国际顶刊 |《比较政治研究》2020年第12-14期
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政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治研究》2020年第12-14期文章编译。
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PART 1
期刊简介
Comparative Political Studies（比较政治研究）是美国SAGE出版社旗下学术期刊，创刊于1968年，期刊每月出版一次，主要探讨比较政治学相关内容，期刊现任主编为明尼苏达大学教授David Samuels。过去五年的影响因子为4.262，在176个政治科学类期刊中排名第12。
期刊研究领域和收录范围包括：比较政治学理论研究、全球比较政治学研究、国内比较政治学研究等。
PART 2
期刊目录
Dictators and Their Subjects: Authoritarian Attitudinal Effects and Legacies
独裁者及其臣民：威权政治态度的影响与遗产
Communist Legacies and Left-Authoritarianism
共产主义遗产与左派威权主义
Protests and Voter Defections in Electoral Autocracies: Evidence From Russia
选举式专制中的抗议与选民叛变：来自俄罗斯的证据
How Do Inclusionary and Exclusionary Autocracies Affect Ordinary People?
包容型与排他型的专制统治如何对普通民众产生影响？
The Ideological Shadow of Authoritarianism
威权主义的意识形态之影
Resisting Displacement: Leveraging Interpersonal Ties to Remain despite Criminal Violence in Medellín, Colombia
拒绝离乡：利用人际关系主动留在硝烟下的哥伦比亚麦德林
The Power to Resist: Mobilization and the Logic of Terrorist Attacks in Civil War
抵抗的力量：内战中恐怖主义活动的动员与逻辑
Geographic Divides and Cosmopolitanism: Evidence From Switzerland
地理性差异与世界主义：来自瑞士的证据
The Price of Collaboration: How Authoritarian States Retain Control
情报合作的价格：威权政府如何保持控制
Disaggregating “China, Inc.”: The Hierarchical Politics of WTO Entry
分解“中国股份有限公司“：加入世贸组织过程中的分级政治
External Intervention, Identity, and Civil War
外部干预，身份（认同）与内战
The Effect of Election Proximity on Government Responsiveness and Citizens’ Participation: Evidence From English Local Elections
选举临近对于政府回应与公民参与的影响：来自英国地方选举的证据
What Drives Unequal Policy Responsiveness? Assessing the Role of Informational Asymmetries in Economic Policy-Making
是什么推动了不平等的政策回应？评估信息不对称在经济政策制定过程中的作用
Bureaucracy and Growth
官僚制度与经济增长
Countering Violence Against Women by Encouraging Disclosure: A Mass Media Experiment in Rural Uganda
鼓励揭发以打击针对妇女的暴力行为：乌干达农村地区的大众媒体实验
The Role of Corporate Political Connections in Commercial Lawsuits: Evidence From Chinese Courts
企业的政治关系在商业诉讼中的作用——来自中国法院的证据
PART 3
精选译文
01 独裁者及其臣民：威权政治态度的影响与遗产
【题目】
Dictators and Their Subjects: Authoritarian Attitudinal Effects and Legacies
【作者】
Anja Neunforf, Grigore Pop-Eleches
【摘要】
本篇导引文章概述了本期特刊的关键主题，即专制政体对民众的政治态度与行为的长期影响。基于此，本文着重强调了几个重要的理论与实证上的改进方案，从而更细致地勾勒出威权态度遗产产生和持续的过程。首先，我们界定了（政治）态度遗产的性质及其驱动机制，建立了一个竞争性的社会化框架。其次，我们使用竞争性社会化框架来解释态度和行为遗产的两个潜在异质来源：一、威权政权制度特征的多样性，因其影响了对政权社会化所采用的方案的本质；二、（后）威权政权下民众群体间存在的差异，因其反映了替代性社会化方案的性质和强度。本文所述框架可以帮助我们更好地理解新发表的文献中相互矛盾的结论，并为今后的研究制定新的议程。
This introductory essay outlines the key themes of the special issue on the long-term impact of autocracies on the political attitudes and behavior of their subjects. Here, we highlight several important areas of theoretical and empirical refinements, which can provide a more nuanced picture of the process through which authoritarian attitudinal legacies emerge and persist. First, we define the nature of attitudinal legacies and their driving mechanisms, developing a framework of competing socialization. Second, we use the competing socialization framework to explain two potential sources of heterogeneity in attitudinal and behavioral legacies: varieties of institutional features of authoritarian regimes, which affect the nature of regime socialization efforts; and variations across different subgroups of (post-)authoritarian citizens, which reflect the nature and strength of alternative socialization efforts. This new framework can help us to better understand contradictory findings in this emerging literature as well as set a new agenda for future research.
