乾隆皇帝给英国国王乔治三世的信（满汉英对照）

奉天承运，皇帝敕谕，英吉利国王知悉：

咨尔国王，远在重洋，倾心向化，特遣使恭赍表章，航海来廷，叩祝万寿，并备进方物，用将忱悃（还带了不少礼物，忠心可嘉）。朕披阅表文，词意肫恳，具见国王恭顺之诚，深为嘉许。所有赍到表贡之正副使臣，念其奉使远涉，推恩加礼。已令大臣带领瞻觐（让大臣带领他们瞻仰天朝文明，赐予筵宴，叠加赏赉，用示怀柔。其已回珠山之管船官役人等六百余名，虽未来京，朕亦优加赏赐，俾得普沾恩惠，一视同仁（已经回到宁波珠山的管船役使等600多人虽然没有来京，我也一视同仁给与优厚赏赐，让大家都沾沾光）。

You, O King, live beyond the confines of many seas. Nevertheless, impelled by your humble desire to partake of the benefits of our civilisation, you have dispatched a mission respectfully bearing your memorial. Your Envoy has crossed the seas and paid his respects at my Court on the anniversary of my birthday. To show your devotion, you have also sent offerings of your country's produce.

I have perused your memorial: the earnest terms in which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have come a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have shown them high favour and have allowed them to be introduced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence, I have entertained them at a banquet and made them numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be forwarded to the Naval Commander and six hundred of his officers and men, although they did not come to Peking, so that they too may share in my all-embracing kindness.

至尔国王表内恳请派一尔国之人住居天朝，照管尔国买卖一节，此则与天朝体制不合，断不可行。向来西洋各国有愿来天朝当差之人，原准其来京，但既来之后，即遵用天朝服色，安置堂内，永远不准复回本国，此系天朝定制，想尔国王亦所知悉。今尔国王欲求派一尔国之人居住京城，既不能若来京当差之西洋人，在京居住不归本国，又不可听其往来，常通信息，实为无益之事。且天朝所管地方至为广远，凡外藩使臣到京，驿馆供给，行止出入，俱有一定体制，从无听其自便之例。今尔国若留人在京，言语不通，服饰殊制，无地可以安置。若必似来京当差之西洋人，令其一律改易服饰，天朝亦不肯强人以所难。设天朝欲差人常驻尔国，亦岂尔国所能遵行（假设我天朝也派人常住你国，恐怕你国也不同意吧？）？况西洋诸国甚多，非止尔一国，若俱似尔国王恳请派人留京，岂能一一听许？是此事断难准行。岂能因尔国王一人之请，以至更张天朝百余年法度（不能因为国王你一人之请，将天朝一百多年的规矩给废了）。

As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals to be accredited to my Celestial Court and to be in control of your country's trade with China, this request is contrary to all usage of my dynasty and cannot possibly be entertained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the dynasty, have been permitted to live at Peking, but they are compelled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly confined to their own precincts and are never permitted to return home. You are presumably familiar with our dynastic regulations. Your proposed Envoy to my Court could not be placed in a position similar to that of European officials in Peking who are forbidden to leave China, nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of movement and the privilege of corresponding with his own country; so that you would gain nothing by his residence in our midst.

若云尔国王为照料买卖起见，则尔国人在澳门贸易非止一日，原无不加以恩视（若派人来京是为了照顾买卖起见，那你国人在澳门贸易也不是一天两天了，天朝原本对商人就没有另眼相看）。即如从前博尔都噶尔亚、意达哩亚等国屡次遣使来朝，亦曾以照料贸易为请。天朝鉴其悃忱，优加体恤（像以前葡萄牙、意大利几国好几次派人来，也曾经以照顾贸易的名义请我关照。天朝看他们挺真诚的，也不容易，就多加体恤）。凡遇该国等贸易之事，无不照料周备。前次广东商人吴昭平有拖欠洋船价值银两者，俱饬令该管总督由官库内先行动支帑项代为清还，并将拖欠商人重治其罪。想此事尔国亦闻知矣，外国又何必派人留京，为此越例断不可行之请？况留人在京，距澳门贸易处所几及万里，伊亦何能照料耶（何况你们派人驻京，京城距澳门差不多一万里，他怎么能照顾到？）？若云仰慕天朝，欲其观习教化，则天朝自有天朝礼法，与尔国各不相同。尔国所留之人即能习学，尔国自有风俗制度，亦断不能效法中国，即学会亦属无用。

