国际顶刊 | 《比较政治研究》2021年第10、13期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治研究》2021年第54卷第10、13期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
Comparative Political Studies（比较政治研究）是一个比较政治学者和学生交流思想的国际顶刊之一。期刊刊载的文章包括了全球学者关于比较方法论、理论和研究的创新工作。该刊力图向读者展现全球范围内比较政治研究的全景式画面：从第三世界的民主到中东的文武关系，从东欧的选举制度和政党政治到拉丁美洲的经济表现，从比较北美和西欧的政治庇护到亚洲国家的民族冲突。
《比较政治研究》被认为是政治科学中比较政治子领域最为重要的期刊之一。该期刊5年影响因子是6.058，在Journal Citation Reports（JCR）政治科学（Political Science)研究领域的183种期刊中排名第14。
PART 2
期刊目录
Targets, Grievances, and Social Movement Trajectories
目标群体、不满和社会运动的发展轨迹
The Co-optation of Dissent in Hybrid States: Post-Soviet Graffiti in Moscow
混合国家对不同政见者的拉拢：莫斯科的后苏联涂鸦
Mobilizing From Scratch: Large-Scale Collective Action Without Preexisting Organization in the Syrian Uprising
从零开始动员：叙利亚起义中没有预先存在组织的大规模集体行动
Civilian Contention in Civil War: How Ideational Factors Shape Community Responses to Armed Groups
内战中的民间争论:观念因素如何塑造社区对武装团体的反应
The Generative Power of Protest: Time and Space in Contentious Politics
（推动）抗争的动力：争议政治中的时间与空间
Progress outside of paradise: Old and new comparative approaches to contentious politics天堂外的进步:对争议政治的新旧比较方法
Ethnographic Approaches to Contentious Politics: The What, How, and Why
争议政治的民族志方法：是什么、怎么做、为什么
The Politics of Trade Adjustment Versus Trade Protection
贸易调整与贸易保护政治
Brexit Domino? The Political Contagion Effects of Voter-endorsed Withdrawals from International Institutions
英国脱欧是“多米诺骨牌”？选民支持的退出国际机构的政治传染效应
Voting for Populism in Europe: Globalization, Technological Change, and the Extreme Right
欧洲民粹主义投票：全球化、技术变革和极右主义
The Globalization Backlash: Exploring New Perspectives
全球化反弹：探索新视角
The Economic Origins of Authoritarian Values: Evidence From Local Trade Shocks in the United Kingdom
专制价值观的经济起源：来自英国地方贸易冲击的证据
Globalization Backlash in Developing Countries: Broadening the Research Agenda
发展中国家的全球化逆流：扩大研究议程
PART 3
精选译文
01 目标群体、不满和社会运动的发展轨迹
【题目】
When Does the Public Get It Right? The Information Environment and the Accuracy of Economic Sentiment
【作者】
Targets, Grievances, and Social Movement Trajectories
【摘要】
为什么社会运动的目标对象会以他们的方式对运动做出反应？许多因素在塑造目标对社会运动的反应方面发挥着作用。本文重点讨论一个特殊因素：目标人群对社会运动主张的看法。文章认为，目标人群对社会运动主张的理解有助于其形成反应，而反应又会塑造社会运动的演变进程。本文分析了两个社会动员的案例，一个是对玻利维亚水务私有化的反应，另一个是对墨西哥玉米价格上涨的反应。它们提供了探讨这些问题的不同视角。在每个案例中，政府当局对运动要求的理解不同，有助于解释为什么他们对新兴运动的反应截然不同。如果官员们理解了所涉及利益的象征性价值，他们就会迅速采取行动来减少抵抗。如果官员没有把握住这些意义，他们就会忽视广泛动员的潜力，并在无意中加速社会运动的发展。
Why do targets of social movement activities respond to movements in the ways they do? Many factors play a role in shaping targets’ responses to social movement activities. This article focuses on one particular factor: targets’ perceptions of social movement claims. The article argues that a target’s understanding of a social movement’s claims helps shape its response, which, in turn, shapes the evolution of the social movement. Two cases of social mobilization, one in response to water privatization in Bolivia and the other in response to rising corn prices in Mexico, serve as a lens through which to explore these issues. In each case, differences in how public authorities understood the movements’ claims help explain why they reacted in starkly different ways to the emerging movements. Where officials appreciated the symbolic value of the good at stake, they acted quickly to curtail resistance. Where officials failed to grasp those meanings, they dismissed the potential for widespread mobilization and inadvertently accelerated movement growth.