02 共产主义遗产与左派威权主义
【题目】
Communist Legacies and Left-Authoritarianism
【作者】
Grigore Pop-Elches, Joshua A. Tucker
【摘要】
共产主义政权是明确的左派专制政权，在威权政权中相对罕见。越来越多的关于政权遗产的研究预测，与其他地方的民众相比，后共产主义政权下的民众更有可能表现出 “左派威权主义 ”的态度。我们通过来自88个国家的157项调查来检验“共产主义生活经历”的模型是否能够解释更为强烈的左派威权政治态度。我们通过对总体和微观层面数据的分析，为该模型的预测提供了证据支持。除已有的遗产研究之外，本文还通过检验各种假设的机制以解释共产主义统治如何引发与政权相一致的左派威权主义态度。在各项经过检验的机制中，本文发现，国家对社会的渗透程度越高，社会化效应越强，而出席宗教活动（尤其是参加天主教宗教仪式）则与较弱的社会化效应相关联。
Communist regimes were avowedly leftist authoritarian regimes, a relative rarity among autocracies. The growing literature on regime legacies would lead us to expect that postcommunist citizens would be more likely to exhibit “left-authoritarian” attitudes than their counterparts elsewhere. Finding that this is the case, we rely on 157 surveys from 88 countries to test if a living through Communism legacy model can account for this surplus of left-authoritarian attitudes. Employing both aggregate and micro-level analyses, we find strong support for the predictions of this model. Moving beyond previous legacy studies, we then test a variety of hypothesized mechanisms to explain how exposure to communist rule could have led to the regime congruent left-authoritarian attitudes. Of the mechanisms tested, greater state penetration of society is associated with a strong socialization effect and religious attendance—and in particular attending Catholic religious services—is associated with weaker socialization effects.
03 选举式专制中的抗议与选民叛变：来自俄罗斯的证据
【题目】
Protests and Voter Defections in Electoral Autocracies: Evidence From Russia
【作者】
Katerina Tertytchnaya
【摘要】
已有大量文献认为，随着抗议活动在选举专制政体下开展，曾支持过去执政当局的选民将会撤回原本的支持，并转而支持对手。但是仅有少数的实证研究检验了在这类政权下反对派的抗议对选民叛变的实际影响。为了在进一步获得实证线索，本文将目光投向了俄罗斯。通过结合抗议事件数据集与2011至2012年间抗议前及抗议期间对选民进行的面板调查数据，本文研究了过去曾支持过执政当局的选民如何回应反对派的政治动员。结果显示，选民叛变中存在着差异：虽然反对派的抗议活动削弱了选民对执政者的支持，并降低了选民的参与度，但这些活动并不一定会让选民更加支持政权的挑战者。本文得出的结论对有关专制政体中叛变潮的辩论有所影响，也涉及到威权政权的持久性问题和(未遂)革命遗产的问题。
A large literature expects that as protests unfold in electoral autocracies, voters who supported the ruling regime in the past will withdraw support and shift to supporting its opponents. Yet there are only a few empirical tests of how opposition protests influence voter defections in these regimes. To gain empirical traction on this question, I draw on evidence from Russia. Tying together evidence from a protest-event dataset and a panel survey of voters conducted prior to and during the 2011-2012 protest wave, I examine how voters who supported the ruling regime in the past respond to anti-regime mobilization. Results reveal differentiation in defections. While opposition protests dampen support for the ruling regime and depress engagement, they do not necessarily translate into greater support for the regime’s challengers. Findings, which have implications for debates on defection cascades in autocracies, speak to the literatures on authoritarian endurance and the legacies of (attempted) revolutions.
