前沿 | American Political Science Review（美国政治科学评论）2019.03

本期政治学人国际化部推介《美国政治科学评论》（American Political Science Review）2019年第3期文章编译，以飨读者。欢迎关注与评论！注意：

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01

期刊简介

American Political Science Review（美国政治科学评论）创刊于1906年，是政治学最早的学术研究期刊。提供同行评审的文章和评论整个学科子领域的论文。IF:3.444

期刊涉及领域包括政治学理论、美国政治、公共政策、公共行政、比较政治和国际关系。

02

论文索引

1. Deliberative Democracy in an Unequal World: A Text-As-Data Study of South India’s Village Assemblies

   不平等世界中的协商民主:印度南部乡村议会的文本数据研究

2. Establishing the Rule of Law in Weak and War-torn States: Evidence

   在弱国和饱受战争蹂躏的国家建立法治:证据

3. Wealth, Slave ownership, and Fighting for the Confederacy: An Empirical Study of the American Civil War

   财富、奴隶所有权与为邦联而战:美国内战的实证研究

4. Policy Ideology in European Mass Publics, 1981–2016

   1981-2016年欧洲公众的政策意识形态

5. Electoral Reform and Trade-Offs in Representation

   选举改革和代表权的权衡

6. The Fingerprints of Fraud: Evidence from Mexico’s 1988 Presidential Election 

   控选的蛛丝马迹:关于1988年墨西哥总统选举的研究

7. Partisan Poll Watchers and Electoral Manipulation 

   党派投票观察员和选举操纵

8. Are Moderates Better Representatives than Extremists? A Theory of Indirect Representation

   温和派比极端主义者更有代表性吗?间接代表理论

9. Signaling with Reform: How the Threat of Corruption Prevents Informed Policy-making

   改革的信号:腐败的威胁如何阻碍明智的决策

10. Imperial Politics, English Law, and the Strategic Foundations of Constitutional Review in America

    帝国政治，英国法律，以及美国宪法审查的战略基础

11. Making Offenders Vote: Democratic Expressivism and Compulsory Criminal Voting

    罪犯投票:民主表达主义和刑事强制投票

12. The Politics of Decolonial Interpretation: Tradition and Method in Contemporary Arab Thought

    非殖民主义解读政治:当代阿拉伯思想中的传统与方法

13. Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation

    建构主义与政治代表的逻辑

14. Declaring and Diagnosing Research Designs

    声明和诊断研究设计

03

精选译文

01 不平等世界中的协商民主:印度南部乡村议会的文本数据研究

题目：

Deliberative Democracy in an Unequal World: A Text-As-Data Study of South India’s Village Assemblies

作者：

RAMYA PARTHASARATHY, Stanford University

VIJAYENDRA RAO, World Bank

NETHRA PALANISWAMY, World Bank

摘要：

本文通过使用文本作为数据的方法，对宪法授权的印度乡村议会的文本语料库进行研究，从而打开了现实世界审议的“黑盒子”。借助于审议的规范性理论，我们根据一个人的说话和被倾听的能力，确定了“良好”审议的经验标准，并运用自然语言处理方法得出一些新的发现。我们首先表明，即使在印度农村地区，这些集会也不仅仅是“清谈会”，而是要真正为公民提供挑战官员代表、要求政府信息公开的机会，其次，我们发现相较于男性，女性更处于劣势；她们不太可能发言、制定议程，更不太可能得到州政府官员的相关回应。最后，我们证明了，女性担任村长的配额提高了女性公民被倾听的可能性。

This paper opens the “black box” of real-world deliberation by using text-as-data methods on a corpus of transcripts from the constitutionally mandated gram sabhas, or village assemblies, of rural India. Drawing on normative theories of deliberation, we identify empirical standards for “good” deliberation based on one’s ability both to speak and to be heard, and use natural language processing methods to generate these measures. We first show that, even in the rural Indian context, these assemblies are not mere “talking shops,” but rather provide opportunities for citizens to challenge their elected officials, demand transparency, and provide information about local development needs. Second, we find that women are at a disadvantage relative to men; they are less likely to speak, set the agenda, and receive a relevant response from state officials. And finally, we show that quotas for women for village presidencies improve the likelihood that female citizens are heard.

