外文橱窗 | 政治传播研究前沿
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1
When Democracy Failed: Can Political Communication Research Contribute to Civil Recovery?
当民主陷落时：政治传播研究能否为公民事务复苏做出贡献？
Jack M. Mcleod
Abstract
Does our present set of concepts and political communication models cover whatseems to be two separate systems of thought and logic? The first, a legacy of the Enlightenment period, which venerates precision, science, and rationality; and the other,which endorses feelings, faith, and alternative facts, and rejects science. We also have not sufficiently represented the concept of power in our research and acknowledged that everyprogressive policy initiative will be attacked with propaganda and misinformation.
The most ambitious project in the later stages of my career was to explain why some Americans but not others try to understand the problems in their community by paying close attention to the news presented by the media. Why do some of those attentive citizens use what they have learned to make careful voting decisions that will serve their true interests and volunteer their time to help others? Social scientists have tried for decades to answer similar questions with the simplest available concepts. We chose instead to explore explanatory concepts less familiar to political communication researchers. We hoped these concepts would be closer to people’s subjective life-world, but also provide answers to questions as to why citizens increasingly seem to be indifferent to politics.
KEYWORDS
democracy, polarization, values, discussion networks, O1->S->O2->R model
SOURCE
Political Communication，Published online: 25 Oct 2018
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10584609.2018.1477504
2
Pseudo-discursive, mobilizing, emotional, and entertaining: identifying four successful communication styles of political actors on social media during the 2015 Swiss national elections
伪话语、动员、情感和娱乐：2015年瑞士全国大选期间社交媒体上政治参与者四种成功的沟通方式
Tobias R. Keller ORCID Icon & Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw
Abstract
Political actors are adapting their communication styles to the network media logic of social media platforms with varying success. This study investigates the communication styles used during the Swiss national election 2015 and their success in triggering digital reactions. In a quantitative content analysis of the “top 20” most reacted to messages on Facebook (n = 2170) and Twitter (N = 1796) of 246 Swiss parliamentarians and 11 parties we analyzed the impact of a pseudo-discursive, mobilizing, emotional and entertaining communication style. Whereas the pseudo-discursive style is the most common on both platforms, it leads on Facebook to fewer interactions. The entertaining style fosters reactions on Facebook but not on Twitter. Though the emotional style is used the least, it is the most beneficial. The paper concludes by discussing how these four communication styles alter communication between political actors and citizens.
KEYWORDS
Political communication, Facebook, Twitter, social media, Switzerland, quantitative content analysis
SOURCE
Journal of Information Technology & Politics, Published online: 15 Oct 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2018.1510355
3
Media as soft power: the role of the South Korean media in North Korea
作为软实力的媒体：韩国媒体在朝鲜的作用
Ka Young Chung
Abstract
The Korean Wave, or Hallyu, the transnational mobility of South Korean popular culture, has spread globally, including to communist North Korea. This study perceptively examines the South Korean media as a form of soft power and articulates media studies of the Korean Wave and transnational media flows. It focuses on the influence of South Korean media on North Korean society, especially on how it motivates North Koreans to defect and facilitates their adaptation to life in South Korea following their defection. Interviews with 127 North Korean defectors (46 males, 81 females aged 20–50 and over) were analysed. Results reveal that increasing exposure to South Korean media and its soft power continues throughout the media consumption process, which eventually motivates North Korean defection. However, the attractiveness of the media did not positively influence defectors’ adaptation as much. This work offers invaluable empirical data on North Koreans’ use of South Korean media, and timely policy implications which further aims to contribute to the literature of soft power by focusing on its relevance to transcultural consumption.
