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【变局·专栏14】别忽悠中国当国际新领导(中英双语)

王文 人大重阳 2019-12-16
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本文大概2100字,读完共需3分钟

编者按:中国人民大学重阳金融研究院执行院长王文在《环球时报》英文版专栏“Wang Wen on Changing World”的第十四篇专栏文章《别忽悠中国当国际新领导》于今日刊出,现将中英文内容转发如下:




In a discussion on the Palestinian issue at an international forum, former secretary-general of the Arab League Amr Moussa, who was the host, could not control the smell of the metaphorical gunpowder on stage. As sparks flew among the seven international figures from Palestine, Israel and European countries and hundreds from the audience joined in the debate, Moussa had to hastily end the discussion.

在某个著名国际论坛关于巴勒斯坦议题的分论坛讨论上,作为主持人的阿拉伯联盟前秘书长穆萨显然无法驾驭台上的火药味。七位来自巴勒斯坦、以色列及欧洲的国际名流谁都不服谁,相互抢麦,台下数百人相继起哄,试图用声音压制那些自己不认可的发言者。最后穆萨先生草草宣布讨论结束。

Raised under the long-term influence of Chinese culture, which encourages restraint in public, I was shocked by what had happened. A former European politician sitting next to me kept shaking his head disapprovingly. He whispered to me, "The Middle East issue is too complicated. China must not blend in."

长期深受中国含蓄文化的影响,第一次看到如此有失斯文的公开讨论,我感到万分吃惊。坐在我旁边的某位欧洲前政要也不停地摇头。他悄悄和我说,“中东问题太复杂,中国千万别掺合进去。”

What a sincere advice for Chinese diplomacy! If Middle East stakeholders can't even discuss issues peacefully, what would happen when they carry out formal negotiations?

这真是对中国外交的真诚提醒。连敏感问题的讨论,中东各方都无法平静地进行,要是换成现实利益的谈判,可以想象会有多激烈。

Grievances of the Middle East which go back more than 2,000 years are indeed more complicated than one can imagine, given all the historical contradictions, realistic interests, national disputes, economic differences, sectarian strife, ideological rifts, external interference, geopolitical games, and financial issues.

中东两千多年的恩恩怨怨,的确复杂得超过所有人的想象:历史过节、现实利益、各方考量、部族割据、国家纠葛、经济分歧、教派争执、理念差异、外部干涉、地缘博弈、金融配置等等。或许可以说,除了真主,恐怕没有人能真正把中东乱局说得让人明白、理得令人清晰、判得众人信服。

After 1945, the US started to meddle in the Middle East and appeared to have become the largest external judge and coordinator among different parties in the region. In the past 70 years, in addition to the constant outbreak of wars and conflicts, tens of thousands of US soldiers have died in the Middle East. The problem is becoming more complicated and the US is making more and more enemies there.

1945年后,美国参与中东问题,似乎成为了中东各方最大的外部评判者与协调方。七十年过去,除了不断爆发战争与冲突,数万美国大兵死在中东外,问题仍在原地打着圈圈,美国的中东敌人则越来越多。

The chaos in the Middle East is only one side of disorder in the world. Who can easily provide solutions for the economic, political, ethnic differences and chaos that exist in the vast regions of Central Asia, South Asia, Africa and Latin America? Setting problems in developing countries aside, there is even no short-term solution to social disorders of developed countries in Europe and North America.

中东乱局只是当下世界失序的一个侧面。谁又能轻易地说清中亚、南亚、非洲、拉美等广大区域存在的那些经济、政治与民族的分歧与乱局呢?不要说发展中地区,即使当前发生在欧洲、美国等发达国家与地区的社会失序,恐怕也不是短期能解决。

Global governance has reached its most complex period in history. It can be imagined how awkward it is for the US which has always been the world policeman. In my opinion, the logic of US President Donald Trump is: Don't take on so many responsibilities and only care for the US. This is completely contrary to the US diplomatic tradition and is shocking the world.