02 在弱国和饱受战争蹂躏的国家建立法治:证据

题目：

Establishing the Rule of Law in Weak and War-torn States: Evidence

作者：

ROBERT A. BLAIR, Brown University

SABRINA M. KARIM, Cornell University

BENJAMIN S. MORSE, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

摘要：

内战后如何恢复市民对警察的信任与合作?我们报告了对利比里亚国家警察(LNP)“信心巡逻”计划的实验评估结果，该计划在14个月的时间内，在利比里亚三个县的农村社区部署了一批新接受过再培训、装备更好的警官，进行经常性巡逻。我们发现，该项目增进了对警察和利比里亚法律的了解，加强了财产权的安全，并减少了某些类型犯罪的发生率，特别是简单的攻击和家庭暴力。然而，该计划并没有提高人们对警察、法院或政府的普遍信任。我们还注意到，治疗社区的犯罪率较高，几乎完全集中在那些在现有的解决争端习惯机制下处于不利地位的群体中。我们认为这些发现对于利比里亚冲突后的治安问题甚至那些弱小和饱受战争蹂躏的国家都具有更广泛的意义。

How to restore citizens’ trust and cooperation with the police in the wake of civil war? We report results from an experimental evaluation of the Liberian National Police’s (LNP) “Confidence Patrols” program, which deployed teams of newly retrained, better-equipped police officers on recurring patrols to rural communities across three Liberian counties over a period of 14 months. We find that the program increased knowledge of the police and Liberian law, enhanced security of property rights, and reduced the incidence of some types of crime, notably simple assault and domestic violence. The program did not, however, improve trust in the police, courts, or government more generally. We also observe higher rates of crime reporting in treatment communities, concentrated almost entirely among those who were disadvantaged under prevailing customary mechanisms of dispute resolution. We consider implications of these findings for post-conflict policing in Liberia and weak and war-torn states more generally.

03 财富、奴隶所有权与为邦联而战:美国内战的实证研究

题目：

Wealth, Slave ownership, and Fighting for the Confederacy: An Empirical Study of the American Civil War

作者：

ANDREW B. HALL, Stanford University

CONNOR HUFF, Harvard University

SHIRO KURIWAKI, Harvard University

摘要：

个人财富和奴隶所有权如何影响南方人在美国内战中为邦联军队战斗的可能性?一方面，富有的南方人有免费搭乘贫穷南方人的便车、避免战争的动机；另一方面，富有的南方人是不成比例的奴隶主，因此他们与战争的结果有着更大的利害关系。我们收集了大约390万南部邦联自由公民的数据，表明奴隶主比非奴隶主更有可能战斗。然后我们利用1832年在乔治亚州举行的随机土地抽签。1850年，彩票中奖者的家庭拥有更多的奴隶，他们的儿子更有可能在南方联盟军队中服役。我们得出的结论是，与其他一些类型的财富相比，奴隶所有权迫使南方人不顾搭便车的动机去战斗，因为这增加了他们在战争结果中的风险。

How did personal wealth and slave ownership affect the likelihood Southerners fought for the Confederate Army in the American Civil War? On the one hand, wealthy Southerners had incentives to free-ride on poorer Southerners and avoid fighting; on the other hand, wealthy Southerners were disproportionately slave owners, and thus had more at stake in the outcome of the war. We assemble a dataset on roughly 3.9 million free citizens in the Confederacy and show that slave owners were more likely to fight than non-slave owners. We then exploit a randomized land lottery held in 1832 in Georgia. Households of lottery winners owned more slaves in 1850 and were more likely to have sons who fought in the Confederate Army. We conclude that slave ownership, in contrast to some other kinds of wealth, compelled Southerners to fight despite free-rider incentives because it raised their stakes in the war’s outcome.

04 1981-2016年欧洲公众的政策意识形态

题目：

Policy Ideology in European Mass Publics, 1981–2016

作者：

DEVIN CAUGHEY, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

TOM O’GRADY, University College London

CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW, George Washington University

摘要：

通过新的扩展方法和全面的公众意见数据集，我们开发了第一个基于时间序列的横断面测量欧洲大众公众的政策意识形态。我们的数据集涵盖27个国家和36年，包含对109个独特问题的近270万份调查答复。我们估计了四个问题域中每一个有序群体水平的IRT模型，得到了每个国家男性和女性在三个年龄类别中的绝对经济保守主义、相对经济保守主义、社会保守主义和移民保守主义的两年估计。综合群体水平的估计，可以得出1981-1982年至2015-2016年每两年间全国公众的平均保守主义估计。这四项措施表现出鲜明的横断面分裂和不同的时间动态，说明了欧洲大众意识形态的多维性。通过一系列验证性测试，我们发现，他们所测量的结构是不同的，而且本质上是重要的，而且他们的表现与大众保守主义的一维代理(左右自置居所和选民得分中值)一样好，甚至更好。我们预计，这些分数将被研究公共意见、选举行为、代表性和政策反馈方面的学者广泛应用。

