国际组织实习任职 | 2017年联合国中文笔译类竞争性考试备考指南（附考试样题）

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考试概述

定于2017年4月29日(星期六)举行联合国中文笔译员、编辑、逐字记录员和制版员/校对员/制作编辑竞争性考试。

考试暂定分两个阶段进行。第一阶段为网考，内容包括：

1.普通类考卷（英译中），时间大约1.5小时。这张考卷很可能是淘汰性质，唯有及格者，其后两篇考卷才有可能得到评判。

2.专业类考卷（英译中），时间大约1.5小时。可能包括的专业题材有法律、经济、财务、技术等。

3.任选一张考卷：考生可以选择其他外文考卷（阿文、法文、俄文或西文译成中文），也可以选择中译英考卷，时间大约1.5小时。

通过第一阶段考试的考生将接到邀请，参加第二阶段考试，内容包括英译中（闭卷）和面试。这一阶段的笔试部分将是严格的闭卷考试，而且有严格的监考。

上述考试形式和内容都属暂定，可能会有变化，但无论第一还是第二阶段，都会提前发出通知，请以通知内信息为准，参加考试邀请和未通过筛选通知约在4月初发出。

2013年成功通过语言类竞争性考试、并已入职联合国中文处的几位新同事在下面视频中详细介绍了备考经验和技巧。您还可以参考本页底部的“备考指南”和“考试样题”，更有针对性地准备考试。

备考指南

可以说，我们平时的学习和工作一直在为联合国笔译类竞争性考试做准备。考试考的是日积月累练就的功底。当然，做些必要的考前准备也是需要的。中外文功底扎实、好奇心强、知识面广、关心时事，这对联合国翻译人员非常重要，因为他们所翻译的文件事关联合国处理的每个议题。 

1. 译员首先必须是好的写作者。而为了写好，必须多读。一是要多读以母语和外文书写的文字，二是多读各种题材的文字，尤其是涉及联合国工作领域的内容，如国际和平与安全、人权、经济和社会发展、人道主义事务和国际法等领域。广泛阅读不仅可以扩大知识面，深入了解相关议题，还有助于提高语言修养，熟悉各种文体文风，扩大词汇量，并熟悉相应的典型句子结构和表述方式。

2. 随时了解世界各地的政治、社会、文化和其他新情况，比较不同语言的报刊杂志和新闻报道中对同一事件的报道。可以通过联合国电子版和印刷版的新闻来源以及视听资料网站http://www.unmultimedia.org/来阅读、收看和收听最新新闻和档案材料。还可以通过访问联合国正式文件系统ods.un.org来比较同一文件的不同语文版本，熟悉联合国文件的风格和术语。

3. 多做练习。唯有多做练习，才能提高外文理解能力和母语表述能力，才能了解熟悉联合国通常会处理的文件的内容、题材、词汇和风格。决定翻译质量的要素是译文的准确性（没有错译、漏译、不必要的添加或重点转移）、风格（清晰、流畅、通用、恰当；正确的术语、语法、拼写和标点符号）、上下文一致。译文的格式通常也应符合原文的格式。在开始翻译之前，最好先通读一遍文本，以便更好地理解上下文。同样重要的是，在交卷前也需要通读一遍译文，以确保译文流畅，无打字错误。

4. 掌握好时间。尝试为每个练习作业设置时限，并相应地调整速度。无论是前松后紧还是前紧后松，适合自己的节奏最重要。应锻炼自己在压力下工作的能力。请注意每份考卷的时间规定。

本页面底部列出了考试样题，不妨试着练习一下，一来了解考卷的棘手之处和难易程度，二来了解自己的速度，以便适当调整。

在面试方面，考生应围绕职缺通知（Job Opening）中提及的各项要求（Competencies：professionalism; team work; technological awareness）做准备。尽可能以实例来展示自己在相关方面的能力和经历，避免夸夸其谈，空而不实。

走近联合国高翻

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考试样题

These sample texts are intended for practice purposes only. The aim is to familiarize applicants with the approximate length of the actual test papers. They are not intended to reflect, suggest, or in any way indicate to applicants the subject matter, genre, style, level of difficulty, or any other aspect of the actual test papers.

General Text

It was not so long ago that the parts of the globe covered permanently with ice and snow, the Arctic, Antarctic, and Greater Himalayas, were viewed as distant, frigid climes of little consequence. Only the most intrepid adventurers were drawn to such desolate regions as the Tibetan Plateau, which, when finally surveyed, proved to have the planet’s fourteen highest peaks. Because these mountains encompass the largest nonpolar ice mass in the world—embracing some 46,298 glaciers covering 17 percent of the area’s land and since time immemorial have held water in frozen reserve for the people of Asia—they have come to be known as “The Third Pole.”

There was a time when the immensity of such larger-than-life features of our natural world as oceans, deserts, mountains, and glaciers evoked awe and even fear. These days, however, these once seemingly eternal and invincible aspects of our planet’s architecture are on the defensive. And only belatedly are we beginning to understand how fragile and interconnected they actually are with myriad other elements of planetary life.