全球治理到了有史以来最复杂的时期。可以想象,长期以世界警察自居的美国是多么头痛。在我看来,特朗普总统的逻辑就是,别去承担那么多责任,管好美国即可。这与美国外交传统完全逆向而行,令世界震惊。


Against this backdrop, new ideas have emerged in the world - some people hope that China can replace the US to become the new global leader. However, I often tell some of my foreign friends not to expect too much from China. It is a developing country with a per capita GDP of only more than $9,000, more or less just one-sixth of that of the US. China has not yet walked out of the middle-income trap. China does not have that strength and foundation.

在美国“退出”的背景下,世界上萌生了一股新的思潮,希望中国能代替美国,成为全球新的领导。不过,我常常与一些外国朋友说,千万别对中国有太高预期。中国是发展中国家,人均GDP才9000多美元,不到美国的1/6,还没有迈过中等收入陷阱。中国根本没有那个实力与基础。


China has not yet acquired the experience and ability for a global leader. The complexity of the international situation is beyond the imagination of the Chinese people. For stark differences among different regions, Chinese diplomats and entrepreneurs have not accumulated the ability and skills to strike a balance.

中国也没有成为全球新领导的经验与能力。世界的水深程度超过中国人的想象,对于多数国家的法律、文化、社会、民族,中国知识界没有足够的研究储备。对于那么多地区的分歧,中国外交官、企业家还没有积累能摆平各方的资历与权威。

China has neither the will nor the strategy to become a new global leader. Never seeking hegemony is the diplomatic policy of the Chinese government. In the eyes of the Chinese people, being a hegemonic power comes with a lot of responsibility but low returns. More importantly, it might hurt other countries in certain aspects. As Chinese President Xi Jinping said, the Chinese dream, a great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, is by no means a dream of seeking hegemony. Mutual respect, consultation on an equal footing and mutual benefit are rules that China is pursuing for international interactions.

中国更没有成为全球新领导的意愿与战略。永远不称霸,是中国政府一直以来的外交国策。霸权更替,是过去数千年的大国规律,但在中国人看来,霸权国的责任太大,利益不多,对他国的损害也太重。诚如习近平主席近期说的,“中国梦”不是霸权梦。相互尊重、平等互利、共商共建,是中国未来所追求的国际互动规则。

In recent years, China has proposed the Belt and Road Initiative and to build a community with a shared future for mankind. It has also proactively promoted BRICS mechanism, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries (also called the 17+1), the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, the China-ASEAN cooperation and so on. All of this shows that China communicates and cooperates with the world more frequently. China is trying to present some Chinese-style experiences to the rest of the world.

这些年,中国推出“一带一路”倡议,希望未来世界能够建立“人类命运共同体”。中国还积极推动金砖机制、上海合作组织、“17+1”中国-中东欧合作机制、中非合作论坛机制、“10+1”中国东盟合作机制等等,这些都说明中国比过去更频繁地愿与世界交流、沟通与合作。但这些全球治理、地区治理的参与,都不是唯中国独尊,而是中国以平等真诚的态度,尝试着为世界提出一些中国式的经验与建议,没有强迫,更不愿以武力相逼。

It has not forced other countries by any means. That being said, there is no need to encourage China to become the new international leader. It is not what China wants. If possible, other countries are welcome to study more about China's development and learn from some of China's effective governance.

所以,我亲爱的外国朋友,千万别忽悠中国当国际新领导。那不是中国所愿。如果可以,多研究一些中国的真实发展情况,多参考一些中国的有效治理经验,中国也愿意提供真实的想法。在互学互鉴方面,中国人是真诚的。但当世界领导,中国是真的不愿意。


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中国人民大学重阳金融研究院(人大重阳)成立于2013年1月19日,是重阳投资董事长裘国根先生向母校捐赠并设立教育基金运营的主要资助项目。

 

作为中国特色新型智库,人大重阳聘请了全球数十位前政要、银行家、知名学者为高级研究员,旨在关注现实、建言国家、服务人民。目前,人大重阳下设7个部门、运营管理3个中心(生态金融研究中心、全球治理研究中心、中美人文交流研究中心)。近年来,人大重阳在金融发展、全球治理、大国关系、宏观政策等研究领域在国内外均具有较高认可度。

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