特朗普，不同寻常，又落入俗套 | 纽约时报
Donald Trump May Break the Mold, but He Fits a Pattern, Too
The New York mogul approached his party’s convention having already shaken the political system: The power brokers had attacked him as a dangerous rogue, mocked his hairstyle and branded him a “low voluptuary” for his colorful personal life.
这位纽约大佬参加共和党大会，已经算得上撼动了政治体系：权力的掮客们曾攻击他，说他是危险的流氓，他们嘲笑他的发型，因为他个人生活多姿多彩，还给他打上标签——“粗俗的酒色之徒”。
And yet loomed over the St. Louis gathering as a threat to seize the Democratic Party’s nomination for president. Mr. Hearst, a publisher of lurid tabloid newspapers serving his first term in Congress, was crushed in the balloting as the party leaders of 1904 rejected him. His message — a blend of populist economic policies and muscular nationalism, sometimes called “Hearstism” — would await another standard-bearer, at another time.
想当年，来势汹汹的威廉·伦道夫·赫斯特，在圣路易斯集会上险些获得民主党总统提名。黄色小报出版人赫斯特是国会议员，正值第一任期中，他1904年竞选总统时遭遇党魁拒斥，在投票中被镇压，只好等待后来人扛旗继承了。他的主张混合了民粹主义经济政策和强硬的民族主义，有时被称为“赫斯特主义”。
More than a century later, is poised to do what Mr. Hearst could not: claim a major party’s nomination for president of the United States. His candidacy has upended the Republican Party, baffling and then vanquishing opponents who dismissed him as a celebrity sideshow. Even now, many prefer to treat his success as a freak occurrence without precedent in United States history.
一个多世纪以后，唐纳德·特朗普准备做一件赫斯特没做到的事：宣布成为美国主要政党的总统提名人。他成为候选人，这颠覆了共和党，让那些贬斥他不过是明星助兴表演的人困惑甚至一败涂地。直到现在，还有许多人更愿将他的成功视作美国历史上前所未见的咄咄怪事。
But if Mr. Trump will be the first figure of his kind to claim a presidential nomination, his candidacy falls within an American tradition of insurgent politics that has found expression in other moments of social and economic rupture, often attaching itself to folk heroes from the world of big business or the military.
可就算特朗普成为第一个如他所是的总统提名人，这也未脱离美国反叛政治的范畴，这种政治出现在另外一些社会和经济破裂的时刻，彼时美国常常将自身交付给来自大企业或军方的民间英雄们。
His hazy political philosophy, often labeled “Trumpism,” draws on themes of American identity and sovereignty — preoccupations that have convulsed one party or the other from time to time, before subsiding.
他的政治哲学模棱两可，常被打上“特朗普主义”的标签，这种哲学利用了有关美国身份和主权的议题，时不时硬要去摇撼这个党或那个党，后来就平息下来。
And consciously or not, Mr. Trump has followed a path trod for more than a century by nationalist outsiders who coveted the presidency, from Hearst to Gen. Douglas MacArthur and .
无论有意或无意，特朗普走了一条老路，一个多世纪以来，觊觎总统之位的局外人都走了这条路，他们主张民族主义，其中包括赫斯特、麦克阿瑟将军以及罗斯·佩罗。
Like them, he has presented himself as an archetype of American ingenuity and grit — a tough, patriotic businessman — and offered himself as a champion against swirling international forces that he describes, in conspiratorial terms, as undermining the United States.
和他们一样，特朗普把自己塑造成美国智慧和勇气的代言人，一个坚毅、爱国的商人，自我标榜为斗士，抵抗着汹汹而来的国际力量，用阴谋论的话形容，这种力量危害着合众国。
His running mate, of Indiana, hailed Mr. Trump in a “60 Minutes” interview as a heroic leader who “embodies American strength.”
他的竞选搭档、印第安纳州州长迈克·彭斯在《60分钟》接受采访时，称赞特朗普是“体现了美国力量”的英雄领导者。
译者注：后来彭斯多次因税收等政见不同与特朗普呛声。
Walter F. Mondale, the former vice president and 1984 Democratic presidential nominee, said he saw Mr. Trump as an heir to a tradition of isolationism and cultural paranoia that surfaces from time to time as a “recurrent theme” in American politics.
