国际顶刊 | 《欧洲政治理论杂志》2020年第4期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《欧洲政治理论杂志》2020年10月总第19卷第四期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
《欧洲政治理论杂志》为相关研究提供了备受瞩目的讨论空间。杂志内容广博、读者群国际化，虽以地理位置为名，但致力于推动政治理论中尽量广泛的原创性辩论——地缘的、历史的，以及意识形态的。本刊发表分析政治哲学、政治理论、比较政治思想，以及任何传统思想史方面的文章。本刊特别鼓励挑战正统观念、瓦解盖棺之论的作品。研究论文皆要经过国际知名学者的三重盲审，以确保至高的公正性与质量标准。
PART 2
期刊目录
Targeting rents: Global taxes on natural resources
聚焦租金：全球自然资源税
The challenges of ideal theory and appeal of secular apocalyptic thought
对理想理论的挑战和世俗末世论的吸引力
The power of ‘‘wealth, nobility and men:’’ Inequality and corruption in Machiavelli’s Florentine Histories
“富人、贵族与男人”的权力：马基雅维利《佛罗伦萨史》中的不平等与腐败
Reversing Schmitt: The sovereign as a guardian of rational pluralism and the peculiarity of the Islamic state of exception in al-Juwayn ̄ı’s dialectical theology
逆转施密特：作为理性多元主义捍卫者的主权者及Al-Juwayn̄ı辩证神学中伊斯兰例外状态的特殊性
Hayek’s neo-Roman liberalism
哈耶克的新罗马自由主义
Between mediation and critique: Quaker nonviolence in apartheid Cape Town, 1976–1990
在调解与批判之间：1976-1990年开普敦种族隔离时期贵格会的非暴力活动
From body to flesh: Lefort, Merleau-Ponty, and democratic indeterminacy
从身体到肉身：勒弗、梅洛-庞蒂与民主的不确定性
What was primitive accumulation? Reconstructing the origin of a critical concept
何谓原始积累？重构一个关键概念的起源
Property-owning democracy as an alternative to capitalism
以财产所有权民主制替代资本主义
Hume and Smith studies after Forbes and Trevor-Roper
Forbes与Trevor-Roper以降的休谟及斯密研究
PART 3
精选译文
01 聚焦租金：全球自然资源税
【题目】
Targeting rents: Global taxes on natural resources
【作者】
Magnus Reitberger
Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, Sweden
【摘要】
在我的学术著作中，我试图去理解国际政治中制度化的多边合作，以及这种合作的背景：广泛的经济依存或者全球化。经济依存带来的政治后果是什么？面临全球化的国家们，它们仅能对多边机构所指定的政策施加间接且集体式的影响，在什么条件下愿意与多边组织分享权力？我搭建了解释性框架和一些理论来回答这些问题。在其他著作中，我帮助制定了定性研究的设计规范，并探索关于机构问责制和合法性的一些规范性问题。我关于多边机构的研究是基于一个多边合作不断增加的时代。当今资本主义民主制度下的不平等、金融危机和以国家主义形式出现的民粹主义，都挑战了我之前的著作。现在，当气候变化成为了存在危机，我正在寻求理解气候变化下的国际政治和比较政治。
In my scholarly work, I have sought to understand institutionalized multilateral cooperation in world politics, and the context of such cooperation: extensive economic interdependence, or globalization. What are the political implications of economic interdependence? Under what conditions are states facing globalization willing to share their authority with multilateral organizations over whose policies they exert only indirect and collective influence? I have developed interpretive frameworks and some theory to address these issues. In other work, I have helped to develop precepts for qualitative research design, and I have explored some normative issues associated with institutional accountability and legitimacy. My work on multilateral institutions, which was done in a period of increasing multilateral cooperation, is challenged by increasing inequality in capitalist democracies, financial crisis, and nationalist forms of populism. I am now seeking to understand the international and comparative politics of climate change, which I regard as an existential crisis.
