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【聚焦】何亚非:当今世界需要坚持和重塑多边主义 (中英双语)

人大重阳 2019-11-08


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作者何亚非系外交部前副部长、中国人民大学重阳金融研究院高级研究员、全球治理研究中心主任,本文刊于8月14日中美聚焦网。



不久前,我在与斯洛文尼亚前总统图尔克讨论多边主义时谈及当今世界乱象纷呈的困境,图尔克以欧洲人特有的乐观说,现在世界是“从有希望走向可能的成功”(from hopeful to possible success)。我理解我们共同的想法是,多边主义虽遭受多方冲击,全球治理体系漏洞百出,但有中国这样新兴大国和其他国家的坚持,仍有可能凤凰涅磐,走向成功的彼岸。

 

今年是新中国成立70周年,回顾新中国外交70年走过的不平凡之路,我们深刻体会到,无论是建国初期提出的“独立自主”外交政策,还是70年代末中国决心改革开放拥抱全球化,特别是中共十八大以来,习近平总书记提出一系列涉及全球治理的新思想,明确提出中国特色大国外交思想,把中国发展与世界发展紧密联系起来,包括以共商共建共享为原则推动“一带一路”建设、建立全球伙伴关系、推动构建人类命运共同体等,都鲜明体现了中国始终坚定地支持、维护“多边主义”的国际关系民主化理念和框架。习近平总书记说,世界的事情需要大家商量着办,不能由一两个国家说了算。讲的就是多边主义的核心思想。
 
总结新中国外交70年的成就与经验:独立自主是中国外交的基石,公平正义是中国外交的信念,互利共赢是中国外交的追求,多边主义是中国外交的坚守。
 
1、1955年的万隆会议,由刚登上世界舞台的新中国倡议,并经过会议讨论通过了《关于促进世界和平与合作的宣言》,提出处理国际关系的十项原则,体现了亚非地区各国为争取民族独立、维护世界和平而团结合作、共同斗争的崇高思想和愿望,成为国际公认的以多边主义处理国家关系的基础。
 
2、改革开放以来,中国适应经济全球化深入发展的趋势,全面融入、坚定支持以联合国为核心的多边主义全球治理体系。2001年中国成为WTO正式成员,迅速成为全球生产链不可或缺的一部分,成为推动世界和平与经济增长的重要力量。
 
3、中共十八大以来,中国外交进行一系列重大理论和实践创新,形成了新时代中国特色社会主义外交思想,即习近平外交思想。中国外交坚持以维护世界和平、促进共同发展为宗旨推动构建人类命运共同体,坚持以共商共建共享为原则推动“一带一路”建设,坚持以相互尊重、合作共赢为基础走和平发展道路,坚持以深化外交布局为依托打造全球伙伴关系,坚持以公平正义为理念引领全球治理体系改革,积极推动联合国2030可持续发展议程。多边主义已经融入中国外交的方方面面。
 

面对百年未有之大变局,当今世界正处于“冷战”时期最复杂敏感、最跌宕起伏的历史关键转折期,以规则为基础的多边主义全球治理体系处于“兵临城下”的困境,单边主义、民粹主义、民族主义、保护主义叠加呼应,从根本上冲击多边主义思想及现行机制。
 
美国和特朗普政府置国际规则于不顾,退出气候变化的《巴黎协定》、与伊朗的核行动计划、美俄《中导协议》,出尔反尔反复对中国发动贸易战,一些人甚至主张美中经济“脱钩”或者“割裂”,图谋重组全球生产链和价值链。美国的单边主义和保护主义背后有深刻的国内民粹主义、民族主义因素,也有霸权国家出于对新兴大国发展“战略焦虑”的全面打压。不幸的是,保护主义、孤立主义并非美国的孤立现象:英国新首相执意在10月底“硬性脱欧”;欧洲不少国家严重的移民/难民问题、经济和债务危机正在撕裂欧盟的多边主义架构,欧盟和欧元前景难卜;全球经济下行压力加大、金融风险再次剧增。这些都对多边主义框架内的全球自由贸易和投资体系造成重创,WTO何去何从今年底就要见分晓。美国最近发布文件,坚持单方面重新定义WTO框架的“发展中国家”类别。
 
与此同时,多边主义的内涵和外延这些年都发生了深刻变化《联合国宪章》内容包罗万象,始终是国际社会坚持以规则为基础的多边主义全球治理体系的“罗盘”。需要看到,联合国成立之初起主要目的是建立大国协商一致的集体安全体系,以确保人类避免再次发生战争的浩劫。从这个意义看,联合国及其安理会功不可没。
 