Using new scaling methods and a comprehensive public opinion dataset, we develop the first survey based time-series–cross-sectional measures of policy ideology in European mass publics. Our dataset covers 27 countries and 36 years and contains nearly 2.7 million survey responses to 109 unique issue questions. Estimating an ordinal group-level IRT model in each of four issue domains, we obtain biennial estimates of the absolute economic conservatism, relative economic conservatism, social conservatism, and immigration conservatism of men and women in three age categories in each country. Aggregating the group-level estimates yields estimates of the average conservatism in national publics in each biennium between 1981–82 and 2015–16. The four measures exhibit contrasting cross-sectional cleavages and distinct temporal dynamics, illustrating the multidimensionality of mass ideology in Europe. Subjecting our measures to a series of validation tests, we show that the constructs they measure are distinct and substantively important and that they perform as well as or better than one-dimensional proxies for mass conservatism (left–right self-placement and median voter scores). We foresee many uses for these scores by scholars of public opinion, electoral behavior, representation, and policy feedback.

05 选举改革和代表权的权衡

题目：

Electoral Reform and Trade-Offs in Representation

作者：

MICHAEL BECHER, Institute for Advanced Study in Toulouse

IRENE MENE´ NDEZ GONZA´ LEZ, University of Mannheim

摘要：

我们研究了选举制度对代表性的两个重要特征的影响，这两个特征通常是分开研究的:政策反应性和立法者的素质。从理论上讲，我们表明，虽然比例选举制度在某些情况下比多数选举制度更能代表民众的偏好，但这种优势的代价可能是削弱对优秀政治家的选择。为了从经验上评估这种取舍的相关性，我们分析了20世纪初瑞士一场异常受控的选举改革。为了解释内生性，我们利用改革密集幅度的变化，引入了基于行政约束和选民偏好数据的比例代表制。差异性分析发现，改革力度越大，立法者与选民之间的政策一致性越高，立法力度越小，来自当代欧洲议会的证据支持了这一结论。

We examine the effect of electoral institutions on two important features of representation that are often studied separately: policy responsiveness and the quality of legislators. Theoretically, we show that while a proportional electoral system is better than a majoritarian one at representing popular preferences in some contexts, this advantage can come at the price of undermining the selection of good politicians. To empirically assess the relevance of this trade-off, we analyze an unusually controlled electoral reform in Switzerland early in the twentieth century. To account for endogeneity, we exploit variation in the intensive margin of the reform, which introduced proportional representation, based on administrative constraints and data on voter preferences. A difference-in-difference analysis finds that higher reform intensity increases the policy congruence between legislators and the electorate and reduces legislative effort. Contemporary evidence from the European Parliament supports this conclusion.

06 控选的蛛丝马迹:关于1988年墨西哥总统选举的研究

题目：

FRANCISCO CANT´U, University of Houston

作者：

DEVIN CAUGHEY, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

TOM O’GRADY, University College London

CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW, George Washington University

摘要：

本文通过记录1988年墨西哥总统选举期间选票统计的变化，探讨了非民主政权依靠舞弊的机会。我尤其研究了在集中计票过程的选举改革之后，选票的变更是如何产生的。通过运用那次选举计票表的原始图像数据库，并应用卷积神经网络(CNN)对这些选票进行分析，我发现了该国约三分之一的计票结果发生了明显变化的证据。这一实证分析表明，在没有反对党的投票站和由具有基层管理选举活动经验的州长控制的州，改变计票结果更为普遍。这项研究对于理解独裁者控制选举的方式以及引入一种新的方法来审计计票的完整性具有重要意义。

This paper investigates the opportunities for non-democratic regimes to rely on fraud by documenting the alteration of vote tallies during the 1988 presidential election in Mexico. In particular, I study how the alteration of vote returns came after an electoral reform that centralized the vote-counting process. Using an original image database of the vote-tally sheets for that election and applying Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) to analyze the sheets, I find evidence of blatant alterations in about a third of the tallies in the country. This empirical analysis shows that altered tallies were more prevalent in polling stations where the opposition was not present and in states controlled by governors with grassroots experience of managing the electoral operation. This research has implications for understanding the ways in which autocrats control elections as well as for introducing a new methodology to audit the integrity of vote tallies.