02 对理想理论的挑战和世俗末世论的吸引力
【题目】
The challenges of ideal theory and appeal of secular apocalyptic thought
【作者】
Ben Jones
Pennsylvania State University, USA
【摘要】
为什么对基督教怀有敌意的思想家或不可知论者，在通常被认为是离奇的基督教末世论中找到了解释政治的工具？本文涉及了这个困惑。首先，本文阐明了世俗末世思想这一概念及其与基督教的关系。我提议，为了避免误解，世俗末世思想的研究，应集中关注宗教末世思想对世俗思想家有明显影响的情况，因为他们明确提及了这种思想及其吸引力（如恩格斯对基督教末世思想的着迷）。其次，本文认为，末世思想（特别是我所说的灾难性末日思想（CAT））的政治吸引力，部分源于其可以为理想理论面临的持续挑战提供解决资源。理想理论家面临着多重目标：制定一个既乌托邦又可行的理想。CAT是应对这一挑战的一种潜在方法，它包含了一个乌托邦式的理想，并通过危机去实现它，由此宣布它是可行的。
Why do thinkers hostile or agnostic toward Christianity find in its apocalyptic doctrines—often seen as bizarre—appealing tools for interpreting politics? This article tackles that puzzle. First, it clarifies the concept of secular apocalyptic thought and its relation to Christianity. I propose that, to avoid imprecision, the study of secular apocalyptic thought should focus on cases where religious apocalyptic thought’s influence on secular thinkers is clear because they explicitly reference such thought and its appeal (e.g. Engels’s fascination with Christian apocalyptic thought). Second, it argues that the political appeal of apocalyptic thought—and, specifically, what I term cataclysmic apocalyptic thought (CAT)—partly lies in offering resources to navigate persistent challenges in ideal theory. The ideal theorist faces competing goals: formulating an ideal that is utopian and feasible. One potential approach to this challenge is CAT, which embraces a utopian ideal and declares it feasible through identifying crisis as the vehicle to realize it.
03 “富人、贵族与男人”的权力：马基雅维利《佛罗伦萨史》中的不平等与腐败
【题目】
The power of ‘‘wealth, nobility and men:’’ Inequality and corruption in Machiavelli’s Florentine Histories
【作者】
Amanda Maher
University of Chicago, USA
【摘要】
本文根据对马基雅维利（Machiavelli）所著《佛罗伦萨史》的解读，将社会经济不平等和政治腐败建立联系。对《佛罗伦萨史》的普遍解释，将道德腐败和内乱——马基雅维利视为佛罗伦萨共和党失败的原因——归因于早期佛罗伦萨的独特历史条件。在本文中，我将佛罗伦萨的腐败和派系主义追溯到长期以来的不平等问题。我认为，马基雅维利通过叙述佛罗伦萨两个世纪以来使得科西莫·德·美第奇（Cosimo de Medici）升任第一任公民的历史，证明了不平等对佛罗伦萨的社会关系、组织形式和集体行动方式的有害影响。同时，他描绘了佛罗伦萨从被贵族和其私人军队支配的准封建公社到由赞助人统治的现代商业城市的转变，并通过这一转变说明了不平等的偶然性，以及不平等在公民共和国中可以表现出来的特有的颠覆性。
This article draws a connection between socio-economic inequality and political corruption based on a reading of Machiavelli’s Florentine Histories. Prevailing interpretations of the Histories attribute the moral corruption and civil conflict Machiavelli condemns as the source of Florence’s republican failure to the unique historical conditions of early- modern Florence. In this article, I trace Florentine corruption and factionalism to the perennial problem of inequality. Through his narration of the two centuries of Florentine history leading up to Cosimo de Medici’s ascent to first citizen, I contend, Machiavelli demonstrates the deleterious effect of inequality on the social relations, organizational forms, and modes of collective action in Florence. At the same time, his depiction of Florence’s transformation from a quasi-feudal commune dominated by a nobility with private armies to a modern commercial city ruled through patronage illustrates the contingent modality of inequality and the particularly subversive way it can manifest in the more civil republics of the modern era.
04 逆转施密特：作为理性多元主义捍卫者的主权者及Al-Juwayn̄ı辩证神学中伊斯兰例外状态的特殊性
【题目】
Reversing Schmitt: The sovereign as a guardian of rational pluralism and the peculiarity of the Islamic state of exception in al-Juwayn ̄ı’s dialectical theology
【作者】
Ahmed Abdel Meguid
Department of Religion, Syracuse University, USA
【摘要】
这项研究通过仔细研究Ash’ar̄ı学派的重要人物之一，Al-Juwayn̄ı（d.478 AH / 1085 CE）所著的 Ghiya ̄th al-umam f ̄ı iltya ̄th az-zulam，来阐述主流逊尼派神学下的伊斯兰主权概念。同卡尔·施密特（Carl Schmitt）一样，Al-Juwayn̄ı试图通过考虑政治规范的例外状态来探索主权权力的根基。但是，al-Juwayn̄ı和施密特的立场相反。Al-Juwayn̄ı认为，用来定义主权本质的例外状态，是主权权力的缺失，而主权国家的终极任务是建立一个合理的多元化社区。本文研究了al-Juwayn̄ı对于伊斯兰奇迹（mu’jiza）的理解，并认为他对主权权力功能的表征的认识论，来源于他对理性专制主义的独特辩证性批判。
This study presents an Islamic conception of sovereignty from mainstream Sunni theology by closely examining Ghiya ̄th al-umam f ̄ı iltya ̄th az-zulam, the major political work of Abu al-Ma‘a ̄l ̄ı al-Juwayn ̄ı (d. 478 AH/1085 CE), one of the key figures of the Ash‘ar ̄ı school. Like Carl Schmitt, al-Juwayn ̄ı attempts to excavate the grounds of sovereign power by considering states of exception to political norms; however, al-Juwayn ̄ı’s position is the reverse of Schmitt’s. Al-Juwayn ̄ı argues that the state of exception, which defines the essence of sovereignty, is the absence of the sovereign power and that the ultimate task of the sovereign is to secure a rationally pluralistic community. Examining al-Juwayn ̄ı’s Islamic conception of miracle (mu‘jiza), the study argues that the epistemological foundation of his characterization of the function of the sovereign power is based on a uniquely dialectical critique of rational absolutism.