04 包容型与排他型的专制统治如何对普通民众产生影响？
【题目】
How Do Inclusionary and Exclusionary Autocracies Affect Ordinary People?
【作者】
Anja Neundorf, Johannes Gerschewski, Roman-Gabriel Olar
【摘要】
本文提出了专制统治中包容型和排他型策略之间的区别，并就专制政权瓦解后两种策略对公民政治态度造成的遗留影响提出了新的理论主张。通过使用跨71个国家130万调查对象的数据以及多层年龄-时期-队列（HAPC）模型，我们对民众支持率在队列间与队列内的差异作出估计。我们发现，就公民的政治态度而言，包容型政权，即社会经济和政治利益的再分配更为广泛的政权，相比排外型政权留下了更强烈的反民主政治遗产。同样地，与受歧视群体中的公民相比，在专制政体中属于优势群体的公民对民主的批判更为强烈。本文有助于我们了解专制制度如何影响普通公民的心境与思维。
We propose a distinction between inclusionary and exclusionary autocratic ruling strategies and develop novel theoretical propositions on the legacy that these strategies leave on citizens’ political attitudes once the autocratic regime broke down. Using data of 1.3 million survey respondents from 71 countries and hierarchical age–period–cohort models, we estimate between and within cohort differences in citizens’ democratic support. We find that inclusionary regimes—with wider redistribution of socioeconomic and political benefits—leave a stronger antidemocratic legacy than exclusionary regimes on the political attitudes of their citizens. Similarly, citizens who were part of the winning group in an autocracy are more critical with democracy compared with citizens who were part of discriminated groups. This article contributes to our understanding about how autocracies affect the hearts and minds of ordinary citizens.
05 威权主义的意识形态之影
【题目】
The Ideological Shadow of Authoritarianism
【作者】
Elias Dinas, Ksenia Northmore-Ball
【摘要】
“左”和“右”的标签在新民主国家中如何产生意义？现有的解释偏向于左-右划分的普遍性，或反过来强调区域性的社会分裂。本文基于两点观察提出了另一种以政治遗产为核心的理论（其一、独裁政权在意识形态上并非处于中立；其二、在民主化之后，大多数民众和精英对独裁持负面评价）。基于以上前提，本文假设：当威权政权与左（右）联系在一起时，新民主国家中的民众将在左-右的自我认同中表现出反左（反右）的偏向性。本文在拉美和欧洲的新民主国家中检验了这一假设。实验虽然证明了这种偏向的显著性，但在左翼政权之后的新民主国家中，队列间的异质性掩盖了这种偏向性。年龄较大的队列人群中出现了正偏，而斯大林时代之后出生的人群队列中则显示出对左翼的负偏。正如预期一样，压迫加剧了这种偏向，而教化则减轻了这种偏见。文末谈及了上述偏见如何应用于政党偏好选择。本研究结果对理解新民主国家的专制遗产和政党制度的发展具有重要意义。
How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left–right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left–right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin’s era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies.
06 拒绝离乡：利用人际关系主动留在硝烟下的哥伦比亚麦德林
【题目】
Resisting Displacement: Leveraging Interpersonal Ties to Remain despite Criminal Violence in Medellín, Colombia
【作者】
Jerome F. Marston, Jr.