KEYWORDS
Soft power, cultural diplomacy, transnational mobility, transcultural consumption, media, North Korea
SOURCE
The Journal of International Communication ，Published online: 19 Oct 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2018.1533878
4
Core Political Values and the Long-Term Shaping of Partisanship
核心政治价值观与党派的长期形成
Geoffrey Evans and Anja Neundorf
Abstract
Party identification has been thought to provide the central organizing element for political belief systems. This article makes the contrasting case that core values concerning equality and government intervention versus individualism and free enterprise are fundamental orientations that can themselves shape partisanship. The authors evaluate these arguments in the British case using a validated multiple-item measure of core values, using ordered latent class models to estimate reciprocal effects with partisanship on panel data from the British Household Panel Study, 1991–2007. The findings demonstrate that core values are more stable than partisanship and have far stronger cross-lagged effects on partisanship than vice versa in both polarized and depolarized political contexts, for younger and older respondents, and for those with differing levels of educational attainment and income, thus demonstrating their general utility as decision-making heuristics.
SOURCE
British Journal of Political Science，Published online: 01 October 2018
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123418000339
5
Does the Chinese government engage in online public debates? A case study of political communications around the building of an oil refinery in Kunming, China
中国政府是否参与在线公开辩论？——以中国昆明炼油厂建设中的政治传播为例
Qingning Wang
Abstract
This article discusses how the Chinese government engages in online political debates and whether it adjusts its policies to respond to public concerns raised in such debates. This research explores government actions and discourses by using debates between Chinese net-users and the government around the building of an oil refinery in Kunming as a case study. It finds that the government used traditional party newspapers and social media as platforms to express its opinions and to interact with net-users regarding the oil refinery. The reports published in party media and government social media posts acknowledged the government’s awareness of the public’s concerns, demonstrated their reaction to the concerns and reinforced the government’s agenda. However, although the government engaged with the debate, it did not change its decisions about the oil refinery to respond to the public concerns raised online.
KEYWORDS
Censorship, China, government engagement, online political communication, social media
SOURCE
Global Media and China，October 6, 2018
https://doi.org/10.1177/2059436418804274
6
Twenty Years of Digital Media Effects on Civic and Political Participation
二十年来数字媒体对公民和政治参与的影响
Shelley Boulianne
Abstract
More than 300 studies have been published on the relationship between digital media and engagement in civic and political life. With such a vast body of research, it is difficult to see the big picture of how this relationship has evolved across time and across the globe. This article offers unique insights into how this relationship manifests across time and space, using a meta-analysis of existing research. This approach enables an analysis of a 20-year period, covering 50 countries and including survey data from more than 300,000 respondents. While the relationship may vary cross-nationally, the major story is the trend data. The trend data show a pattern of small, positive average coefficients turning into substantial, positive coefficients. These larger coefficients may be explained by the diffusion of this technology across the masses and changes in the types of use, particularly the rise of social networking sites and tools for online political participation.
KEYWORDS
digital media, political participation, survey, time series
SOURCE
Communication Research，October 26, 2018
https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650218808186
7
Sighs in everyday and political communication
日常生活和政治交流的叹息
Isabella Poggi&Alessandro Ansani&Christian Cecconi
Abstract
The work defines the sigh as a type of breath expressing or communicating specific mental or emotional states. To investigate the meanings of the sigh, after overviewing preliminary analyses of written and oral corpora, the paper focuses on a peculiar use of it as a “discrediting body comment” often exploited in political debates to imply the opponent’s stupidity or obsessive repetition, by displaying frustration or boredom. In a perception study on some uses of this sigh, participants’ interpretations are not significantly shared, but agreement emerges when considering their perception of sighs in terms of valence and arousal.
