛的去政治化努力的一种策略。这与“别无选择”的务实的后政治观念削弱了社会变革的想象力的论点不同。相反，作为“新仰光城”项目的背景，乌托邦愿景是去政治化和限制异议不可或缺的一部分。我们的结论是，关注去政治化过程对于亚洲的大型项目规划至关重要，城市发展研究的富有成效的前进道路不是完全接受或摒弃后政治概念，而是积极参与其批评和前景方面的对话。Keywordsdevelopment, governance, infrastructure, Myanmar, politics
关键词

发展, 治理, 基础设施, 缅甸，政治

原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211044006

05

Making Mangaung Metro: The politics of metropolitan reform in a South African secondary city                            

营造布隆方丹的 地铁：南非二线城市的大都市改革政治

Nidhi Subramanyam（加拿大多伦多大学）Lochner Marais（南非自由州大学）首次出版时间：2022/1/25｜研究论文
Abstract

Metropolitan reforms, which include the creation of unified metropolitan governments through municipal mergers and reclassification, are emerging as one strategy to address planning and service delivery challenges in the wake of increasing urbanisation across sub-Saharan Africa. Although metropolitanisation adds service area and mandates, well-functioning secondary cities that are part of a two-tier governance system in South Africa are pursuing metropolitanisation. The case of Mangaung, an early instance of secondary city metropolitanisation, is an opportunity to examine the motivations underlying these reforms, the politics involved and their impacts on urban governance. Mangaung’s political and administrative leadership pursued metropolitanisation to jump scale, attain greater political autonomy vis-à-vis other tiers of government, and obtain fiscal and technical resources available only to metropolitan municipalities in South Africa’s urban municipal hierarchy. Metropolitanisation was no panacea for Mangaung’s governance challenges, however, since it did not resolve the underlying weaknesses in municipal capacity or the regional economy, nor did it address the spatial legacies of apartheid that produced a sprawling metropolitan service area. As other South African secondary cities contemplate metropolitanisation, we recommend revising municipal structures and mandates and strengthening administrative capacities and economies in secondary cities.

摘要
随着撒哈拉以南非洲城市化进程的加快，大都市改革（包括通过城市合并和重新分类建立统一的大都市政府）正在成为解决规划和服务交付挑战的一种策略。尽管大都市化会增加服务区域和职能，但作为南非两级治理体系一部分的运作良好的二线城市正在追求大都市化。布隆方丹 (Mangaung) 的案例是二级城市大都市化的早期例子，它提供了一个机会，让我们可以审视这些改革背后的动机、所涉及的政治及其对城市治理的影响。布隆方丹的政治和行政领导层追求大都市化是为了扩大城市规模、获得相对于其他政府层级而言更大的政治自主权、并获取在南非城市等级体系中只有大都市才可以享受的财政和技术资源。然而，大都市化并非解决布隆方丹所面临的治理挑战的灵丹妙药，因为它没有解决市政能力或区域经济的潜在弱点，也没有解决种族隔离的遗留空间问题（其造成了无序蔓延的大都市服务区）。由于其他南非二线城市也正在考虑大都市化，我们建议改革市政结构和职能，并加强二线城市的行政能力和经济。
Keywordsmetropolitan reform, municipal merger, municipal reclassification, secondary city, South Africa
关键词

大都市改革, 城市合并, 城市重新分类, 二线城市, 南非

原文地址https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211065895

扫码关注我们

微信号｜USJ_online

Urban Studies期刊官方微信公众号