【摘要】
尽管世界各地逃离冲突的民众数量创下新高，但实际上，大多数人仍留守原地。他们或是生活在战场，或是生活在犯罪组织所控制的领土之上。然而，因受到犯罪团伙威胁而流离失所的个人究竟如何进行抵抗？根据对哥伦比亚麦德林（Medellín, Colombia）边缘地带的深入参与式观察和访谈，本文认为，在面临流离失所的风险的情况下，最有可能留在当地的城市居民是 “有背景”的人。尽管他们也受到威胁，他们仍然利用与公众人物或当地武装团体成员的关系留下来。本文通过原始调查及调查实验的方式验证了一系列相关假设。现有文献多强调居民因受困于资源匮乏，或只能以加入地方团体甚至交战方从而留下，本文则从另一角度出发，揭示了在没有国家的情况下，居民寻求安全保障时的能动性和中立性。
Although civilians across the globe are fleeing conflict in record numbers, the reality is that far more remain behind. In addition to traditional wars, people stay in territories governed by criminal organizations. How might individuals threatened with displacement by a criminal gang manage to resist? Drawing on intensive participant observation and interviews in marginal neighborhoods of Medellín, Colombia, I argue that the urban residents most likely to remain despite being at risk of displacement are the “well connected.” Despite threats, they leverage ties to a community figure or member of the armed group to stay. I test a number of related hypotheses using an original survey and survey experiment. Unlike other work stressing that residents are trapped by scant resources or remain only by joining local associations or belligerents, my theory reveals residents’ agency and neutrality as they seek safety and security in conditions of state absence.
07 抵抗的力量：内战中恐怖主义活动的动员与逻辑
【题目】
The Power to Resist: Mobilization and the Logic of Terrorist Attacks in Civil War
【作者】
Sara M. T. Polo and Belén González
【摘要】
现有的研究认为，恐怖主义在内战中常见的原因在于其“有效性”。然而，令人惊讶的是，仅有一些团体在内战期间发动恐怖主义，而许多其他团体则完全不使用该战略。我们还观察到，恐怖主义的使用在不同时期存在着较大差异。本文将恐怖主义视为内战中的一种动员策略，考虑因素包括收益、成本和时间态势。我们认为，发动恐怖主义活动的决定及时机，均源于有效动员条件与战场动态之间的相互作用。当恐怖主义活动引发政府无差别镇压时，或当其通过对抗特定的社会群体而激化反叛分子的支持者（选民）时，恐怖主义可以起到动员支持的作用。然而，战败会影响进行恐怖主义活动的时机，反叛分子因而更需要争取平民的支持。针对1989-2009年间冲突中反叛组织恐怖袭击以及伊斯兰国（ISIS )在伊拉克和叙利亚所用战术的新非汇总数据分析支持了本文的理论主张。
Existing research has argued that terrorism is common in civil war because it is “effective.” Surprisingly, however, only some groups use terrorism during civil wars, while many refrain altogether. We also see considerable variation in the use of terrorism over time. This article presents a theory of terrorism as a mobilization strategy in civil war, taking into account benefits, costs, and temporal dynamics. We argue that the choice and the timing of terrorism arise from the interaction between conditions for effective mobilization and battlefield dynamics. Terrorism can mobilize support when it provokes indiscriminate government repression or when it radicalizes rebels’ constituency by antagonizing specific societal groups. The timing of attacks, however, is influenced by battlefield losses, which increase rebels’ need to rally civilian support. The analyses of new disaggregated data on rebels’ terrorist attacks during conflicts (1989–2009) and of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) tactics in Iraq and Syria support our theoretical argument.