1984年民主党总统提名人、曾担任副总统的沃尔特·蒙代尔把特朗普视作孤立主义和文化妄想传统的继承人，这一传统不时会冒头，成为美国政治“周期性发作的主题”。
Mr. Trump, he said, had articulated a familiar exhortation “for America to withdraw from the world, that we have only threats coming from abroad.”
他说，特朗普明确说“美国要从世界撤出，因为我们的威胁都来自国外”，这种训告似曾相识。
Mr. Mondale, 88, said Mr. Trump appeared determined to undermine American traditions of internationalism and multiculturalism. He called Mr. Trump a “hate advocate.”
88岁的蒙代尔说特朗普看起来铁了心要损害美国的国际主义和文化多元主义传统。他把特朗普称作“宣扬仇恨的人”。
“His attack on Mexicans, on judges, on immigrants of all kinds — it all has this ‘We have to protect ourselves from them’ theme,” Mr. Mondale said.
蒙代尔说：“他攻击墨西哥人、法官、各国移民，全都是‘我们要防着他们’的论调。”
Historians see in Mr. Trump’s candidacy the winding together of different strains in reactionary politics under a single banner. No reality television star has run for president before, but Mr. Trump, with his grasp of the art of notoriety, has forebears of a kind in General MacArthur and , the celebrity aviator whose “America First” slogan Mr. Trump has appropriated, and in Hearst and , a pair of renowned and eccentric tycoons who eyed the presidency.
历史学家认为作为候选人的特朗普把形形色色的反动政治统一在一面旗帜下。以前没有电视真人秀明星竞选过总统，可谙熟声名狼藉之道的特朗普不乏同道先辈，其中有麦克·阿瑟将军，还有查尔斯·林德伯格，后者是明星飞行员，特朗普盗用了他提出的“美国优先”口号。在赫斯特和亨利·福特中也能找到特朗普的踪影，两位都是赫赫有名却性情古怪的商业大亨，他们也盯着总统宝座。
His message contains echoes of George Wallace, the segregationist Alabama governor who sought the White House on a law-and-order platform, and of Mr. Perot and , modern industrialists drawn to politics and preoccupied with economic threats from Asia and Latin America.
他的主张让人想到乔治·华莱士，这位主张种族隔离的阿拉巴马州州长试图以法治为纲入主白宫；他更让人想到罗斯·佩罗和李•艾柯卡，两位商而优则仕的现代工业家执着地认为亚洲和拉丁美洲给美国带来经济威胁。
译注：李•艾柯卡是美国公认的商界英雄，曾担任福特公司总裁，在担任克莱斯勒汽车公司的总裁时扭转乾坤，将濒临倒闭的克莱斯勒公司打造成为全美第三大汽车公司。
Viewed from this angle, Mr. Trump looks less like a singular phenomenon of 2016, and more like the political equivalent of a comet that crosses the track of an American presidential campaign every few decades.
从这个角度看，特朗普不再是2016年出现的异数，政治上，他更像每隔几十年就会划过美国总统选举轨道的一颗彗星。
“We’ve seen everything in Trump before,” said Kevin Kruse, a political historian at Princeton, “but we’ve never seen it all together at once.”
普林斯顿政治历史学家Kevin Kruse说：“特朗普的一切都不新鲜，可一锅烩还前所未见。”
A Nationalist, Right or Left
民族主义者，左右莫论
For much of the 2016 campaign, Mr. Trump has defied ideological labeling: He has ignored traditional cultural wedge issues like abortion rights and , and has taken on a host of other matters, from military intervention in Syria to the concept of universal health care.
在2016年大选的很多话题上，特朗普挑战了意识形态的标签：他不顾诸如堕胎权和同性婚姻等传统的文化核心，在一系列问题上左摇右摆，甚至前后矛盾，其中包括对叙利亚的军事干预和如何定义全民健康保险。
Mr. Trump has brusquely dismissed the charge of philosophical inconsistency. “I’m a conservative,” he said in a speech in May in California. “But at this point, who cares?”
特朗普干脆无视对他哲学观前后不一的指责。“我是个保守主义者，”他5月在加州的演讲中说：“可此时此刻，谁管这些？”
Yet beneath his swerving and scattered policy agenda, he has been steadfastly consistent over time on a few broad inclinations that define his political worldview.
可在这些颠来倒去、杂乱无章的政策主张背后，有始终不变的几个大方向，这定义了他的政治世界观。
To the extent that he has an ideology, it is a kind of fortress conservatism, taking a bunkered outlook on the world and fixating on challenges to America’s economic supremacy and to its character as a nation defined by the white working class.