Moreover, our Celestial dynasty possesses vast territories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States, which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control over their movements. It would be quite impossible to leave them to their own devices. Supposing that your Envoy should come to our Court, his language and national dress differ from that of our people, and there would be no place in which to bestow him. It may be suggested that he might imitate the Europeans permanently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and customs of China, but, it has never been our dynasty's wish to force people to do things unseemly and inconvenient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambassador to reside in your country, how could you possibly make for him the requisite arrangements? Europe consists of many other nations besides your own: if each and all demanded to be represented at our Court, how could we possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable. How can our dynasty alter its whole procedure and system of etiquette, established for more than a century, in order to meet your individual views? If it be said that your object is to exercise control over your country's trade, your nationals have had full liberty to trade at Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest consideration at our hands. Missions have been sent by Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded them with favours, besides authorising measures to facilitate their trade with China. You are no doubt aware that, when my Canton merchant, Wu Chao-ping, who was in debt to foreign ships. I made the Viceroy advance the monies due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to punish the culprit severely. Why then should foreign nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be represented at my Court? Peking is nearly two thousand miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible control could any British representative exercise?

天朝扶有四海，惟励精图治，办理政务，奇珍异宝，并不贵重（天朝管辖的地方那么大，我想的是如何励精图治，至于奇珍异宝啥的我并不看得很重）。尔国王此次赍进各物，念其诚心远献，特谕该管衙门收纳（你啊这次进贡了不少礼物，念你特别诚恳大老远献来了，我才特别下旨让有关部门收了）。其实天朝德威远被，万国来王，种种贵重之物，梯航毕集，无所下有，尔之正使等所亲见（其实天朝德泽四方，威加海内，万国来朝，通过水旱两路给我进贡，咱啥贵重玩意儿都不缺，这些你的使者都是亲眼见过的）。然从不贵奇巧，并无更需尔国制办物件。是尔国王所请派人留京一事，于天朝体制既属不合，而于尔国亦殊觉无益。特此详晰开示，遣令该使等安程回国（我把话都挑明了，现令让你国使者马上安排回国行程）。尔国王惟当善体朕意，益励款诚，永矢恭顺，以保义尔有邦，共享太平之福（国王你应该很好地领会我的意思，对天朝要更加诚心归附，发誓永远对天朝恭顺，天朝的恩泽就能施予你们国家，共建和谐社会）。除正副使臣以下各官及通事兵役人等正贯加赏各物件另单赏给外，兹因尔国使臣归国，特颁敕谕，并赐赍尔国王文绮珍物，具如常仪，加赐彩缎罗绮，文玩器具诸珍（除了正副使臣以下一干人等都按等级赏给各种物件，因为你国使者马上就要回国，我又特别下令，除了按常规赏给你的好玩意儿以外，加赐你绫罗绸缎、文玩器具等好玩意儿若干），另有清单。王其祗受，悉朕眷怀（皇恩浩荡，那都是我对你们的关怀）。特此敕谕。