08 地理性差异与世界主义：来自瑞士的证据
【题目】
Geographic Divides and Cosmopolitanism: Evidence From Switzerland
【作者】
Rahsaan Maxwell
【摘要】
都市的世界性氛围让生活在大城市的人们乐意接受国与国之间的联结，而生活在小城镇、村庄和农村的人们则更可能优先维护本国传统。此类地理差异是当代政治学讨论的中心，但我们不能断言其存在的原因。一种可能性是，城市使人们更具世界性，而较小的地区则让人们具有更少的世界性。然而，由于人们地理上的选择归类往往与政治态度相关，对地理效应进行可靠的测量是十分困难的。本文通过分析瑞士家庭小组的纵向数据来应对上述方法上的挑战。本文的核心结论为，情景效应存在的证据不够充分，且不太能够解释广泛的地理差异。相反，地理归类很可能是对世界主义空间极化的最主要的解释。这些研究结果有助于我们理解地理差异。
Large cities are cosmopolitan environments where people embrace inter-national connections whereas small towns, villages, and the countryside are more likely to prioritize the maintenance of national traditions. These geographic divides are at the center of contemporary politics but we do not know why they exist. One possibility is that cities make people more cosmopolitan while smaller areas make people less cosmopolitan. However, credibly measuring geographic effects is difficult because people sort across geography in ways that are correlated with political attitudes. I address these methodological challenges with longitudinal data from the Swiss Household Panel. My central result is that evidence of contextual effects is limited and unlikely to account for the broad geographic divides. Instead, sorting is likely to be the most important explanation for spatial polarization over cosmopolitanism. These findings have several implications for our understanding of geographic divides.
09 情报合作的价格：威权政府如何保持控制
【题目】
The Price of Collaboration: How Authoritarian States Retain Control
【作者】
Barbara Maria Piotrowska
【摘要】
与外国或独立媒体的接触将如何影响国家安全机构的运作？本文通过关注东德史塔西线人（告密者）网络的两个特点，即线人的数量及线人的 “价格”，集中回答了这一问题。与西德电视台的接触会潜在地减少线人的供给，因而需求增加，从而推高线人所获的报酬，但理论上线人的数量是不确定的。本文通过一组稀有的史塔西探员的原始数据验证了上述推理。结果显示，与无法接触到西德电视台的地区相比，在可接触到西德电视台的地区，线人每年多获得了价值约70东德马克的奖励——具有讽刺意味的是，这个数额大致相当于东德电视台一年的订阅费用。这些发现展现了一个威权国家如何对抗外国媒体的潜在不稳定影响。
How does access to foreign or independent media affect the operation of a state security apparatus? This article answers this question concentrating on two characteristics of the informant network of the East German Stasi: the number of informants and their “price.” Exposure to West German TV (WGTV) had the potential to decrease the supply of informants and increase the demand for them, pushing up the value of the payments the informants received, but leaving their quantity theoretically ambiguous. I verify this reasoning using a rare original data set of Stasi informants. Results show that informants were given approximately 70 East German marks worth of rewards more per year in the areas that had access to WGTV, as compared with areas with no reception—ironically an amount roughly equivalent to the cost of an annual East German TV subscription. These findings demonstrate how an authoritarian state can counteract the potentially destabilizing effect of foreign media.
10 分解“中国股份有限公司“：加入世贸组织过程中的分级政治
【题目】
Disaggregating “China, Inc.”: The Hierarchical Politics of WTO Entry
【作者】
Yeling Tan
Gabriella Sacramone-Lutz Columbia University
【摘要】
国家结构如何影响国家对全球化的回应？本文探讨了为什么在加入世界贸易组织（WTO）的过程中，中国的某些地区比其他地区颁布了更多自由化政策。尽管中国是一党执政国家，但在WTO时期的政策轨迹既非自上而下，也非“铁板一块”。相反，中央政府和地方政府在政策回应上存在分歧。本研究从政府的不同回应方式中辨别出三种相互竞争的经济战略：一、市场替代（指令形），二、市场塑造（发展形），三、和市场增强（管制形）。本文使用了来自1978年至2014年间中国行业法规的原始数据集，并在文本分析中采用机器学习方法来识别与每种策略相关的词汇。结合关税、行业及文本数据，本文表明，当地产业基础以及对WTO承担责任上的差异，使中央与各级政府采取了不同的战略。
How does state structure affect responses to globalization? This article examines why some parts of the Chinese state enacted more liberalizing policies than others in response to World Trade Organization (WTO) entry. It shows that, despite single-party rule, China’s WTO-era policy trajectories were neither top-down nor monolithic. Instead, central and subnational governments diverged in their policy responses. The study identifies three competing economic strategies from which these responses are drawn: market-replacing (directive), market-shaping (developmental), and market-enhancing (regulatory). The analysis uses an original dataset of Chinese industry regulations from 1978 to 2014 and employs machine learning methods in text analysis to identify words associated with each strategy. Combining tariff, industry, and textual data, the article demonstrates that the divergent strategies adopted by central and subnational governments are driven by each unit’s differential accountability to the WTO and by the diversity of that unit’s industrial base.