SOURCE
Conference Paper ,Conference: Laughter Workshop 2018 - Paris 27-28/9/18, At Paris, Institut des Systèmes Intelligents et de Robotique (ISIR)
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327974145_Sighs_in_everyday_and_political_communication
8
The Consequences of Forced Versus Selected Political Media Exposure
强制性与选择性的政治媒体曝光的不同结果
Natalie Jomini Stroud Lauren Feldman Magdalena Wojcieszak Bruce Bimber
Abstract
The effects of media exposure differ when people are given the opportunity to choose content compared to when they are forced to view it. Contemporary explanations propose that differences between forced and selected exposure occur because of between-subject differences. We propose that differences also result from within-subject psychological reactions. Using a novel experimental design, a representative sample of U.S. adults (N = 1,967) provided their content preferences in a first session and then, in a second session, were randomly assigned to choose content or to view randomly-assigned content. Results confirm that forced exposure yields different psychological reactions than selected exposure, even in some cases among participants forced to view their preferred content.
SOURCE
Human Communication Research , Published: 01 October 2018
https://doi.org/10.1093/hcr/hqy012
9
Trying not to fall out: the importance of non-political social ties in online political conversation
尽量不要摒弃：线上政治对话中非政治社会关系的重要性
Christopher Birchall ORCID Icon
Abstract
This paper explores evidence from a large scale, mixed methods investigation into political conversation in various online niches, uncovering a model of deliberation in which shared cultural or social ties – non-political ties – seem to play an important role in holding a quorum together and encouraging exchange of diverse opinion without breakdown of the community. A shared sense of community identity is important within this model, but robust and stable individual identities – usually in the form of pseudonyms, but which sometimes translate to offline identities among sub-sections of the community – play an important role, too. These shared community spaces may offer democratic benefits by facilitating the testing of balkanised perspectives found within personalised digital media structures against diverse counter-perspectives.
KEYWORDS
Deliberation, community, online conversation, politics, digital methods, identity
SOURCE
Information, Communication & Society, Published online: 01 Nov 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1539758
10
The Consequences of Strategic News Coverage for Democracy: A Meta-Analysis
民主战略新闻报道的结果：一个元分析
Alon Zoizner
Abstract
One of the most dominant ways of covering politics in the media is by focusing on politicians’ strategies for gaining public support and their positions at the polls. The conventional wisdom is that this tendency—usually referred to as strategic, horse race, or game coverage—has negative consequences for democracy because it increases political alienation. Others argue, however, that the public’s attraction to strategic coverage improves knowledge about issues and encourages civic engagement. This study examines the consequences of strategic coverage by performing a meta-analysis of published and unpublished studies. Based on 54 findings from 32 studies and 38,658 respondents, I show that across studies and contexts, strategic coverage increases political cynicism (d = 0.32), reduces substance-based political knowledge (d = −0.31), and discourages positive evaluations regarding the news items (d = −0.22). However, there is no evidence that this coverage erodes participation. These findings correspond with scholars’ previous concerns.
KEYWORDS
strategic coverage, strategy frame, game frame, horse race, meta-analysis
SOURCE
Communication Research, Published October 26, 2018.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650218808691
11
Information, communications, rights and freedoms: Observations on the sovereignty of the state and its citizens
信息、传播、权利和自由：对国家和公民主权的观察
Pradip Ninan Thomas
Abstract
This article explores the contested nature of sovereignty as it applies to the state and its citizens from the perspectives of information and communication. While the freedom of expression, right to information and communication rights have typically enhanced the sovereignty of citizens, in the recent past, the state has expanded its rights to mass surveillance, thereby infringing the freedom and rights of its citizens to expression, information and communication. Based on theory and examples of practice, it argues that the exercise of popular sovereignty through mass movements and collective actions contribute to the strengthening of the sovereignty of individuals and to limiting the extent of the state’s sovereign power.
KEYWORDS
Communication rights, freedom of expression, freedom of information, surveillance, the State
SOURCE
Global Media and Communication， Published November 14, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1177/1742766518811872
12
What about the Monument?