07 党派投票观察员和选举操纵

题目：

Partisan Poll Watchers and Electoral Manipulation

作者：

SERGIO J. ASCENCIO, New York University Abu Dhabi and University of New Mexico

MIGUEL R. RUEDA, Emory University

摘要：

政党如何保护自己免受选举操纵?为了回答这个问题，我们研究了在选举违规现象普遍存在的情况下，投票站党代表的存在及其对选举结果的影响。利用墨西哥众议院的选举数据，我们发现政党代表的出席与该政党的选票份额之间存在着很强的正相关关系。有证据表明，这种相关性可以归因于政党代表对选举结果的影响。我们还建立了一个博弈模型，对给定区域内各方选择的代表水平进行了博弈，并对其参数进行了结构估计。我们发现，政党把他们的代表派到他们希望对手派代表去的地方。这一发现表明，即便代表们常常深受“违规 ”之害，他们对那些违规行为却仍发挥了主要的保护作用。

How do parties protect themselves from electoral manipulation? To answer this question, we study the drivers of polling station party representatives’ presence and their impact on electoral outcomes in an environment where electoral irregularities are common. Using election data from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, we find a robust positive correlation between the presence of party representatives and that party’s vote share. The evidence suggests that this correlation can be attributed to party representatives influencing the electoral results. We also formulate a game theoretic model of the levels of representation chosen by parties in a given precinct and structurally estimate its parameters. We find that parties send their representatives where they expect their opponents to send their own. The finding suggests representatives play a primarily protective role, even when they are often involved in irregularities themselves.

08 温和派比极端主义者更有代表性吗?间接代表理论

题目：

Are Moderates Better Representatives than Extremists? A Theory of Indirect Representation

作者：

JOHN W. PATTY, Emory University

ELIZABETH MAGGIE PENN, Emory University

摘要：

几乎没有(如果有的话)民选代表能够单方面执行其纲领。相反，他们在由其他参与者和/或外部事件生成的选项之间进行选择。我们提出了选民选择代表的偏好理论，并表明在这种情况下，选民对候选人竞选纲领的偏好并不像选民对政策的偏好。我们证明这些诱导的代表偏好倾向于更极端的代表，我们提出了两种选举竞争模型，其中对代表的诱导偏好导致精英两极分化。

Few, if any, elected representatives are capable of unilaterally implementing their platforms. Rather, they choose between options generated by other actors and/or external events. We present a theory of voters’ preferences over representatives who will cast votes on their behalf, and show that in this setting voters’ preferences over candidates’ platforms will not look like voters’ preferences over policies. We demonstrate that these induced preferences for representation tend to favor more extreme representatives, and we present two models of electoral competition in which induced preferences over representatives lead to elite polarization.

09 改革的信号:腐败的威胁如何阻碍明智的决策

题目：

Signaling with Reform: How the Threat of Corruption Prevents Informed Policy-making

作者：

KEITH E. SCHNAKENBERG, Washington University

IAN R. TURNER, Yale University

摘要：

游说是腐败的一个潜在来源，但对政策制定者来说也是一个宝贵的信息来源。我们分析了一个博弈论模型，该模型显示了腐败的威胁如何影响廉洁政客的动机，促使他们寻求说客的帮助，做出更明智的决策。政客们面临着一个两难的境地，因为选民们不能总是分辨出政客是允许游说者索取腐败还是索取信息。因此，一个不腐败的政客可能会拒绝让游说者表明她不腐败，即使这样做会阻碍她制定好政策的能力。这种信号可能会降低选民的福利，这取决于丢失的政策信息相对于筛选腐败政客的价值。

Lobbying is a potential source of corruption but is also a valuable source of information for policy makers. We analyze a game-theoretic model that shows how the threat of corruption affects the incentives of non-corrupt politicians to enlist the help of lobbyists to make more informed decisions. Politicians face a dilemma because voters cannot always tell whether a politician allows access to lobbyists to solicit corruption or to seek information. Thus, a non-corrupt politician may deny access to lobbyists to signal that she is non-corrupt even though doing so impedes her ability to make good policy. This signaling may decrease the welfare of the voters depending on the value of the lost policy information relative to the value of screening out corrupt politicians.