02混合国家对不同政见者的拉拢：莫斯科的后苏联涂鸦
【题目】
The Co-optation of Dissent in Hybrid States: Post-Soviet Graffiti in Moscow
【作者】
Alex M. Lerner
【摘要】
混合国家领导人寻求地位稳固。为了继续掌权，他们本能地对不同意见做出严厉的回应。然而，这些领导人必须接受问责，并考虑其政权的合法性。因此他们做出的决定的必须合理正当。国家通过拉拢以前独立的沟通渠道及其领导而不诉诸可能适得其反的镇压方法能够减少挑战，并通过受信任的社会领袖策划其公众形象，加强控制。基于十年的实地考察、数据收集和专家访谈，我证明了普京政府在2012年至2018年俄罗斯总统选举期间，通过政治公共艺术的主题、空间和材料转变，对不同意见的收编。在这段时间里，普京政府巩固了权力，收编了批评性的涂鸦艺术家，驱逐了那些不愿意合作的艺术家，用克里姆林宫策划的壁画取代了颠覆性和匿名的反政府涂鸦，特别是在市中心。
Hybrid leaders seek job security. To stay in power, it may be intuitive that they respond to dissent with a heavy hand. However, these leaders are subject to accountability and concerned with legitimacy and therefore must consider the optics of their decisions. By co-opting a previously independent avenue of communication and its leadership, the state eliminates challengers, curates its public image through trusted social leaders, and reinforces control without resorting to repressive methods that may backfire. Based on a decade of fieldwork, data collection, and expert interviews, I evidence the co-optation of dissent via thematic, spatial, and material shifts in political public art, crafted between the 2012 and 2018 Russian presidential elections. As it consolidated power during this time, the Putin administration co-opted critical graffiti artists and flooded out those unwilling to cooperate, replacing subversive and anonymous anti-regime graffiti with Kremlin-curated murals, particularly in the city center.
03 从零开始动员：叙利亚起义中没有预先存在组织的大规模集体行动
【题目】
Legacies of Resistance: Mobilization Against Organized Crime in Mexico
【作者】
Wendy Pearlman
【摘要】
社会运动的核心研究认为，对权威的大规模挑战建立在预先存在的组织和公民社会资源之上。在公民社会萎缩、自治协会稀缺、社会规范压制信任的情况下，异见者如何在受压迫的环境中动员群众？叙利亚起义的证据说明了抗议活动如何在这样的条件下得到推广，尽管其发生的过程与主流理论所期望的不同。活动家们基于他们的对组织赤字的认识进行规划，使示威活动得以进行。一旦开始行动，争论就会推动组织的发展和组织的完善。为了使行动有效，动员有时会回避或掩盖既有的社会关系，即使这类关系产生了新的社会性形式。这项研究重新考虑了从组织到抗议的运动发展的假定顺序逻辑（而不是反过来），衔接了关于群众和秘密动员的文献。它还将重心从运动的前因转向使动员从零开始和冒着严重风险的机智和策略。
Core social movement research argues that large-scale challenges to authority build upon preexisting organization and civil society resources. How do dissenters mobilize masses in repressive settings where, given curtailment of civil society, autonomous associations scarcely exist and norms discourage trust more than encourage it? Testimonials from the Syrian uprising illustrate how protest can become widespread under such conditions, yet occurs through processes different from what dominant theory expects. Activists get demonstrations off the ground by planning around awareness of their organizational deficits. Once in motion, contention propels both organization and increasing organizational sophistication. To be effective, mobilization sometimes evades or obscures established social relationships, even as it produces new forms of sociability. Bridging literatures on mass and clandestine mobilization, this research reconsiders the assumed sequential logic of movement development from organization to protest, rather than vice versa. It also shifts attention from movement antecedents toward the resourcefulness and strategy that enable mobilizing both from scratch and at grave risk.
