外文橱窗 | 政治传播研究前沿

点击上方“中国政治传播研究”可订阅哦！

1

The Information and Arena Model: Its Value and Limitations

信息与竞技场模型：价值与局限

Peter Van Aelst & Stefaan Walgrave

Abstract

The book How Political  Actors Use the Media  is the  result  of a long intellectual journey. Frustrated by the explosively growing work on media and politics and, especially, by our own inability to get a grip on that literature and to categorize the existing knowledge in a parsimonious and satisfying way, we thought and discussed a lot about how to “organize” the domain of media and politics. Numerous brain- storms and many (quite fundamental) revisions resulted in a literature review paper published in Journal of Communication titled “Information and Arena: The Dual Function of the News Media  for  Political  Elites.” We  argued  that  conceptualizing two broad functions the mass media have for political actors—being at the same time a source of information nurturing their political work and an arena to reach out to the public—is a useful model to consolidate the work on media and politics. We consider Information and Arena (I&A) not as a theory of media and politics (it does  not “explain” anything), but rather as a model or a framework that helps to analyze the mutual relationship between political actors and the mass media and that draws attention to the different dimensions of this intricate relationship.

KEYWORDS

politicians, information, media arena

SOURCE

Political Communication,Published online: 11 Feb 2019

https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1548414

2

A Fresh Perspective on Politicians and the Media

政治家与媒体关系研究的新视角

Jay G. Blumler

Abstract

The notion of campaign strategy should not be boiled down to an array of particular tactics, such as press releases, press conferences, campaign rallies, giving interviews, background briefings, walkabouts in symbolic settings, signed columns in the press, etc., but should be conceived instead in terms of the presuppositions and principles that determine why and how those are adopted and applied. But how might they be studied? A starting point must be recognition of the fact that communication strategies do differ. To illustrate, in the United Kingdom’s 2017 General Election, there was, according to Blumler (2017, p. 11) a “confrontation between two different  models  of  campaign  communication”—a  political  consultancy-led  one  and a movement-led one. Three different campaigning strategies were seemingly in play from the primaries onward during America’s Presidential election of 2016: the right- wing aggressively declamatory populism of Donald Trump; a left-wing drive for radical reform by Bernie Sanders; and Hillary Clinton’s more conventionally measured approach. To  go  beyond  such  familiar  contrasts,  I  suggest  another  starting  point,  namely a recognition that communication strategies may vary in their potential for civic enhancement (i.e., whether or not they provide material and “incentives for citizens to learn, choose and become involved rather than merely to follow and kibitz over the political process”.

KEYWORDS

political communication, political actors, strategic communication, campaigning, public sphere

SOURCE

Political Communication，Published online: 11 Feb 2019  

https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1548413  

3

Who’s Elite and How the Answer Matters to Politics

谁是精英？这个答案又会如何影响政治

Babak Bahador, Robert Entman & Curd Knüpfer

Abstract

Our survey and media content analyses demonstrate that different public spheres and media arenas hold differentiated understandings of what elite means. Rather than define political elites as a status determined by which political actors are (a) able to define the media’s agenda and (b) influence the public’s perception, we would do well to acknowl- edge that such notions rest on which framing of elite dominates which media, and which audiences are convinced. In fragmented news media environments, marked by information abundance and high degrees of audience segmentation, the very definition of elite might therefore increasingly come to depend on whose agenda and perceptions we take into account. The outcomes of competition over the meaning of elite constrain the actions of different elite factions, while simultaneously reflecting which factions dominate the definitions of the term that media promote and publics accept (see Shah et al., 2017). Our findings suggest U.S. right-wing elites enjoyed greater recent success using mediated communication to frame elite in ways favoring their faction’s worldview, and promoting their political goal of insulating economic/corporate/financial elites from scrutiny. More importantly, this case suggests that building on Van Aelst and Walgrave to understand elites’ uses of media requires further differentiating each side of the triad of elites, media, and public.