05 哈耶克的新罗马自由主义
【题目】
Hayek’s neo-Roman liberalism
【作者】
Sean Irving
University of Manchester, UK
【摘要】
本文认为，哈耶克采用了新罗马式的自由概念。事实表明，哈耶克对自由的定义，与分别由首倡新罗马（neo-Roman）概念的理论家菲利普·佩蒂特，及主导这一概念的史家昆廷·斯金纳提出的定义符合。本文继而将说明，哈耶克提供的自由谱系学缘何亦与佩蒂特和斯金纳提出的一致。这一点至关重要，因为无论是哈耶克还是以佩蒂特为首的新古典共和主义者，都不把新罗马概念当做政治理论的产物。相反，它被视作某一历史传统的支柱。哈耶克与该传统的自觉联系，印证了前述哈耶克对自由概念的写作（conceptual writing on liberty）是新罗马式的这一说法。最后，本文考察了哈耶克作品的新罗马本性如何造成了新古典共和主义者关于新罗马概念历史叙事与政治主张的复杂化。结论是，它由是可以为另一迥异的政治传统——市场自由主义——所用。
This article argues that Hayek employed a neo-Roman concept of liberty. It will show that Hayek’s definition of liberty conforms to that provided by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner, respectively the chief theorist and leading historian of the neo-Roman concept. It will go on to demonstrate how the genealogy of liberty Hayek provides is also the same as that offered by Pettit and Skinner. This is important, as the neo-Roman concept is not regarded, either by Hayek or by neo-republicans led by Pettit, as a product of political theory. Instead it is viewed as underpinning a historical tradition. Hayek’s selfconscious association with this tradition reinforces the article’s prior claim that Hayek’s conceptual writing on liberty is neo-Roman. Finally, the article considers how the neoRoman nature of Hayek’s work complicates the historical narrative and political claims the neo-republicans make for the neo-Roman concept. It concludes that it is open to use by another, very different, political tradition: free market liberalism.
06 在调解与批判之间：1976-1990年开普敦种族隔离时期贵格会的非暴力活动
【题目】
Between mediation and critique: Quaker nonviolence in apartheid Cape Town, 1976–1990
【作者】
MTC Shafer
Yale University, USA
【摘要】
法定种族隔离制度废除前的最后几年，南非开普敦的一小群贵格会教徒试图将其政治与神学上的非暴力传统用于其社会语境下的系统性不公。本文藉档案证据研究了著名非洲白人社会学家、活动家兼贵格会成员Hendrik W van der Merwe的著作。我认为，van der Merwe对贵格会的和平主义进行了不同寻常的描述，将非暴力施于参与性调解，而非公民抗争或批判之中；我还呈现了此种伦理和政治立场如何要求将“暴力”作为一种观念（idea）进行具体的概念化（specific conceptualization），以使其关于缔造和平的描述能被理解为对贵格会传统的一种阐释。对van der Merwe思想发展的研究有两重意义：它揭示了一种在非暴力与和平主义政治理论中被广泛忽视的反暴力政治形式；它也阐明了当下关于“狭义”与“广义”暴力的定义之争中具体的政治利害关系。
In the final years of legal apartheid, the small community of Quakers in Cape Town, South Africa sought to apply their tradition of political and theological nonviolence to the systematic injustice of their social context. Drawing on archival evidence, this article examines the writings of Hendrik W van der Merwe, a prominent white Afrikaner sociologist, activist, and Quaker. I argue that van der Merwe developed an unusual account of Quaker pacifism that cast nonviolence in terms of engaged mediation rather than civil resistance or critique, and I demonstrate how this ethical and political position required a specific conceptualization of “violence” as an idea in order for its account of peacemaking to be intelligible as an interpretation of that Quaker tradition. The study of the development of van der Merwe’s ideas has a twofold significance: it uncovers a form of anti-violence politics that has been widely neglected within political theories of nonviolence and pacifism, and it illuminates the concrete political stakes of ongoing debates about “narrow” and “wide” definitions of violence.