04内战中的民间争论:观念因素如何塑造社区对武装团体的反应
【题目】
Civilian Contention in Civil War: How Ideational Factors Shape Community Responses to Armed Groups
【作者】
Juan Masullo
【摘要】
为什么有些社区公开宣布反对暴力团体，而其他社区则通过从事看似无关的活动来掩饰？为什么有些社区用非暴力的方式来表达他们的异议，而不是自己组织暴力？我认为，意识形态因素对于回答这些问题至关重要：规范性承诺可以将平民的争论限制在非暴力的行动形式上，而接触到反对派的意识形态则可以将平民推向与武装团体更多的对抗性不合作形式。此外，政治企业家激活和动员这种意识形态内容的作用对其形成争论至关重要。我通过在哥伦比亚各战区收集的大量微观层面的证据来支持这一论点，并在一个有目的的设计比较结构中进行分析。我的发现为越来越多的冲突研究提供支持，这些研究强调意识形态在战争中的重要性。我的研究结果支持越来越多的冲突学者强调意识形态在战争中的重要性，但我将其应用范围从武装行动者的行为扩展到平民社区的行为。
Why do some communities overtly declare their opposition to violent groups, while others disguise it by engaging in seemingly unrelated activities? Why do some communities manifest their dissent using nonviolent methods instead of organizing violence of their own? I argue that ideational factors are crucial to answering these questions: normative commitments can restrict civilian contention to nonviolent forms of action, while exposure to oppositional ideologies can push civilians toward more confrontational forms of noncooperation with armed groups. Furthermore, I contend that the role of political entrepreneurs activating and mobilizing this ideational content is crucial for it to shape contention. I support this argument with a wealth of microlevel evidence collected in various warzones in Colombia, analyzed within a purposively designed comparative structure. My findings support the growing conflict scholarship that stresses that ideology matters
in war, but extends its application beyond armed actors’ behavior to that of civilian communities.
05 （推动）抗争的动力：争议政治中的时间与空间
【题目】
The Generative Power of Protest: Time and Space in Contentious Politics
【作者】
Dina Bishara
【摘要】
社会运动如何在威权统治下维持自身的发展？这仍然是比较政治学者们面临的一个重要难题。本文通过强调抗争的动力，即抗争本身对深化和扩大运动的力量，来获得对这一难题的推进。一些研究已经开始关注这些问题，但还没有系统地研究抗议的形式如何对这些结果产生不同影响。我认为，不同形式的抗议活动对运动的影响是不同的，这取决于其持续时间和地理范围。短期的、多地点的行动，如游行，可以通过扩大其基础来扩大运动；而长期的、单一地点的行动，如静坐，更有可能通过培养集体身份和建立组织能力来深化运动。本文基于在埃及、突尼斯、约旦和摩洛哥的实地研究以及对100多名运动参与者和公民社会活动家的采访。
How do social movements sustain themselves under authoritarian rule? This remains a crucial puzzle for scholars of comparative politics. This article gains traction on this puzzle by foregrounding the generative power of protest, namely the power of protest experiences themselves to deepen and broaden movements. Some studies have started to draw attention to those questions without yet systematically examining how the form of protest differentially affects those outcomes. I argue that different forms of protest have varying effects on movements depending on their duration and geographic scope. While short, multiple-site actions, such as marches, can broaden movements by expanding their base, extended, single-site actions, such as sit-ins, are more likely to deepen movements by fostering collective identities and building organizational capacities. This article is based on field research in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, and Morocco and interviews with more than 100 movement participants and civil society activists.
06 天堂外的进步:对争议政治的新旧比较方法
【题目】
Progress outside of paradise: Old and new comparative approaches to contentious politics
【作者】
Sidney Tarrow
【摘要】
描述性或民族志研究曾经是非西方地区和非自由政体国家比较政治的主要内容。在过去的几十年里，对这些制度的定量研究——或者至少是系统性的研究——出现了巨大的增长。这标志着真正的进步。但在这个过程中，民族志和 “单位背景”研究的一些优势已经丧失。本论文集的作者们使用了民族志方法——通常与其他方法相结合——来研究和比较这些国家的争议性政治事件。本文借鉴了一些比较政治学的 “经典”，强调了本论文集中所代表的新一代 “民族志+”研究工作的连续性和差异性。
Descriptive or ethnographic studies were once the stock-in-trade of the comparative politics of non-Western areas and illiberal states. The last few decades have seen a dramatic growth in quantitative—or at least systematic— studies of these systems. This marks real progress, but, in the process, some of the advantages of ethnographic and “unit-contextual” studies have been lost. The contributors to this symposium have used ethnographic methods—often in combination with other methods—to examine and compare episodes of contentious politics in a number of these countries. Drawing on some of the “classics” of comparative politics, this article emphasizes both the continuities and the departures of the new generation of “ethnography plus” research efforts represented in this symposium.