——《清实录》

这是一封乾隆被引用最多，也是被误解最多的一封信。乾隆或许是想要刻意淡化清朝与英国之间的贸易关系对清朝的实际重要性，才如此答复英国使团的那些诉求。假如当时有人告诉马戛尔尼，乾隆其实非常喜欢西方的玻璃(中国那时并不生产玻璃)，年轻时甚至写了三首诗描述西方玻璃的魅力和神奇，当了皇帝后又令人将官中的窗户首次安上了透明的玻璃，不知英国勋爵心中会作何感想？或者，如果马戛尔尼获准参观乾隆收藏的70多只英国钟表(例如，有一只可以演奏英国流行乐曲，还有一只是丘比特跳舞报时)，马戛尔尼又该作何感想？但是，乾隆更关注英国在国的外交居留问题：不允许英国派遣常驻代表，不对英国开放更多的港口，也不给予英国一寸土地。马戛尔尼极其失望，他怀疑使团任务失败的主要原因是清廷的阴谋。只是在南下广州与等侯在那里的英国船只会合的旅途马戛尔尼的任务方才有所进展，这让他感到颇为惊喜。通过与陪同的清朝官员、大学士松筠的非正式交谈，马戛尔尼开始对清朝如何处理对外关系有所了解，同时，松筠对于欧洲的外交运作也有了一些认识。马戛尔尼终于有机会向位既具同情心又身居朝廷要职的听众畅所欲言。清政府能够降低和规范广州的关税吗？那些掮客可以终止他们的敲诈勒索行为吗？商人们可以直接向地方官员而非那些本身就是商人抱怨对象的掮客们发出他们的怨言吗？松筠承诺将其想法转告乾隆，并得到了乾隆的迅速回复，称一定会调查这些问题，并会对所有不规范的行为予以纠正。在杭州，松筠的陪同任务由同为旗人的两广总督接替，他继续向马戛尔尼保证乾隆对使团的关照，并向马戛尔尼承诺，他会尽力让使团满意，至少在其有关广州贸易的要求方面。但是，马戛尔尼使团最终取得的具体成果可谓微乎其微。

——欧立德《乾隆帝》

马戛尔尼访华的失败，注定了1840年中国历史以另一种方式开场。

王人博老师在《1840年以来的中国》一书中写道：

1840年鸦片战争的爆发，事实上，就是一次特殊规矩与普遍规矩的剧烈碰撞。

晚清的精英们第一次意识到，大清有大清的规矩，世界另有规矩。此后的历史，有一条清晰的主线，就是向西方学习，探求自身的复兴之道。然而，对外来“规矩”的认知及其局限，却使中国在拥抱现代性价值的路上，走了不少弯路，直至今天。

在现代性价值尚未完全落地的今天，无论国与国之间，还是司空见惯的价值观撕裂，其实都是对“规矩”及其本质认知的撕裂。从《1840年以来的中国》一书，至少可以梳理出下面最常见的几个误区：

◎将文化与文明混为一谈，并用前者否定现代性的普遍价值。结果，文化资源反倒成了向文明转型的包袱。事实上，文化不必要，也不可能相同，但文明必然会趋同（《1840年以来的中国》序言）。

◎走向两个极端：无视语境的差异性，以及将语境当作拒绝现代性普遍价值的挡箭牌。

◎对工具理性的东西，比如，技术、管理、甚至市场，统统拿来主义，对价值理性的东西，比如，自由、个人主义等，却视若洪水猛兽。岂不知“坚船利炮的威力，与制造出它的手之间，具有内在联系”（《1840年以来的中国》序言）。

◎用“后见之明”将历史简化为粗线条，甚至错误归因。比如，有人说，是救亡压倒了启蒙；有人说，是因为选错了老师；有人说，是知识分子的理想主义，加上民粹崛起，等等……

以上既是理解1840年以来中国历史最常见的误区，也是导致今天价值观撕裂的认知源头。《1840年以来的中国》，这部写作长达25年的书，不仅提出以上真问题，阅读它，也是破解这些问题的一场思想之旅。

您的书架上可能已经有很多版本的近代史作品，但对热爱阅读与思考，关心中国现状与未来，想用一种新视角重新理解历史的您，本书不应错过。识别下图二维码，即可一键收藏。

▍延伸阅读