07 从身体到肉身：勒弗、梅洛-庞蒂与民主的不确定性
【题目】
From body to flesh: Lefort, Merleau-Ponty, and democratic indeterminacy
【作者】
Salih Emre Gerc¸ek
Department of Political Science, Northwestern University, USA
【摘要】
克劳德·勒弗关于民主不确定性的理论深远影响了民主理论家们的如下论证：民主时代缺乏绝对、确定的基础，无法以社会或人民的名义为集体主义的根基、为之证成。然而，鲜有读者足够关注勒弗的一项建议：我们应理解莫里斯·梅洛-庞蒂的现象学从“身体”（'body'）到“肉身”（'flesh'）的观念运动（move），以把握关于不确定性的经验。本文关注这一建议，挖掘梅洛-庞蒂现象学对不确定性的讨论如何指引了勒弗的民主不确定性思想。而更重要的是，本文揭示了，勒弗对梅洛-庞蒂肉身概念的挪用标志着其民主理论内部的某种模糊性——时而将民主不确定性呈现为创制民主集体的激进可能性，时而将其呈现为实现民主集体的决定性的不可能性。本文对勒弗关于肉身的主体中心阐释提出质疑，认为梅洛-庞蒂从身体到肉身的运动，就是在强调不确定性之为一种主体间性的、世界性的经验。对肉身的这种世界中心解读表明，民主的不确定性承诺不仅在于对集体封闭性的质疑，亦在于共有生活诸多领域中集体经验的增殖。
Claude Lefort’s theory of democratic indeterminacy has been an influential source among democratic theorists to demonstrate that democratic times lack absolute and determinate grounds on which to base and justify collectivities in the name of society or the people. However, few readers have paid sustained attention to Lefort’s advice that we should read Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenological move from the idea of ‘‘body’’ to ‘‘flesh’’ to grasp the experience of indeterminacy. This article attends to this advice, and excavates how Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenological discussion of indeterminacy guides Lefort’s idea of democratic indeterminacy. More importantly, however, the article reveals that Lefort’s appropriation of Merleau-Ponty’s concept of flesh signals an ambiguity in Lefort’s democratic theory—an ambiguity that presents democratic indeterminacy either as the radical possibility of creating democratic collectivities, or as the impossibility of decisively achieving democratic collectivities. Challenging Lefort’s subject-centered interpretation of flesh, the article contends that Merleau-Ponty’s move from body to flesh is to emphasize indeterminacy as an intersubjective, worldly experience. This world-centered reading of flesh suggests that the promise of democratic indeterminacy lies not only in questioning the closure of collectivities but also in proliferating collective experiences in many areas of common life.
08 何谓原始积累？重构一个关键概念的起源
【题目】
What was primitive accumulation? Reconstructing the origin of a critical concept
【作者】
William Clare Roberts
McGill University, Canada
【摘要】
时下对原始积累的批判性调整是在两个前提下展开的。第一，认为马克思错误地将原始积累局限于资本主义最早的历史。第二，认为马克思关于原始积累是社会主义发展必要前提作了目的论的证成。本文认为，如在同时代关于工人阶级和社会主义战略论辩的语境下解读马克思关于原始积累的论述，即可反驳上述两种批评。马克思将原始积累定义为“资本的前史”，并非否认它的当代性，而是旨在区别资本运作与其他行动者——特别是国家——的运作，后者是资本自身所必需的，但也是外部的。同样，资本通过剥削劳动力积累，国家则成了为其自身存在而依赖于资本积累的国家，这一区分再造了原始积累的历史必然性。马克思将现代国家定性为武装的、奴役性的资本，一旦资本积累的条件受到威胁，国家就愿意执行原始积累。因此，近来的重构可能抹杀马克思关于（a）资本作为财富形式的特殊性，以及（b）资本与国家关系的关键见解。
The ongoing critical redeployment of primitive accumulation proceeds under two premises. First, it is argued that Marx, erroneously, confined primitive accumulation to the earliest history of capitalism. Second, Marx is supposed to have teleologically justified primitive accumulation as a necessary precondition for socialist development. This article argues that reading Marx’s account of primitive accumulation in the context of contemporaneous debates about working class and socialist strategy rebuts both of these criticisms. Marx’s definition of primitive accumulation as the ‘prehistory of capital’ does not deny its contemporaneity, but marks the distinction between the operations of capital and those of other agencies – especially the state – which are necessary, but also external, to capital itself. This same distinction between capital, which accumulates via the exploitation of labour-power, and the state, which becomes dependent upon capitalist accumulation for its own existence, recasts the historical necessity of primitive accumulation. Marx characterizes the modern state as the armed and servile agent of capital, willing to carry out primitive accumulation wherever the conditions of capitalist accumulation are threatened. Hence, the recent reconstructions risk obliterating Marx’s key insights into the specificity of a) capital as a form of wealth and b) capital’s relationship to the state.