07 争议政治的民族志方法：是什么、怎么做、为什么
【题目】
Ethnographic Approaches to Contentious Politics: The What, How, and Why
【作者】
Diana Fu and Erica S. Simmons
【摘要】
在一个充斥着新形式争论的时代，无论是在美国还是在国外，我们应该如何研究有争议的政治？这期特刊的导言提请注意争论研究中一个特别重要的方法论工具：政治民族志。它展示了民族志方法可以为争论性政治研究做出贡献的方式。具体来说，它认为“是什么”、“怎么做”和“为什么”的问题是争论研究的核心，而民族志方法特别适合于回答这些问题。它还展示了民族志方法如何推动学者们扩大调查对象，并重新思考相关的分析单位。通过揭开隐藏过程，探索社会意义，让未曾听闻的故事发声，民族志和“民族志+”的方法为争论研究和整个比较政治了做出贡献。
How should we study contentious politics in an era rife with new forms of contention, both in the United States and abroad? The introduction to this special issue draws attention to one particularly crucial methodological tool in the study of contention: political ethnography. It showcases the ways in which ethnographic approaches can contribute to the study of contentious politics. Specifically, it argues that “what,” “how,” and “why” questions are central to the study of contention and that ethnographic methods are particularly well-suited to answering them. It also demonstrates how ethnographic methods push scholars to both expand the objects of inquiry and rethink what the relevant units of analysis might be. By uncovering hidden processes, exploring social meanings, and giving voice to unheard stories, ethnography and “ethnography-plus” approaches contribute to the study of contention and to comparative politics, writ large.
08 贸易调整与贸易保护政治
【题目】
The Politics of Trade Adjustment Versus Trade Protection
【作者】
Sung Eun Kim and Krzysztof J. Pelc
【摘要】
美国的贸易调整援助（TAA）计划旨在帮助工人摆脱因进口竞争而失去的工作的困难。相比之下，像反倾销这样的贸易补救措施则试图直接减少边境竞争的影响。尽管它们具有非常不同的经济效应，但作者表示贸易调整和保护主义互为替代。作者在使用美国贸易保护主义需求的第一个地理编码措施发现，在控制贸易冲击的情况下，有成功TAA申请经验的国家对贸易保护的呼声较低。当作者把分析局限于钢铁行业时，这种效应亦成立，因为钢铁行业是反倾销税的一个“用户”。尽管它们都是解决进口风险的手段，但这两种政策选择有着截然不同的政治效果：特别地成功的TAA请愿对民主党候选人具有重大的选举利益。（因此，）更多地认识到贸易补偿和保护主义的可替代性能够改善政府对进口风险的反应。
The United States’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program seeks to help workers transition away from jobs lost to import competition. By contrast, trade remedies like antidumping seek to directly reduce the effect of competition at the border. Though they have very different economic effects, we show that trade adjustment and protectionism act as substitutes. Using the first geo-coded measure of US trade protectionist demands, we show that controlling for trade shocks, counties with a history of successful TAA petitions see fewer calls for trade protection. This effect holds when we confine our analysis to the steel industry, a heavy user of antidumping duties. And though they are both means of addressing import exposure, the two policy options have distinct political effects: in particular, successful TAA petitions carry a significant electoral benefit for Democratic candidates. Greater recognition of the substitutability of trade compensation and protectionism would improve governments’ response to import exposure.