然而,二战结束以来特别是冷战终结,我们看到,这几十年世界多极化加速推进,大国关系深入调整;经济全球化持续发展,全球经济格局深刻演变;国际安全挑战错综复杂,地缘政治冲突加剧。多边主义的内涵和外延都有很大变化,以多边协商、谈判方式来解决地区和全球问题成为全球治理的主要路径和渠道,从主要集中在政治安全领域逐步发展扩大到经济金融、健康卫生、科学技术、标准制定、外空海洋、网络空间、军备控制、人工智能、气候变化等等,几乎无所不包。我在日内瓦工作期间,每年在瑞士日内瓦的政府间国际组织要召开上万个会议或者谈判,多边主义的理念和机制已经与各国外交和全球治理密不可分。
 
从机制上看,多边主义以“解决问题为导向”,不仅仅限于联合国这样的普遍性、全球性政府间国际组织,而是依照不同问题和涉及对象,采取“立场/兴趣相近”国家和组织结合成不同机制的模式,日益多元、丰富多彩。各个地区组织近几十年如雨后春笋,如东盟、非盟、欧盟、上海合作组织、欧亚经济联盟、拉美共同体等。随着多极化发展和全球性危机接踵而来,G7/G8、G20、金砖国家组织纷至沓来。至于将近400多个全球和区域性自贸区安排(FTAs)更是“你方唱罢我登场”,内容各异,形式多样。在以联合国为核心的国际体系之外(与联合国或多或少都有关系)的各种多边机制现在多如牛毛。有的很有分量,譬如G20在应对2008年全球金融危机以及随后作为“全球经济治理首要平台”在全球经济治理中的作用无出其右。有的可能只起到短暂的作用。
 

明年是联合国成立75周年,今年9月联合国大会将首次审议《联合国2030可持续发展议程》落实情况,联合国秘书长古特雷斯已经拟定UN75的计划,这些都是国际社会对坚持和完善多边主义全球治理体系作出的新努力,以期共同发出“坚定支持多边主义”、“坚定支持以联合国为核心的国际体系”的声音,共同发出“大家共同发展才是真发展”、“可持续发展才是好发展”的强有力呼声。
 
中国作为新兴大国,需要坚持70年的外交传统,也要创新发展,坚持、重塑多边主义,支持联合国的各项倡议,并在G20、金砖机制、上海合作组织等新多边机制内发挥积极引领作用,努力构建人类命运共同体,以从容应对百年未有之大变局的惊涛骇浪,寻找人类社会的美好未来。


Present-day World Needs to Uphold and Rebuild Multilateralism


During a recent personal discussion about multilateralism and in response to witnessing the ongoing chaos worldwide, former Slovenian President Danilo Türk stated to me that the world today is going “from hopeful to possible success.” From our conversation, we both came to the conclusion that although multilateralism is under attack and the global governance regime is porous, international collaboration can still be reborn and can ultimately succeed with support from such emerging countries as China and others.

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. Looking back on the diplomatic record of “new China,” we are keenly aware that, from the "independent and autonomous" diplomatic policies in the early days of the People's Republic to the country's decision to embark on the path of reform and opening up and to embrace globalization in the late 1970s — especially since the 18th CPC National Congress when current President of the PRC Xi Jinping put forward a series of new ideas about global governance: explicitly proposing the idea of major country diplomacy and connecting China's development with global development through concepts such as the “Belt and Road Initiative,” global partnership building, and creating a community of shared future for humanity — China has always steadfastly supported and preserved a “mutilateralist” philosophy and framework of democratization of international relations. Xi said global affairs should be handled with all parties engaging in consultation rather than global affairs being dictated by a couple countries. This is the core of multilateralism.

To sum up the 70 years of successes and experiences of “new China,” I would say: independence and autonomy are its cornerstones, fairness and justice are its beliefs, mutual benefit and a win-win outcome are its pursuits, and multilateralism is its fundamental principle.

First, at the 1955 Bandung Conference, the new China — then a newcomer on the world stage — proposed the Declaration on Promoting World Peace and Cooperation. This proclamation, which was approved at the meeting, put forward 10 principles for handling international relations that embodied the lofty ideals and wishes of Asian and African nations: national independence, unity and cooperation in preserving world peace. These principles have since become internationally accepted guidelines for a multilateralist approach to state-to-state relations.

Second, since the beginning of reform and opening up, China has adapted and comprehensively integrated itself into the new trends of deepening economic globalization, resolutely supporting the multilateral global governance regime with the UN at its core. China formally became a member of the WTO in 2001, rapidly grew into an indispensable part of the global production line, and currently stands as an important force behind world peace and economic growth.

Third, since the 18th CPC National Congress, Chinese diplomacy has witnessed a series of significant innovations both in theory and practice: yielding diplomatic thoughts of the new era with Chinese characteristics (i.e. the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, which promotes the building of a community of shared future for humanity with the goal of preserving world peace and promoting common development), the building of the "Belt and Road" under the principle of partnership and sharing, pursuing a path of peaceful development based on cooperation and win-win outcomes, facilitating the building of global partnerships on the basis of deepening diplomatic deployment, leading global governance regime reforms with fairness and justice, and actively promoting the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Multilateralism has permeated into all aspects of Chinese diplomacy.