Public Opinion and Contentious Politics in Stalin’s Homeland
纪念碑怎么样？——斯大林家乡的舆论与争议政治
Peter Kabachnik, Alexi Gugushvili & Ana Kirvalidze
Abstract
The article uses mixed methods to explore the politics of memory surrounding the Stalin monument in Gori, Georgia, which was removed by the government in 2010. We employ bivariate and multivariate statistics to analyze people’s preferences in Georgia concerning the monument’s fate using socio-demographic, socio-economic, spatial, and political variables, identifying six factors as offering explanatory power: gender, age, place, socialization, education, and attitudes toward Vladimir Putin. We identify three main narratives in the qualitative data analysis: the desire to continue displaying the monument somewhere; the futility of monument battles; and the appeal to democratic principles in deciding these cases.
SOURCE
Problems of Post-Communism，Published online: 16 Nov 2018
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10758216.2018.1540276
13
Exposure to news about the South China Sea, nationalism, and government evaluation: examining the mediation roles of third-person effects and online discussion
有关南海，民族主义和政府评估的新闻：考察第三人称效应的调解作用和在线讨论
Xueqing Li & Lei Guo
Abstract
Based on the communication mediation model, the third-person effect hypothesis was integrated to analyze the influence of the exposure to South China Sea news on its perceived effects on the self and others. In addition, the influences of such exposure on online discussions and political attitudes were examined, specifically in relation to nationalism and government evaluation. The survey (N = 868) found that the respondents perceived a stronger media effect on others than on themselves, whereas exposure to traditional and news media exposure exhibited equivalent effects on the self and on others. Moreover, the perceived effects on oneself promoted online discussion and nationalism, whereas the perceived effects on others improved government evaluation. The findings of this study indicate that the effects of media exposure on nationalism and government evaluation are marginally mediated by perceived effects, online discussion, or both.
KEYWORDS
media exposure, third-person effects, online discussion, nationalism, South China Sea news
SOURCE
Chinese Journal of Communication , Published online: 22 Oct 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2018.1476393
14
Should the Media Be More or Less Powerful in Politics? Individual and Contextual Explanations for Politicians and Journalists
媒体在政治上应该更多还是更少？ 政治家和记者的个人和语境解释
Philip Baugut & Sebastian Scherr
Abstract
The normative question regarding whether the media should have more or less impact on politics, as viewed by politicians and journalists, is important assuming that norms about media influences can influence behaviors. The present study is the first that combines individual and structural factors that explain political actors’ and journalists’ normative views on the media’s influence on politics. Based on a conceptualization of political communication cultures, representative micro-level survey data from more than 600 political actors and journalists within 52 German cities were combined with macro-level indicators for the political and media competition in each city. Multilevel analyses show that interactions between the actors’ characteristics and their competitive working conditions help explain their normative evaluations of the media’s influence on politics. However, individual characteristics such as actors’ role conceptions influence normative views more so than media and political competition do.
KEYWORDS
perceived media influence, politicians and journalists, local politics, multilevel analysis, media influence on politics
SOURCE
Political Communication ，Published online: 13 Nov 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1517844
15
Social Bots in Election Campaigns: Theoretical, Empirical, and Methodological Implications
选举活动中的社会机器人：理论，经验和方法论的影响
Tobias R. Keller ORCID Icon & Ulrike Klinger
Abstract
Social bots mimic and potentially manipulate humans and their behaviours in social networks. The public sphere might be especially vulnerable to their impacts, which is why we first discuss their potential influence on the public sphere from a theoretical perspective. From an empirical perspective, we analyzed Twitter followers of seven German parties before (N = 638,674) and during (N = 838,026) the 2017 electoral campaigns regarding bot prevalence and activities. The results revealed that the share of social bots increased from 7.1% before to 9.9% during the election campaigns. The percentage of active social bots remained roughly the same. An analysis of the content distributed by both the most popular and the most active bots showed that they disseminate few political hashtags, and that almost none referred to German politics. We discuss the results against the background of normative traditions of public sphere theories and address the methodological challenges bots pose in political communication.
KEYWORDS
social bots, elections, Twitter, public sphere, Germany
SOURCE
Political Communication ，Published online: 13 Nov 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1526238
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