要说他有意识形态，那是一种堡垒保守主义，他钻在其中看世界，瞄准那些挑战美国经济霸权、挑战一个白人工人阶级国家的靶子。
In domestic matters, Mr. Trump’s main impulse is toward hard-line law and order. He is indifferent to civil liberties and contemptuous of objections to racial targeting. For decades, he has described the country as harried by rampant crime, and has typically placed blame with different nonwhite communities, including .
在国内事务上，特朗普的主要思路是重典治国。他不管什么公民自由权，有人反对把种族视作祸根，他对此加以蔑视。几十年来，他认为国家受累于犯罪之猖獗，他一贯责难各种非白人社区，包括城市里的黑人、拉美裔移民和美洲原住民。
He recently expressed admiration for Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s autocratic president, and Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi dictator, whom he praised as tough on terrorism.
他最近还表示自己敬佩俄罗斯的专制总统弗拉基米尔·普京以及伊拉克独裁者萨达姆·侯赛因，他赞扬萨达姆对恐怖主义手段强硬。
He is not the first American businessman with presidential aspirations to be drawn to strongman government: Hearst and Ford, the anti-Semitic car manufacturer who considered a presidential bid in 1924, both maintained cordial and even admiring relations with emerging fascist regimes in Italy and Germany.
他不是第一个想当总统并打造强人政府的美国商人，其中有赫斯特，还有反犹的汽车制造商福特，福特1924年曾考虑国竞选总统——两人都与正在崛起的意大利和德国法西斯政权保持友好关系，甚至对之敬仰有加。
Charles Murray, a conservative scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, said Mr. Trump’s autocratic tendencies placed him well outside the conservative intellectual mainstream.
美国企业研究所保守主义学者查尔斯·穆雷说，特朗普的专制主义倾向将他置身于保守主义知识分子主流之外。
“The word fascist is simply thrown around too easily, and so I don’t want to use that word. But part of Trumpism is the man on the white horse,” Mr. Murray said. “That’s neither left nor right. That’s authoritarian, and it’s really, really scary.”
穆雷说：“法西斯主义被用滥了，我不想用那个词。可特朗普主义的某些东西就是白马骑士，既不左也不右，就是专制主义，这实在太可怕了。”
译注：骑在白马上的男人出自《新约圣经》中的《启示录》第六篇，骑白马的四个骑士被解释为、、和，第一匹马骑马者代表或是，解释略有争议。
Trump’s Political Ancestry
特朗普的政治血统
It is unclear whether Mr. Trump has any grounding in political history. He has offered perfunctory praise for a few past presidents, like Ronald Reagan and Abraham Lincoln, and his aides cited Richard M. Nixon’s 1968 candidacy as a strategic model for the Trump campaign.
在政治史上，特朗普是否有迹可循尚不清楚，他敷衍了事地赞扬过几个总统，比如罗纳德·里根和亚伯拉罕·林肯，他的助手们还说1968年的总统候选人理查德·尼克松是特朗普参选的战略典范。
But Mr. Trump has named no one as a particular hero or personal source of inspiration, as Mr. Reagan cited Calvin Coolidge, or as Bill Clinton invoked Thomas Jefferson.
可特朗普从没说过有哪个英雄人物激励了他，不像里根以卡尔文 柯立芝为榜样，克林顿以托马斯·杰斐逊为榜样。
Still, Mr. Trump has shown a knack for picking up historical slogans and themes from the nationalist right. When a reporter referred to America First in an interview, Mr. Trump embraced it as a campaign catchphrase.
还有，特朗普擅长采纳民族主义右翼的历史口号和主题，一个记者在访谈中提到“美国优先”，特朗普就将之用作竞选口号。
The slogan, which dates to the 1930s, was first popularized by Lindbergh as he warned against being drawn into by what he described as sinister British and Jewish interests.
这一口号可以追溯到上世纪三十年代，林德伯格警告美国不要卷入二战时，它首次为人所知，他认为二战符合阴险的英国人和犹太人的利益。
On the stump, Mr. Trump has invoked General MacArthur as a paragon of American toughness; in a short-lived presidential campaign, the general cast Democrats as controlled by Communists, lacking in traditional American fortitude and utterly outfoxed in international negotiations.