Now facing “the time of changes not seen in a century,” the present-day world is at the most complicated, sensitive and volatile historical turning point in the post-Cold War era. The rules-based, multilateralist global governance regime is under siege, while unilateralism, populism, nationalism, protectionism are converging to undermine multilateralist ideas and mechanisms.

In disregard of international rules, the US and Trump administration have withdrawn from the Paris Agreement, Iran nuclear deal, Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Russia, and have launched a trade war against China, with some American officials calling for a “decoupling” of the Chinese and US economies in an attempt to re-organize global production and values chains. Behind US unilateralism and protectionism are deep domestic populist and nationalist factors, as well as the incumbent power's all-round suppression of an emerging power out of “strategic anxiety.” Unfortunately, protectionism and isolationism are not an isolated phenomenon in the US: the new British prime minister insists on “hard Brexit” by the end of October; serious immigration/refugee problems, economic and debt crises in many European countries are tearing apart Europe's multilateralist framework, leaving the future of the EU and euro hard to predict; the combination of an increase in downward pressures on the global economy and the surging of financial risks is dealing a heavy blow to the global regimes of free trade and investment within the multilateralist framework; and the fate of the WTO won't be determined before the end of year. The US has just released a document insisting on unilaterally re-defining the category of “developing nations” under the WTO framework.

Meanwhile, the connotations and scope of multilateralism have both witnessed profound changes over the years. The overarching UN Charter has always been the compass for the rules-based multilateralist global governance regime. The main original purpose of the UN was to build a collective security regime based on consultations among major powers, so as to make sure humanity does not suffer from another major war. The UN and its Security Council have made invaluable contributions in this regard.

However, after WWII, especially the Cold War, multi-polarization has proceeded rapidly and relations among major countries have undergone profound adjustments:. economic globalization has deepened, as has the global economic landscape; international security challenges have become even more complex, with geopolitical conflicts escalating. Solving regional and global problems via multilateral consultation and negotiation has become a main path and channel for global governance, and the trend has gradually extended from political and security realms to such areas as economy, finance, public health, science and technology, standard making, outer space and the seas, cyber space, arms control, artificial intelligence, and climate change. During my term of office in Geneva, thousands of meetings or negotiations were conducted between inter-governmental organizations there; multilateralist ideas and mechanisms have become inseparable from countries' diplomacy as well as from global governance.

From the perspective of mechanisms, multilateralism is “solution-oriented” and is not limited to such universal, global inter-governmental international organizations as the UN. Depending on different issues and subjects involved, countries and organizations with similar positions and interests may formulate various, increasingly diverse mechanisms. Such regional organizations as the ASEAN, African Union, EU, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union, and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States have mushroomed in the past few decades. As a result of deepening multipolarization and global crises, the G7/G8, G20 and BRICS have come into being;more than 400 global and regional free trade arrangements have taken various forms and featured different emphases. Beyond the UN-centered international regime (more or less related to the UN), there have been numerous multilateral mechanisms. Some are very influential: the G20, for instance, has demonstrated incomparable functions during the 2008 global financial crisis and as “the foremost platform for global governance” afterward.

The year 2020 marks the 75th anniversary of the UN, and the UN General Assembly will for the first time review the implementation of the UN Agenda for Sustainable Development 2030 in September 2019. The UN Secretary-general António Guterres has has made a plan for UN75. Such new endeavors by the international community for preserving and improving the multilateralist global governance regime are targeted at sending the messages of “resolutely supporting multilateralism,” “firmly supporting the UN-centered international regime,” “only common development is real development,” and “only sustainable development is good development.”

As an emerging new power, China needs to both adhere to its 70-year-old diplomatic tradition as well as innovate and develop it. In particular China should — with the guidance of the Xi Jinping New Thought on Diplomacy developed since the 18th CPC National Congress that includes the Chinese solution to global governance — stick to multilateralism; rebuild multilateralism; support various UN proposals; play a leading role in such new multilateral mechanisms as the G20, BRICS, and SCO; strive to build a community of shared future for humanity; cope with the dramatic changes in our face; and find a beautiful future for all human beings.


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【独家】中国崛起走在“长征路”,青年人何为?

【聚焦】53位著名专家眼里的习近平外交思想


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中国人民大学重阳金融研究院(人大重阳)成立于2013年1月19日,是重阳投资董事长裘国根先生向母校捐赠并设立教育基金运营的主要资助项目。

 

作为中国特色新型智库,人大重阳聘请了全球数十位前政要、银行家、知名学者为高级研究员,旨在关注现实、建言国家、服务人民。目前,人大重阳下设7个部门、运营管理3个中心(生态金融研究中心、全球治理研究中心、中美人文交流研究中心)。近年来,人大重阳在金融发展、全球治理、大国关系、宏观政策等研究领域在国内外均具有较高认可度。


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