Until now, the formidable glaciers of the world hardly seemed vulnerable. While they may appear immobile, they are actually “rivers of ice,”  and are constantly moving downward from their “accumulation zones” high on mountainsides where snows fall and are compressed into “firn,” the blue ice that gives glaciers their air of frozen purity. Pushed by their own immense weight, and aided by meltwaters, which seep down crevasses to lubricate the interface between ice and rock, glaciers make their slow gravity-driven progress downward, carving out whole valleys as they move and gathering up so much debris before them and on their surfaces that they often look more like conveyor belts for rocks than icefalls.

When we think of glaciers, we usually evoke images of pristine, white leviathans of mountain ice, radiant  in the sunlight, sweeping down spectacular alpine valleys to produce streams of cold, pure water. When we think of fossil fuels, on the other hand, we imagine very different images—of dark, grimy coal mines and pitch-black oil gushers and spills that despoil nature. While at first blush glaciers and fossil fuels may seem opposite and unrelated, in reality they are intimately connected, and one important link is black carbon soot.

Scientists have been doing research and fieldwork on how the black carbon that was once immobilized deep beneath the ground now affects the snowy surfaces of high-altitude glaciers and will become “a significant contributing factor to observed rapid glacier retreat.” While airborne Atmospheric brown clouds can migrate across oceans, making one country’s pollutants another’s problem, black carbon from India is more immediately deposited on Himalayan glaciers via warm, moisture-laden, southerly monsoon winds that sweep it up onto the Tibetan Plateau. When cooled at high altitudes, this moist monsoon air condenses into rain and snow. However, because of increasingly warmer high-altitude temperatures, once the soot-laden snow lands, more of it now quickly melts before new snow can bury it and compress it into glacial ice. So with successive meltings of new layers of freshly fallen snow, concentrations of black soot build up, turning the surface of glaciers into giant collectors of solar heat.

Even as the scientific evidence of human impact on this defiant but delicate region piles up around us and we see the patrimony of these glaciers melt away before our eyes, we remain strangely reluctant to acknowledge how radically we have altered our relationship to this part of the natural world.

Surely it is one of the great ironies of our age that even in the midst of the “Information Technology Revolution,” which daily inundates us with vast quantities of information that are supposed to inform and liberate us, we are still unable to synthesize it so as to galvanize ourselves for action.

Specialized text

Part 1

The marginalization of normative inquiry into international law is especially regrettable, since the most pressing questions that arise concerning international law today are arguably primarily normative in character. On the one hand, the ambit of the authority claimed by international law has grown exponentially in recent years, with the proliferation of international legal institutions and norms entailing that many more aspects of life on our planet are now governed by international law than ever before in human history. For example, post-war institutions such as the United Nations and its judicial arm have been joined in recent years by new institutions and a plethora of human rights treaty bodies, regional organizations and courts.

On the other hand, the emergence and intensification of various problems with a strong global dimension — widespread violations of human rights, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the rise of global terror networks and the ‘war on terror’ launched by some states in reaction to them, the mutual interdependence and vulnerability wrought by economic globalization, the environmental crisis, the threat posed by pandemics, illegal movements of people across state boundaries, and so on — appears to outrun the problem-solving capacity of any individual state or group of states to deal with adequately, and seems to necessitate the development of appropriate international legal frameworks.

One manifestation of the pressing nature of normative questions is that even those international relations and post-modern theorists who purport to desist from any form of ethical advocacy often seem, at least to their opponents, to be operating with a normative agenda. This self-consciousness is in turn a necessary preliminary to defending, or else revising or abandoning, that agenda in light of the criticisms it attracts as well as the results of trying to implement it in practice.

Part 2

Quantifying the factors underlying persistent current account deficits and the direction of causality with some degree of certainty can be a complicated exercise. Besides a rigorous econometrically fitted model with precise estimated coefficients, it requires a credible counterfactual scenario that can be used for comparison—which implies some causal ordering of the simultaneously determined variables. Moving from these accounting identities to explore behavioral relationships among these variables is therefore the most challenging and controversial part of the debate.

The first approach typically uses national accounts to describe how patterns of domestic savings and investment are linked to trade and current account balances. It starts with the identity reflected in equation that domestic production equals total spending plus the trade balance. The sources of savings in any given economy can therefore be said to correspond to the demand for financial capital. To examine the national accounts identity from the perspective of the sources and uses of funds, one must disaggregate foreign and domestic variables, and public and private variables: private savings plus capital inflows (foreign savings) through the current account or trade deficit must equal private investment and the budget balance. This formulation helps make the point that the US trade deficit reflects a higher level of spending than its domestic production. As a consequence, fiscal deficits fuel current account deficits through their effect on national saving.

The National Accounts Lenses is the well-known twin-deficits hypothesis: when a government increases its fiscal deficit—for instance by launching a fiscal stimulus package, by cutting taxes—domestic residents use some of their new income to consume more, causing national saving to decline. This trend in saving requires the country either to borrow from abroad or reduce its foreign lending, unless domestic investment decreases enough to offset the saving shortfall. Thus, a larger fiscal deficit is typically accompanied by a wider current account deficit. Yet, empirical evidence has been hard to find in the US case, not least because the link between fiscal and current account deficits is not as straightforward as the accounting identities would suggest.

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