SOURCE

Political Communication，Published online: 11 Feb 2019 

https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1548412

4

Opting Out of Political Discussions

  选择退出政治讨论

Jaime E. Settle& Taylor N. Carlson

Abstract

Methodological limitations have hindered our ability to understand the conditions that make individuals seek or avoid political discussions. We introduce a methodological approach to assess communication preferences in contexts where these choices are difficult to measure. We conduct three experiments to examine how the characteristics of the people in a discussion, as well as its topic, influence an individual’s “price” to participate. Participants indicated how much they would need to be compensated to participate in a short discussion about a randomly assigned topic (political or nonpolitical) under different group compositions (co-partisans, out-partisans, or a mixed group). We find that individuals demanded significantly more compensation to engage in a discussion with out-partisans than with co-partisans, for both political and non-political topics.

KEYWORDS

political discussion, polarization, experiments, discussion networks, avoidance

SOURCE

Political Communication，Published online: 04 Feb 2019

https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1561563

5

Explaining cross-country variation in collective action in the digital era

解释数字时代集体行动的跨国差异

Matthew D. Jenkins

Abstract

The digital era has ushered in a new collective action landscape that scholars are now trying to understand. To date, scholars have assumed homogeneity in the effect of ICT (information and communications technology) on collective action. In this article, I show that the effect of ICT on collective action is heterogeneous, and that it is sensitive to national and cultural context by conducting a cross-case comparison of Japan and South Korea. These two countries present a particularly illuminating pair of cases, with Korea showing consistently high levels of collective action and Japan showing consistently low levels of collective action despite the introduction and diffusion of ICT. I argue that this participation gap is in part due to differences in the way social network dynamics operate in the two countries. I show that social network size is more strongly associated with participation in protests, boycotts, and petitions (PBP) in Korea. Additionally, I find that social network heterogeneity has a positive association with participation in political groups in Korea, whereas the two variables have a negative association in Japan. I conclude by discussing the broader implications for our understanding of the relationship between collective action, social networks, and culture.

KEYWORDS

Collective action, social networks, east asia

SOURCE

Journal of Information Technology & Politics，Published online: 06 Feb 2019                                             https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1572567

6

 Misinformation and Polarization in a High-Choice Media Environment: How Effective Are Political Fact-Checkers?

高选择媒体环境中的错误信息和极化现象：政治事实审查方的有效性如何？

Michael Hameleers, Toni G. L. A. van der Meer 

Abstract

One of the most fundamental changes in today’s political information environment is an increasing lack of communicative truthfulness. To explore this worrisome phenomenon, this study aims to investigate the effects of political misinformation by integrating three theoretical approaches: (1) misinformation, (2) polarization, and (3) selective exposure. In this article, we examine the role of fact-checkers in discrediting polarized misinformation in a fragmented media environment. We rely on two experiments (N = 1,117) in which we vary exposure to attitudinal-congruent or incongruent political news and a follow-up fact-check article debunking the information. Participants were either forced to see or free to select a fact-checker. Results show that fact-checkers can be successful as they (1) lower agreement with attitudinally congruent political misinformation and (2) can overcome political polarization. Moreover, dependent on the issue, fact-checkers are most likely to be selected when they confirm prior attitudes and avoided when they are incongruent, indicating a confirmation bias for selecting corrective information. The freedom to select or avoid fact-checkers does not have an impact on political beliefs.

KEYWORDS

fact-checkers, fake news, misinformation, polarization, selective exposure

SOURCE

Communication Research，First Published January 13, 2019 

https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650218819671

7

Funny Cats and Politics: Do Humorous Context Posts Impede or Foster the Elaboration of News Posts on Social Media?

有趣的猫与政治：幽默语境是否会阻碍或促进社交媒体上新闻帖子的制作？

Raffael Heiss, Jörg Matthes 

Abstract

On Social Network Sites (SNS), citizens are frequently exposed to political news posts embedded in humorous context posts, such as funny videos or pictures. Using data from two experimental studies and a two-wave panel study, we test the effect of exposure to humorous context posts on message elaboration, and the consequences for political participation and knowledge. Results from the experimental studies indicated that incidental exposure to political posts in the context of humorous posts can increase message elaboration and in turn knowledge and participation. In line with these findings, results from the panel analysis revealed that exposure to humorous posts boosted message elaboration only among individuals who rarely used SNS for news. However, for citizens who use SNS for news more frequently, the effect of humor exposure on elaboration turned negative. While the panel data suggest that message elaboration positively affected political participation, there was no positive effect on knowledge.