在讲坛上，特朗普称麦克阿瑟将军是美国硬汉的典范，在短暂的总统竞选过程中，将军称民主党受共产党控制，缺乏美国传统的刚毅精神，在国际谈判中被耍得团团转。
In recent weeks, Mr. Trump has campaigned on a theme of “Americanism.” The term is vague: Theodore Roosevelt used it to convey a kind of combative patriotism, whereas the isolationists of the 1930s invoked it as a rejection of international entanglements.
最近几周，特朗普在竞选中鼓吹“美国主义”。这一用法模棱两可：西奥多·罗斯福用它来表达一种好战的爱国主义，三十年代的孤立主义者则援引它表明拒斥参与国际事务的态度。
For Mr. Trump, it connotes a narrow focus on the economic interests of blue-collar industry, and contrasts with the soft cosmopolitanism of international elites. The country’s economic challenges, he said recently, were the work of “a leadership class that worships globalism over Americanism.”
对于特朗普而言，这意味着单单关注蓝领产业的经济利益，与国际精英的软性世界主义形成对峙。他最近说，国家面临经济挑战，这是因为“领导阶层崇拜全球主义甚于美国主义”。
Roger Stone, a political strategist who has advised Mr. Trump since the 1980s, said the heart of Mr. Trump’s philosophy was his distrust of “globalism.”
八十年代以来就给特朗普做顾问的政治战略学者罗杰·斯通说，特朗普世界观的核心是对“全球主义”的怀疑。
In 2016, Mr. Stone has urged Mr. Trump to fully embrace his inborn nationalism. “He’s a throwback to an old-fashioned, Theodore Roosevelt-Ronald Reagan gutsy belief in Americanism,” Mr. Stone said. “On NATO, particularly, on trade, on national defense, he’s been talking about some of these things for 30 years.”
2016年，斯通敦促特朗普全面拥抱他与生俱来的民族主义。“他有复古范儿，那是西奥多·罗斯福加罗纳德·里根的硬派美国主义。北约，尤其是贸易和国防，他过去三十年一直都在说这些。”
An Enigma to His Enemies
敌手眼中的谜
Mr. Trump’s admirers and critics have both tended to treat him as an anomaly in American politics and looked to Europe for antecedents. Newt Gingrich, a former House speaker, recently likened Mr. Trump approvingly to Margaret Thatcher as a figure of the right leading an insurrection against the established order.
特朗普的敬仰者和批评者都将他视作美国政治中的异数，并从欧洲找寻先例。前众议院议长纽特·金里奇最近颇为赞许地将特朗普比作玛格丽特·撒切尔，认为他是领导反抗现有秩序的右翼人物。
Meg Whitman, a Republican who runs Hewlett Packard Enterprise, reached for a different comparison: At a June conference hosted by Mitt Romney, of the rise of Mussolini in Italy and of Hitler’s National Socialist Party in Germany.
执掌惠普公司的共和党人梅格·惠特曼却做出截然不同的比照：在米特·罗姆尼6月主持的一场大会上，她说特朗普让她想到墨索里尼在意大利的崛起以及希特勒领导的国家社会党在德国的崛起。
译者注：罗姆尼是第70任，曾任风险投资与杠杆收购公司，2012年8月被提名为第45任总统候选人，在11月的总统选举中挑战现任总统，但最终在和奥巴马的角斗中以总票数203:344落败。
That darker view is shared by some in Hillary Clinton’s orbit. The Center for American Progress, a liberal think tank with extensive ties to Mrs. Clinton, conducted a study of Mr. Trump’s ideology in the spring and concluded that his candidacy was an echo of the European far right. Neera Tanden, the group’s president, said Mr. Trump was “very consistently a national socialist.”
希拉里·克林顿的圈子中也有人持有这一黑暗的观点。与克林顿夫人联系甚密的智库美国进步中心今年春季对特朗普的意识形态进行了研究，结论是他成为候选总统是欧洲极右翼在美国的回响。集团主席尼拉·坦顿说，特朗普“一贯是个国家社会党人”。
“His signature policies are about the state that works for some groups and not for others,” she said.
她说：“他主张的政策对某些团体有利，对另外一些不利。”
For an older generation of American politicians, there is a deepening sense that Mr. Trump echoes ideas that have been raised here, from time to time, and soundly defeated. In the past, a stronger two-party system, bolstered by muscular labor unions and business confederations, had quashed figures like Mr. Trump with ease.