11 外部干预，身份（认同）与内战
【题目】
External Intervention, Identity, and Civil War
【作者】
Nicholas Sambanis*, Stergios Skaperdas*, William Wohlforth*
【摘要】
本文研究外部干预如何与族裔极化相互作用，进而诱发叛乱和内战。现有文献认为极化从内部产生，且为人口特征或族群间的差异被族裔企业家不断强化的结果。本文对现有观点进行了补充，表明极化同时也受到国际政治的影响。本文以族裔认同为切入点，模拟外部干预对内战的影响，这是此前的文献中未发现过的机制。在我们的模型中，代表不同群体的当地人在外国赞助者的支持下，有恃无恐地以暴力方式追求他们的目标，而这反而又使族裔认同变得更为突出，继而诱发极化。如果没有外部干预，极化往往不足以诱发战争；在没有极化的情况下，外部干预也不足以引发战争。我们在模型中应用了乌克兰的案例。
We examine how external intervention interacts with ethnic polarization to induce rebellion and civil war. Previous literature views polarization as internally produced—the result of demographic characteristics or intergroup differences made salient by ethnic entrepreneurs. We complement these approaches by showing that polarization is also affected by international politics. We model intervention’s effect on civil war via the pathway of ethnic identification—a mechanism not previously identified in the literature. In our model, local actors representing different groups are emboldened by foreign patrons to pursue their objectives violently. This, in turn, makes ethnic identity salient and induces polarization. Without the specter of intervention, polarization is often insufficient to induce war and, in turn, in the absence of polarization, intervention is insufficient to induce war. We illustrate the model with case evidence from Ukraine.
12 选举临近对于政府回应与公民参与的影响：来自英国地方选举的证据
【题目】
The Effect of Election Proximity on Government Responsiveness and Citizens’ Participation: Evidence From English Local Elections
【作者】
Gemma Dipoppa, Guy Grossman
【摘要】
公民政治参与是否取决于政府的回应能力？明确引发政治行为的因素具有挑战性：首先，需要区分政治参与的工具性动机与表达性动机，其次，政府回应还有可能是内生的。我们通过研究一项可以说是由工具性因素驱动的政治参与形式，即公民针对街道中出现的问题的举报行为，克服了第一项挑战。我们再利用英格兰地区当局在地方选举时间上的差异，克服了第二项挑战。本文提出了三个关键的结果：第一，地方政府在选举前的几个月内处理诉求的速度更快；第二，针对街道中出现的问题的举报行为在选举（及预选）前增多；第三，选举前期间发出的诉求的增多由政府回应性程度较高的辖区所带动。上述发现表明，个人在选择一些至少属于工具性的政治参与形式时，会考虑预期收益。我们的结果中还强调了时间相关因素的重要性，因为这些因素增加了人们所能感知到的、由政治参与带来的好处。
Does political engagement depend on government responsiveness? Identifying the drivers of political action is challenging because it requires disentangling instrumental from expressive motives for engagement and because government responsiveness is likely endogenous. We overcome the first challenge by studying citizens’ reporting of street-problems—a form of participation arguably driven by instrumental considerations. We overcome the second challenge by taking advantage of variation in local elections timing in England’s district authorities. We report three key results. First, local governments address requests faster in the months leading to elections. Second, street-problem reporting increases in (pre)electoral periods. Third, the increase in requests sent in preelection periods is driven by districts in which government responsiveness is higher. These findings show that, individuals consider expected benefits when choosing to undertake at least some instrumental forms of participation. Our results also underscore the importance of temporal factors that increase the perceived benefits of one’s political engagement.