KEYWORDS

humor, social media, information processing, political participation, political knowledge, incidental exposure

SOURCE

Communication Research，First Published February 9, 2019   

https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650219826006

8

How China’s flagship news program frames “the West”: Foreign news coverage of CCTV’s Xinwen Lianbo before and during Xi Jinping’s presidency

中国的旗舰新闻节目如何建构“西方”：习近平主席任期前后中央电视台新闻联播的外国新闻报道

Xiaodong Zhang & Mark Boukes 

Abstract

This study investigates how Xinwen Lianbo, a prestigious TV news program and a key propaganda tool of the Chinese Communist Party, framed a bloc of Western countries in its foreign news coverage in the period 2010-2015. The results of the content analysis performed in this study revealed that mixed and diverse images of the West were portrayed by the program. Interestingly, significantly more negative frames of these countries were identified after Xi Jinping took office in late 2012, which signaled a pivotal event in terms of China’s foreign policy. However, Xi’s speech to Chinese media workers on 19 August 2013 did not have additional effects on the program’s framing of the West.

KEYWORDS

framing, foreign news, China, Western countries, Xinwen Lianbo, journalism, content analysis

SOURCE

Chinese Journal of Communication , Published online: 16 Jan 2019

 https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2018.1554593

9

Online Political Participation in China: Local Government and Differentiated Response

中国的网络参政：地方政府和差异化应对

Yongshun Cai and Titi Zhou

Abstract

Chinese citizens commonly take to the internet to voice complaints concerning their daily lives. The political hierarchy in China dictates that local governments are primarily responsible for addressing such grievances. This study investigates how local governments deal with online complaints and finds that they respond in a variety of ways and that their choice of a particular form of response is shaped by the pressure generated by the complaint and the cost of resolving it. This study contributes to the understanding of government responsiveness in China by directly assessing the quality of governmental responses and by measuring the pressure and costs faced by the government when dealing with online complaints. It also explains how the Chinese government, without having to rely on censorship, shields regime legitimacy from media exposure.

SOURCE

The China Quarterly，Published online: 12 March 2019

https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741019000055

10

Snapchat and civic engagement among college students

Snapchat（照片分享平台）与大学生的公共参与

Laurie L. Rice & Kenneth W. Moffett 

Abstract

During the 2016 presidential election cycle, Clinton and Trump used Snapchat as one part of their overall voter outreach and engagement efforts. This portion of their campaign strategy was disproportionately targeted toward younger voters, since those between 18 and 25 comprise a vast portion of Snapchat’s user base. Did their efforts, those of political parties, or those of interest groups on Snapchat produce higher levels of civic engagement among college students? We utilize a survey that we conducted from a college campus in the Midwest in October 2016 to answer this question. Using a series of matching analyses, we discover that those students who sent pictures or videos about interest groups, candidates for office, or political parties on Snapchat were more civically and politically active than otherwise similar students who had not participated in these activities.

KEYWORDS

 Snapchat, civic engagement, young voters, political participation, social media, 2016 election

SOURCE

Journal of Information Technology & Politics， Published online: 13 Feb 2019

https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1574249

11

Collective identity changes in far-right online communities: The role of offline intergroup conflict

比利时民粹主义者的激进权利和媒体：朋友还是敌人？

Ana-Maria Bliuc, John Betts, Matteo Vergani, .

Abstract

Despite the increasing citizen engagement with socio-political online communities, little is known about how such communities are affected by significant offline events. Thus, we investigate here the ways in which the collective identity of a far-right online community is affected by offline intergroup conflict. We examine over 14 years of online communication between members of Stormfront Downunder, the Australian sub-forum of the global white supremacist community Stormfront.org. We analyse members’ language use and discourse before and after significant intergroup conflict in 2015, culminating in local racist riots in Sydney, Australia. We found that the riots were associated with significant changes in the collective beliefs of the community (as captured by members’ most salient concerns and group norms), emotions and consensus within the community. Overall, the effects of the local riots were manifest in a reinvigorated sense of purpose for the far-right community with a stronger anti-Muslim agenda.

KEYWORDS

Collective identity, far-right groups, offline intergroup conflict, online communities  

SOURCE

New Media & Society，First Published March 3, 2019 Research Article  

https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444819831779

12

What is platform governance?