09 英国脱欧是“多米诺骨牌”？选民支持的退出国际机构的政治传染效应
【题目】
Brexit Domino? The Political Contagion Effects of Voter-endorsed Withdrawals from International Institutions
【作者】
Stefanie Walter
【摘要】
本文探讨了民众对国际合作日益强烈的反感所带来的系统性影响，并分析了选民认可的退出国际机构的企图如何在国外产生反响。（本文认为，）观察其他国家的退出经历可以让选民更好地评估此类退出的可行性和可取性。更积极的退出经历会鼓励国外的退出支持（团体），而消极的退出经历可能会产生阻碍作用。这些传染效应将受制于信息的可用性和选民的学习意愿。文章利用了英国脱欧谈判期间的六次调查中收集的58959名欧盟27国欧洲人的原始调查数据以及2019年春季第一次英国退欧延期前后对2241名瑞士选民进行的两次调查数据对这一论点进行了实证研究。因此，作者通过研究结果发现了鼓励和威慑效应，当受访者关注英国脱欧并受到动机推理的抑制时，这种效应更大。
This article examines the systemic implications of the growing popular backlash against international cooperation and analyzes how voter-endorsed attempts to withdraw from international institutions reverberate abroad. Observing other countries’ disintegration experiences allows voters to better assess the feasibility and desirability of such withdrawals. More positive withdrawal experiences encourage exit-support abroad, whereas negative experiences are likely to have a deterring effect. These contagion effects will be conditioned by the availability of information and voters’ willingness to learn. The article empirically examines this argument for the case of Brexit. It leverages original survey data from 58,959 EU-27 Europeans collected in six survey waves during the Brexit withdrawal negotiations and from a two-wave survey of 2,241 Swiss voters conducted around the first Brexit extension in spring 2019. It finds both encouragement and deterrence effects, which are bigger when respondents pay attention to Brexit and are dampened by motivated reasoning.
10 欧洲民粹主义投票：全球化、技术变革和极右主义
【题目】
Voting for Populism in Europe: Globalization, Technological Change, and the Extreme Right
【作者】
Helen V. Milner
【摘要】
经济全球化的政治后果是什么？自20世纪90年代以来，研究欧洲政党政治的学者们注意到极端主义政党（特别是右翼民粹主义政党）的崛起，以及主流左翼和右翼政党的衰落。本文重点关注贸易、资本和劳动力流动、技术变革方面的全球化与民众对极右翼政党的支持之间的关联。作者在西欧15个先进工业民主国家的区域和个人层面上研究了1990年至2018年的这些关系。全球化（特别是贸易形式的全球化）与极右翼政党的得票率增长有关。自动化的技术变革增加了对极右政党的支持。金融危机增强了对民粹主义右翼政党的支持，并加强了贸易冲击与主流左翼政党支持率下降之间的负面关系。而社会福利补偿似乎无法抑制这些政治趋势。
What are the political consequences of economic globalization? Since the 1990s, scholars of European party politics have noted the rise of extremist parties, especially right-wing populist ones, and the decline of mainstream left and right parties. This paper focuses on the association between globalization in terms of trade, capital and labor flows, technological change, and popular support for extreme right parties. I examine these relations at the regional and individual level in 15 advanced industrial democracies in Western Europe from 1990 to 2018. Globalization, especially in the form of trade, is associated with growing vote shares for extreme right parties. Technological change in the form of automation increases support for extreme right parties. The financial crisis enhanced support for populist right parties and strengthened the negative relationship between trade shocks and declining support for mainstream left parties. And the use of social welfare compensation seems unable to dampen these political trends.
11 全球化反弹：探索新视角
【题目】
The Globalization Backlash: Exploring New Perspectives
【作者】
Edward D. Mansfield, Helen V. Milner, andNita Rudra
【摘要】
在欧洲和美国，民众对全球化不满的情绪日益高涨。同时，极端右翼政党、保护主义和反移民观点也越来越受到他们的支持。这种全球化的反弹似乎推动了经济全球化的减弱，特别是在贸易方面，特别是外国投资、移民和参与国际机构的情况也越来越多。推动这些事件的关键力量是什么？其更广泛的政治和制度后果是什么？本期特刊旨在让读者了解反全球化浪潮的一些核心特征。文章中的研究对导致反弹的经济因素提供了新的见解，同时也探讨了这些因素如何与文化力量互动。最后，文章讨论了为什么全球化的反弹没有广泛扩散到发展中国家。
Rising popular discontent with globalization in Europe and the United States has occurred alongside increasing support for extreme right-wing parties, protectionism, and anti-immigrant views. This globalization backlash seems to be contributing to economic globalization’s abatement, especially with respect to trade but increasingly foreign investment, immigration, and participation in international institutions as well. What are the key forces driving these recent events and what are their broader political and institutional consequences? This special issue aims to provide an understanding of some central features of the anti-globalization furor. The studies in this special issue provide fresh insights into the economic factors contributing to the backlash while also addressing how they might interact with cultural forces. It concludes with a discussion of why the globalization backlash has not diffused widely to the developing world.