09 以财产所有权民主制替代资本主义
【题目】
Property-owning democracy as an alternative to capitalism
【作者】
Paul Raekstad
University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
【摘要】
艾伦·托马斯（Alan Thomas）的《平等共和国：预分配权和财产拥有权民主制》给自己设定了将新共和制政治理论和罗尔斯式正义即公平综合起来的宏伟任务。这项重要而具有挑战性的工作，将为关于正义与共和主义、财产拥有权民主、市场社会主义以及未来替代性经济制度的讨论奠定基础。在重构此书的论点后，本文转向了其值得进一步讨论的具体观点。更准确地说，本文探讨了托马斯对市场社会主义的批评，并认为这一批评没有完成自己设定的目标：阐明市场社会主义与公正即平等的不相容。在讨论并拒绝了托马斯对其他主要模式的批评之后，我讨论了关于财产拥有权民主制是否可以替代普遍资本主义形式的可行性。
Alan Thomas’ Republic of Equals: Predistribution and Property-Owning Democracy sets itself the ambitious task of synthesising neo-republican political theory and Rawlsian justice as fairness. It is an important and challenging work that will set the stage for a great deal of the discussion not only on justice and republicanism, but also on property-owning democracy, market socialism and broader discussions of alternative economic institutions to come. After reconstructing the argument of the book, this review article turns to some specific points it raises that warrant further discussion. More precisely, it examines Thomas’ critique of market socialism, arguing that it fails to do what it sets out to do: show that market socialism is incompatible with justice as fairness. Having discussed and rejected his critique of the main other model that Thomas considers, I then turn to questions of the feasibility of POD as a feasible alternative to familiar forms of capitalism.
10 Forbes与Trevor-Roper以降的休谟及斯密研究
【题目】
Hume and Smith studies after Forbes and Trevor-Roper
【作者】
Max Skjonsberg
University of St Andrews, UK
【摘要】
自Duncan Forbes和Hugh Trevor-Roper在20世纪60年代将这一主题提上议程以来，“苏格兰启蒙运动”已经促就了一项稳步增长的学术产业。大卫·休谟与亚当·斯密一开始就被公认为这一运动的主要思想家，他们的政治思想近年来也吸引了越来越多的关注。两本新著让读者有机会反思苏格兰启蒙运动研究的整体状况，特别是对休谟及斯密的研究。Christopher Berry的《休谟、斯密与苏格兰启蒙运动论文集》集录了Berry四十余年职业生涯里的诸多开创性论文。Dennis Rasmussen的《异教徒与教授》是首部处理休谟和斯密之间私人的及作为哲学家的情谊的长篇著作，令人惊叹。两本著作反映了自20世纪60年代以来苏格兰启蒙运动研究已拓展至何种地步，以及学界对休谟和斯密的持续关注。同时，它们也提出了关于该领域的未来，以及尚有哪些工作有待完成的问题。
The ‘Scottish Enlightenment’ has fostered a steadily growing academic industry since Duncan Forbes and Hugh Trevor-Roper put the subject on the map in the 1960s. David Hume and Adam Smith have from the start been widely considered as its leading thinkers, and their thoughts on politics have attracted an increasing amount of attention in recent years. Two new publications invite readers to reflect on the state of the art in Scottish Enlightenment studies in general, and especially Hume and Smith scholarship. Christopher Berry’s Essays on Hume, Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment collects many of Berry’s pathbreaking essays from a career spanning over 40 years. The Infidel and the Professor by Dennis Rasmussen is astonishingly the first book-length treatment of the private and philosophical friendship between Hume and Smith. Both publications reflect how much Scottish Enlightenment studies have expanded since the 1960s, and the sustained interest in Hume and Smith to boot. At the same time, they also raise questions about the future of the field and what remains to be done.
编 译：刘博涵 李若昱
审 校：刘博涵 李若昱
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编辑：张笑吟
一审：刘博涵
二审：袁 丁
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