10 帝国政治、英国法律以及美国宪法审查的战略基础

题目：

Imperial Politics, English Law, and the Strategic Foundations of Constitutional Review in America

作者：

SEAN GAILMARD, University of California, Berkeley

摘要：

在美国历史上的殖民时期，英国王室以“与英国法律相抵触”为由，对殖民地议会的行为进行审查，有时甚至予以废除。通过这种方式，《皇冠评论》对美国立法机构建立了外部的法律约束。我提出了一个正式的模型来论证皇家立法审查抵消了殖民地议会对帝国统治者施加的政治压力，即批准与帝国利益相悖的法律。模型中的最佳审查结合了法律和实质性考虑。这就给了州长们最大的动力，通过否决被认为不受欢迎的法律来避免皇室的报复。因此，为了与更高的法律保持一致而对立法进行审查，有助于国王解决帝国治理中的代理问题，并最终实现对政策的更多(但仍不完全)集中控制。我将讨论帝国主义立法审查的遗产，以供早期美国人思考法院对立法的宪法审查。

In the colonial period of American history, the British Crown reviewed, and sometimes nullified, acts of colonial assemblies for “repugnancy to the laws of England.” In this way, Crown review established external, legal constraints on American legislatures. I present a formal model to argue that Crown legislative review counteracted political pressure on imperial governors from colonial assemblies, to approve laws contrary to the empire’s interests. Optimal review in the model combines both legal and substantive considerations. This gives governors the strongest incentive to avoid royal reprisal by vetoing laws the Crown considered undesirable. Thus, review of legislation for consistency with higher law helped the Crown to grapple with agency problems in imperial governance, and ultimately achieve more (but still incomplete) centralized control over policy. I discuss the legacy of imperial legislative review for early American thinking about constitutional review of legislation by courts.

11 罪犯投票:民主表达主义和刑事强制投票

题目：

Making Offenders Vote: Democratic Expressivism and Compulsory Criminal Voting

作者：

ANDREI POAMA, Leiden University

TOM THEUNS, Utrecht University

摘要：

刑事剥夺选举权是否符合民主政治秩序?这篇文章根据最近发展起来的一种观点来考虑这个问题，即刑事剥夺公民权是正当的，因为它表达了我们对民主价值的承诺。我们称这一观点为表达剥夺，并将其作为民主表达主义基础的一般概念称为表达剥夺。与表达剥夺的支持者相反，我们认为，民主表达主义不能为犯罪剥夺表达权提供一个合理的理由。此外，我们认为，只要人们真正关心通过表达民主价值观来回应严重的刑事罪行，就应该放弃剥夺刑事权利的做法，代之以一项暂时强制有关罪犯投票的政策。换句话说，民主表达主义者应该从支持剥夺严重违法者的选举权，转向支持在有限时间内强制罪犯投票的政策。

Is criminal disenfranchisement compatible with a democratic political order? This article considers this question in light of a recently developed view that criminal disenfranchisement is justified because it expresses our commitment to democratic values. We call this view expressive disenfranchisement and refer to the general conception in which it is grounded as democratic expressivism. Contra supporters of expressive disenfranchisement, we argue that democratic expressivism does not offer a sound justification of criminal disenfranchisement. Additionally, we argue that, insofar as one really cares about answering serious criminal wrongs via an expression of democratic values, criminal disenfranchisement should be abandoned and replaced with a policy that temporarily obliges the relevant criminals to vote. Democratic expressivists should, in other words, move from supporting the disenfranchisement of serious offenders to endorsing a policy of compulsory criminal voting for a finite period of time.

12 非殖民主义解读政治:当代阿拉伯思想中的传统与方法

题目：

The Politics of Decolonial Interpretation: Tradition and Method in Contemporary Arab Thought

作者：

YASMEEN DAIFALLAH, University of California, Santa Cruz

摘要：

解释方法和非殖民化项目之间有什么关系?非殖民主义思想家在努力塑造“民族文化”时，常常援引前殖民时代的传统——一种特定于去殖民集体经历的存在、理解和自我表达的模式。虽然前殖民传统对非殖民思想的实质性贡献在后殖民和比较政治理论中得到了应有的重视，但本文的重点是阐释方法在产生非殖民思想家所设想的解放情感方面所发挥的作用。它借鉴了当代摩洛哥哲学家穆罕默德(Mohammed)的阿比达尔-贾布里(AbedAl-Jabri)的解释方法，表明其非殖民化的潜力在于其“以读者为中心”的方法。这种方法关注的是将后殖民时代读者的关系转变为前殖民时代的传统，而不仅仅是建立历史文本的真实性，或者像政治理论解释模式中更常见的那样，利用他们对当下的洞察。它通过一个断开、重新连接和实践的三个环节来实现这一点。