12 专制价值观的经济起源：来自英国地方贸易冲击的证据
【题目】
The Economic Origins of Authoritarian Values: Evidence From Local Trade Shocks in the United Kingdom
【作者】
Cameron Ballard-Rosa, Mashail A. Malik,Stephanie J. Rickard, and Kenneth Scheve
【摘要】
是什么导致了自由主义国际秩序逆流？是经济因素还是文化因素？作者认为，虽然文化价值观是理解这种逆流的核心，但这些价值观在一定程度上是内生的，是由长期的经济变化形成的。作者通过对英国人口的原始调查发现，当个人生活在当地劳动力市场受中国进口影响更严重的地区，其威权价值观明显更强，这种关系是由经济变化对威权侵略的影响所驱动的。这一结果与挫折-攻击机制相一致，通过这一机制，巨大的经济冲击阻碍了个人对其目标的预期实现。这项研究提供了一个理论机制，而这个机制有利于解释2016年英国公投中脱欧选民的意见和行为：他们在寻求秩序和服从的专制价值观时希望减少移民并 "夺回对政策控制权"。
What explains the backlash against the liberal international order? Are its causes economic or cultural? We argue that while cultural values are central to understanding the backlash, those values are, in part, endogenous and shaped by long-run economic change. Using an original survey of the British population, we show that individuals living in regions where the local labor market was more substantially affected by imports from China have significantly more authoritarian values and that this relationship is driven by the effect of economic change on authoritarian aggression. This result is consistent with a frustration-aggression mechanism by which large economic shocks hinder individuals’ expected attainment of their goals. This study provides a theoretical mechanism that helps to account for the opinions and behaviors of Leave voters in the 2016 UK referendum who in seeking the authoritarian values of order and conformity desired to reduce immigration and “take back control” of policymaking.
13 发展中国家的全球化逆流：扩大研究议程
【题目】
Globalization Backlash in Developing Countries: Broadening the Research Agenda
【作者】
Nita Rudra, Irfan Nooruddin , andNiccolo W. Bonifai
【摘要】
这期特刊探讨了为何全球化的逆流在富裕的工业化国家中肆虐。但是，为什么发展中国家的逆流不那么明显？在这篇文章中，作者希望学者们思考为何全球化的逆流并没有广泛扩散到发展中国家。作者认为，支持全球化取决于公民对未来经济流动性的预期。而这在囊括许多发展中经济体的全球化早期阶段是十分高的。由于关于全球化影响的信息是有限的，作者发现，一些人的流动性对新经济秩序将允许每个人繁荣依旧保持乐观。随着时间的流逝，对基础工人流动性的落空预期刺破了这种乐观情绪。富裕国家的这些工人早已过了全球化的“蜜月期”，面临着收入停滞和工作不稳定的现实问题。除非在当今两极分化的政治中不可能出现有远见的政策，否则他们的不满很快就会被发展中国家的同行们所认同，从而使未来的全球化陷入困境。
This special issue explores why the globalization backlash is roiling rich industrialized countries. But why is the backlash less salient in developing ones? In this piece, we challenge scholars to consider why the backlash has not diffused widely to the developing world. We argue support for globalization depends on citizens’ expectations of future economic mobility. This is high in the early phases of globalization which encapsulates many developing economies. Since information about globalization’s effects is limited, observed mobility of some sustains optimism that the new economic order will allow everyone to prosper. Over time, unrealized expectations of mobility for lessskilled workers puncture this optimism. Such workers in rich countries are long past the honeymoon phase of globalization and confronting realities of stagnant incomes and job precarity. Barring visionary policies unlikely to emerge from today’s polarized politics, their discontent will soon be shared by their developing country counterparts, dooming future globalization.
翻 译：陈宇洋 石寒冰
校 对：石寒冰
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编辑：陈宇洋 石寒冰
审核：焦 磊
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