13 是什么推动了不平等的政策回应？评估信息不对称在经济政策制定过程中的作用
【题目】
What Drives Unequal Policy Responsiveness? Assessing the Role of Informational Asymmetries in Economic Policy-Making
【作者】
Mads Andreas Elkjar
【摘要】
近期关于不平等与政治代表的学术研究认为，政治精英主导了民主的政策制定过程，但却难以解释其根本机制。本文提出，不平等的政策回应度反映了不同收入阶层在财政政策方面的信息不对称，而其本身并非资本主义民主制度中固有的结构性偏见。本文通过针对丹麦经济政策制定的路径案例以检验上述论点，新数据集整合了1985年至2017年期间跨越18个支出领域的偏好和支出数据。我发现，奉行标准宏观经济政策的政府不约而同地对富人的偏好给出了更强烈的回应，其原因为偏好调整时，往往更大程度针对高收入公民群体的经济状况。这些发现对于民主制度和理论有着重要意义。它们表明，不平等的回应所反映的可能并非是多数人利益的无法得到代表，而是不同群体间信息水平的差异。
Recent scholarship on inequality and political representation argues that economic elites are dominating democratic policy-making, yet it struggles to explain the underlying mechanisms. This article proposes that unequal responsiveness reflects asymmetries in information about fiscal policy across income classes, as opposed to being a structural bias inherent in capitalist democracy. I test the argument in a pathway case study of economic policy-making in Denmark, using a new data set that combines preference and spending data spanning 18 spending domains between 1985 and 2017. I find that governments that pursue standard macroeconomic policies coincidentally respond more strongly to the preferences of the affluent, owing to a closer adjustment of preferences to the state of the economy among citizens in upper income groups. These findings have important democratic and theoretical implications, as they suggest that unequal responsiveness may not reflect substantive misrepresentation of majority interests, but rather differences in information levels across groups.
14 官僚制度与经济增长
【题目】
Bureaucracy and Growth
【作者】
Agnes Cornell, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Jan Teorell
【摘要】
在本文中，我们回顾了韦伯的官僚制能促进经济增长的假说。我们从理论上回答了为什么此类官僚制度会促进增长，并讨论了可能受到的质疑。在实证上，我们使用了一些可追溯到1789年的时间序列数据，并采用了新的测量方式来发掘世界各国不同的韦伯式官僚特征。以往的大样本研究提供的证据基础虽然极为薄弱，但我们通过运用广泛的数据，在之前的存在诸多问题的跨国相关性研究上作出了改进。我们在检验中既控制了国家的特征，又保证了缓慢变化的官僚制变量具有充分的差异性，从而能够进行精确的估计。我们的分析认为，过去的跨国回归性研究远远夸大了官僚制与经济增长的关系的强度。尽管我们的研究给韦伯式官僚制对经济增长的影响这一命题增添了不确定性，通过进一步分析表明，如果上述影响存在，它可能在短期内发挥作用，且在近几十年内可能加剧。
We revisit the hypothesis that a Weberian bureaucracy enhances economic growth. Theoretically, we develop arguments for why such a bureaucracy may enhance growth and discuss plausible counterarguments. Empirically, we use new measures capturing various Weberian features in countries across the world, with some time series extending back to 1789. The evidence base from previous large-N studies is surprisingly thin, but our extensive data enable us to move beyond the problematic cross-country correlations used in previous studies. Hence, we conduct tests that control for country-specific characteristics while ensuring sufficient variation on the slow-moving bureaucracy variables to enable precise estimation. Our analysis suggests that previous cross-country regressions have vastly overstated the strength of the relationship. While this casts uncertainty on the proposition that there is an effect of Weberian bureaucracy on growth, our further analysis suggests that—if an effect exists—it may operate in the short term and be stronger in recent decades.