什么是平台治理？

Robert Gorwa 

Abstract

Following a host of high-profile scandals, the political influence of platform companies (the global corporations that that operate online ‘platforms’ such as Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, and many other online services) is slowly being re-evaluated. Amidst growing calls to regulate these companies and make them more democratically accountable, and a host of policy interventions that are actively being pursued in Europe and beyond, a better understanding of how platform practices, policies, and affordances (in effect, how platforms govern) interact with the external political forces trying to shape those practices and policies is needed. Building on digital media and communication scholarship as well as governance literature from political science and international relations, the aim of this article is to map an interdisciplinary research agenda for platform governance, a concept intended to capture the layers of governance relationships structuring interactions between key parties in today's platform society, including platform companies, users, advertisers, governments, and other political actors.

KEYWORDS

Platform governance, platform, regulation, Facebook, Google, accountability

SOURCE

Information, Communication & Society , Published online: 11 Feb 2019

https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2019.1573914  

13

Public Opinion and Setting the Agenda on the U.S. Supreme Court

公共舆论与美国最高法院的议程设定

Amanda C. Bryan

Abstract

Arguably the most influential power the U.S. Supreme Court has is the power to choose which cases to decide. This power allows the nation’s only unelected branch of government to choose either to weigh in on key political controversies or avoid them completely. Here, I take one of the first case-level looks at the role of public opinion in the Court’s agenda-setting process. I argue justices vote to hear cases when they are likely to agree with public opinion on the outcome and eschew cases when they are out of step with the American people. However, the effect of public opinion depends on the political environment, especially on the level of public support the Court enjoys, the salience of the issue, and the case’s legal importance.

KEYWORDS

Supreme Court, public opinion, agenda setting

SOURCE

American Politics Research，First Published January 17, 2019  

https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18822312

14

Jawing through Crises: Chinese and Vietnamese Media Strategies in the South China Sea

在危机中喋喋不休：中国和越南在南海的媒体战略

Frances Yaping Wang & Brantly Womack

Abstract

Winston Churchill once said, ‘it is better to jaw-jaw than to war-war.’ However, negotiations are particularly difficult when they are enmeshed in public opinion precommitments. The sharpest crisis between China and Vietnam in the last 30 years concerned the placement of a Chinese oil rig into contested waters in 2014. This study analyses the Chinese and Vietnamese propaganda efforts surrounding the crisis as examples of the instrumental use of propaganda in managing domestic public opinion on diplomatic crises. The article argues that despite very different approaches to public diplomacy during the crisis, both states were primarily concerned with avoiding escalation and ending the confrontation. The authors show how propaganda function as a pacifying device in dealing with rising domestic nationalism when executing a moderate foreign policy.

SOURCE

Journal of Contemporary China ，Published online: 26 Feb 2019

https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2019.1580429

15

Mass Media as a Source of Public Responsiveness

大众传媒作为公众回应的来源

Fabian G. Neuner, Stuart N. Soroka, Christopher Wlezien

Abstract

A sizable literature finds evidence of public responsiveness to policy change, across a range of salient policy domains and countries. We have a very limited sense for what drives this aggregate-level responsiveness, however. One possibility is that individuals learn at least part of what they need to know from mass media. Work tends to emphasize failures in both media coverage and citizens, but little research explores the prevalence of relevant, accurate information in media content, or citizens’ abilities to identify and respond to that information. Using the case of defense spending in the United States, we examine both, through an automated content analysis of thirty-five years of reporting, validated by a coding exercise fielded to survey respondents. Results prompt analyses of the American National Election Study (ANES), tracing both individual-level perceptions of and preferences for defense spending change over time. These results, supplemented by aggregate analyses of the General Social Survey (GSS), illustrate how media might facilitate—but also confuse—public responsiveness.

KEYWORDS

 mass media, public opinion, public policy, thermostatic responsiveness, negative feedback

SOURCE

The International Journal of Press/Politics，First Published March 15, 2019

https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161219832416

近期文章推荐：  

张洪忠 何苑 马思源 丨 官方与个人社交媒体账号信任度对社会信心影响的中介效应比较研究

相关文章推荐：

外文橱窗 | 政治传播研究前沿第九期

外文橱窗 | 政治传播研究前沿第八期

外文橱窗 | 政治传播研究前沿第七期

摘录：于淑婧、赵洁

编辑：薛茹方

校对：李书龄