老一代美国政治家根深蒂固地认为，特朗普附和了那些不时卷土重来的想法，最终会被彻底击败。过去，更强大的两党制，在强势的工会和工商联的支撑下，轻易就淘汰了像特朗普这样的人。
Former Senator Nancy Landon Kassebaum of Kansas, a Republican, said Mr. Trump’s campaign had echoes of George Wallace, whose efforts to win over Midwestern whites were thwarted by organized labor, and of the original America First movement. (Lindbergh, she recalled, had unsuccessfully sought to recruit her father, Alf Landon, the 1936 Republican presidential nominee, into its ranks.)
前堪萨斯参议员、共和党人南希·兰登·卡赛鲍姆说，特朗普参选让人想到乔治·华莱士，后者试图争取中西部白人，却被有组织的工会挫败，还让人想起最初的美国优先运动。她回忆说，林德伯格试图招募她父亲奥尔夫·兰登入伙，但没有成功，奥尔夫·兰顿是1936年的共和党总统提名人。
“When he says, ‘I want to make America great again and I’m going to take America back,’ it appeals to people who feel they’ve lost out,” said Ms. Kassebaum, who said she did not plan to vote for Mr. Trump. “Some of it’s racial. Some of it is immigration. Some of it is the lost jobs they feel shouldn’t have been lost.”
卡赛鲍姆说她不准备投特朗普。她说：“他说‘我要让美国再次伟大，我准备让美国回来’，这些话只对那些失败者有吸引力。一部分人赖种族，一部分人赖移民，他们认为不该丢掉工作。”
Even some of Mr. Trump’s former opponents have begun to allow that he might be more than an accident of history.
甚至特朗普曾经的对手也开始认为他不仅是历史的偶然。
In a little-noticed May speech in Amsterdam, Jeb Bush said that he considered Mr. Trump a reflection of deeper trends. He described American democracy as gravely imperiled by corrosive forces: economic inequality and partisan polarization, the unsettling experience of globalization and a crippling lack of empathy.
五月在阿姆斯特丹一场并未引人关注的演讲中，杰布·布什说他认为特朗普反映了更深层次的趋势。布什认为腐蚀性的力量严重危及美国民主：经济不平等、党派极度分化、令人忧虑的全球化以及同情心的匮乏。
Those forces, he said, had taken root “in increments not discernible to the naked eye,” leaving the country more vulnerable than ever to a political eruption.
他说，这些力量扎根于“肉眼不可见的增量”中，让国家比以往任何时候都易于倒向一场政治爆发。
A traumatic recession, Mr. Bush said, set it off.
布什说，一场惨烈的衰退拉开了序幕。
“The inability to deal with these great challenges, I think, makes it easier in retrospect to see, on the left, a candidate like Bernie Sanders,” Mr. Bush said, “and certainly in my party, the emergence of Donald Trump.”
“我想，缺少应对这些巨大挑战的能力，这让人更容易往回看，于是左翼有了伯尼·桑德斯，当然，在我党，出现了唐纳德·特朗普。”
词汇
loom
come into view indistinctly, often threateningly. 若隐若现（具有威胁性）
例句：With at least one decision looming, against Ireland’s arrangements with Apple, the trans-Atlantic spat will likely flare up again soon. （《华尔街日报》8月19日）
爱尔兰与苹果的税收安排不同，现在至少有一项决定若隐若现，跨大西洋的争执可能很快再起。
convulse
shake uncontrollably 抽搐
例句：Gun rights have been a potent issue in a 2016 campaign being waged amid violence that has convulsed many American cities. （路透社，8月9日）
持枪权是2016年大选的有力话题，暴力正让许多美国城市震颤。
invoke
cite as an authority. 引为权威（义项之一）
例句：This is not to say that Mr. Trump or others who invoke such rhetoric do not genuinely care about women’s safety.（《纽约时报》8月16日）
这并非说特朗普或是如此措辞的哪个人不是真心关注女性安全。
outfox
outdo someone in trickery. 用计策取胜
例句：They will eventually need enough artificial intelligence not to be outfoxed by the manoeuvrings of the world’s best submarine commanders.（《经济学人》8月4日）
他们最终将需要足够的人工智能，不被世界上最好的潜艇司令的诡计愚弄。
thwart
hinder or prevent (the efforts, plans, or desires) of. 挫败
例句：Unfortunately, the world was notoriously closing its doors to the masses of imperiled European immigrants, and Otto was thwarted at every turn.（《洛杉矶时报》）
不幸的是，世界向处于危险中的欧洲难民关上大门，这简直恶名昭著，结果奥托四处碰壁。