15 鼓励揭发以打击针对妇女的暴力行为：乌干达农村地区的大众媒体实验
【题目】
Countering Violence Against Women by Encouraging Disclosure: A Mass Media Experiment in Rural Uganda
【作者】
Donald P. Green, Anna M. Wilke, Jasper Cooper
【摘要】
对妇女的暴力行为（Violence against women）在东非地区十分普遍，几乎半数的已婚妇女曾遭受身体上的虐待。解决这一问题有两个难点：一、某些形式的家庭暴力被广泛纵容；二、证人不举报已成常态。越来越多的文献表明，教育娱乐（education-entertainment）可以改变社会规范和行为。基于此，本文提供来自112个农村的一万余名乌干达民众参加的媒体宣传的实验证据。在随机分配的村庄中，录像剧遏制了暴力侵害妇女的行为，鼓励了对于此类案件的举报行为。根据实施干预数月后的回访结果，虽然纵容暴力侵害妇女行为的态度没有改变，但向当局报告的意愿却明显增加，尤其是在妇女之中，且遭受暴力的妇女比例下降。研究的理论意义在于，影响视不揭发对社会有害的行为为“常态”的干预措施，即使不对降低人们对于此类行为的接受度起作用，也可以减少此类行为的发生。
Violence against women (VAW) is widespread in East Africa, with almost half of married women experiencing physical abuse. Those seeking to address this issue confront two challenges: some forms of domestic violence are widely condoned and it is the norm for witnesses to not report incidents. Building on a growing literature showing that education-entertainment can change norms and behaviors, we present experimental evidence from a media campaign attended by more than 10,000 Ugandans in 112 rural villages. In randomly assigned villages, video dramatizations discouraged VAW and encouraged reporting. Results from interviews conducted several months after the intervention show no change in attitudes condoning VAW yet a substantial increase in willingness to report to authorities, especially among women, and a decline in the share of women who experienced violence. The theoretical implication is that interventions that affect disclosure norms may reduce socially harmful behavior even if they do not reduce its acceptability.
16 企业的政治关系在商业诉讼中的作用——来自中国法院的证据
【题目】
The Role of Corporate Political Connections in Commercial Lawsuits: Evidence From Chinese Courts
【作者】
Jian Xu
【摘要】
与民主制国家的法院一样，威权制度下的法院在管理复杂的经济体中也发挥着重要作用。有学者认为，威权制度下的司法机构通常被鼓励在公司之间的经济纠纷中提供独立的裁决。然而，由于政权中的内部人士往往与企业有联系，即使是在所谓更为独立的法律领域中，法官同样具有强烈的动机去考虑其裁决所带来的政治影响。本文提出了一个有关公司的政治背景在商业诉讼中的作用的新理论。通过使用一组关于中国公司诉讼结果的数据，我发现公司董事会成员的构成是诉讼结果的一个重要预测因素。拥有政治关系的公司董事会成员比例越高，诉讼成功的概率越高。研究结果表明了选择性司法独立理论的局限性。
Like courts in democratic regimes, courts under authoritarianism play an important role in the regulation of complex economies. In particular, scholars suggest that authoritarian judiciaries are commonly encouraged to provide independent adjudication in the context of economic disputes between firms. Yet because regime insiders are often connected to firms, judges have strong incentives to consider the political implications of their decisions even in areas of the law where they are allegedly more independent. In this article, I propose a new theory about the role of corporations’ political background in commercial lawsuits. Using a data set on the litigation outcomes of firms in China, I find that the composition of a firm’s board membership is a significant predictor of its lawsuit outcomes. A higher percentage of corporate board members with political connections leads to a higher probability of lawsuit success. The results point to the limitations of the selective judicial independence theory.
翻 译：宋文佳 欧阳博雅
校 对：宋文佳 欧阳博雅
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