What is the relationship between interpretive method sand decolonizing projects? Decolonial thinkers often invoke pre-colonial traditions in their efforts to fashion “national cultures”—modes of being, understanding, and self-expression specific to a de-colonizing collectivity’s experience. While the substantive contributions of precolonial traditions to decolonial thought have received well-deserved attention in postcolonial and comparative political theory, this paper focuses on the role that interpretive methods play in generating the emancipatory sensibilities envisioned by decolonial thinkers. It draws on the contemporary Moroccan philosopher Mohammed ‘AbedAl-Jabri’s interpretive method to show that its decolonial potential lies in its “reader-centric” approach. This approach is concerned with transforming its postcolonial reader’s relationship to precolonial traditions, and not only with establishing the truth of historical texts or making use of their insights in the present as is more common in political-theoretical modes of interpretation. It does so through a tripartite process of disconnection, reconnection, and praxis.

13 建构主义与政治代表的逻辑

题目：

Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation

作者：

THOMAS FOSSEN, Leiden University

摘要：

“代表”至少有两种政治上的显著意义——为他人行动和把某物描述为某物。这种差异不仅是语义上的，也是逻辑上的:代表代理的关系是二元的(x代表y)，而描述是三元的(x代表y代表z)。我从三个方面修正了Saward以索赔为基础的方法，引入“表征”来正确识别表征性索赔的要素;用实用而非形而上学的术语解释“所指”；区分表征活动的多种形式。这使我能够澄清被代表如何既先于代表又由代表构成，并恢复皮特金的观点，即代表应“对被代表作出反应”。这些观点与关于代表的作用、代议制民主的性质和革命运动的动力的辩论有关。

There are at least two politically salient senses of “representation” --acting-for-others and portraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (x represents y), while portrayals are triadic (x represents y as z). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward’s claims-based approach on three points, introducing the“characterization” to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the “referent” in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can be both prior to representation and constituted by it, and to recover Pitkin’s idea that representatives ought to be “responsive” to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.

14 声明和诊断研究设计

题目：

Declaring and Diagnosing Research Designs

作者：

GRAEME BLAIR, University of California, Los Angeles

JASPER COOPER, University of California, San Diego

ALEXANDER COPPOCK, Yale University

MACARTAN HUMPHREYS WZB, Berlin and Columbia

摘要：

研究人员需要选择高质量的研究设计，并将这些设计清晰地传达给读者。这两项任务都很困难。我们提供了一个框架来正式地“声明”研究设计的分析相关特征，以一种明显完整的方式，应用于定性、定量和混合方法的研究。我们描述的设计声明方法需要定义世界模型(M)、查询(I)、数据策略(D)和回答策略(a)。代码中这些特性的声明为研究人员和读者提供了足够的信息，以便使用蒙特卡罗技术诊断属性，如功率、偏差、定性因果推断的准确性和其他“诊断”。“事前声明可用于改进设计和促进预先登记、分析以及对预期分析和实际分析的协调。事后声明对于描述、共享、重新分析和批评现有设计非常有用。我们提供开源软件，声明设计，实现建议的方法。

Researchers need to select high-quality research designs and communicate those designs clearly to readers. Both tasks are difficult. We provide a framework for formally “declaring” the analytically relevant features of a research design in a demonstrably complete manner, with applications to qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods research. The approach to design declaration we describe requires defining a model of the world (M), an inquiry(I), a data strategy(D), and an answer strategy(A). Declaration of these features in code provides sufficient information for researchers and readers to use Monte Carlo techniques to diagnose properties such as power, bias, accuracy of qualitative causal inferences, and other “diagnosands.” Ex ante declarations can be used to improve designs and facilitate preregistration, analysis, and reconciliation of intended and actual analyses. Expost declarations are useful for describing, sharing, reanalyzing, and critiquing existing designs. We provide open-source software, Declare Design, to implement the proposed approach.

翻译：宋婷

校对：郑静

相关阅读：

编辑：欧阳星

一审：郑   静

二审：宋   婷

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