国际顶刊 |《中东评论》第31卷（2022年）第1-2期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了Middle East Critique（MEC，《中东评论》）2022年第31卷第1-2期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
Middle East Critique（MEC，《中东评论》）致力于对当代中东/西亚和北非的主要政治、社会、经济和文化方面的研究，促进对中东社会的思想、价值观、社会结构和物质现实的复杂性质的批判性理解。在分析上，该刊欢迎对异质性理论方法的探索和发展。在方法上，该刊欢迎利用定性方法、混合方法和批判/正统的方法来投稿。在地理上，该刊重点关注中东地区，广义的中东地区是指从摩洛哥的大西洋沿岸到埃及和南部到苏丹的北非，从巴勒斯坦/以色列到安纳托利亚半岛（土耳其）的地中海沿岸，西亚（伊拉克、伊朗和阿富汗）和阿拉伯半岛。该刊欢迎对个别国家的不同文化、经济、政治和社会问题进行分析的文章，以及对国际政治问题/关系进行区域比较和批判性研究的文章。该刊在《科睿唯安2021年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2021）中JIF=1.630，在84种区域研究类（Area Studies-SSCI）期刊中排名第25（Q2）。
PART 2
期刊目录
Volume 31 - Issue 1 - February 2022
From the White Man’s Burden to the Responsible Saviour: Justifying Humanitarian Intervention in Libya
从白人的负担到负责任的救世主：为利比亚的人道主义干预辩护
Reflections on the Failure of the Egyptian Revolution
对埃及革命失败的反思
Women and Economic Reform in Egypt: Impact of Production Changes on Female Waged Labor Force Participation
埃及的妇女与经济改革：生产变化对女性带薪就业的影响
Multiple Consciousness and Transnationalism in Iranian Armenian Cultural Productions
伊朗亚美尼亚文化作品中的多元意识和跨国主义
Volume 31 - Issue 2 - March 2022
Decolonizing Knowledge Production: Perspective on Promotion and Tenure Regulations in Palestine and beyond
去殖民化知识产出：巴勒斯坦及其他地区的晋升和任期制度
The Mahdavi Society: The Rise of Millennialism in Iran as the Cultural Outcome of Social Movements (2000–2016)
马赫达维社会：作为社会运动文化成果的伊朗千禧年主义的兴起（2000-2016）
Land Reform and Kurdish Nationalism in Postcolonial Iraq
后殖民时期伊拉克的土地改革与库尔德民族主义
Forbidden Melodies: Music and Arab-Jewish Identity in Contemporary Mizrahi Cinema
被禁止的旋律：当代米兹拉希电影中的音乐和阿拉伯犹太人身份
Reproduction of Palestinian Heterotopic Space: Encountering First Wave of Covid-19 in East Jerusalem
巴勒斯坦异位空间再现：在东耶路撒冷遭遇第一波新冠疫情
（有删节，完整版见于《国际研究动态》）
PART 3
精选译文
Volume 31 - Issue 1 - February 2022
01 从白人的负担到负责任的救世主：为利比亚的人道主义干预辩护
【题目】
From the White Man’s Burden to the Responsible Saviour: Justifying Humanitarian Intervention in Libya
【作者】
Ilia Xypolia
【摘要】
近年来，学界对人权的政治本质的概念化处理进行重新审视，并针对整体层次上人权援助项目中西方式偏见的确切性质再次产生激烈辩论。在更新型的激进理论的推动下，越来越多的文献探讨了种族化的权力等级制借助“保护责任”原则在人权项目中所扮演的角色。本文从批判性的人权学术中汲取灵感，探讨了人权概念如何被当作对利比亚的军事干预辩护的合法化话语。在这一过程中，本文说明了以欧洲为中心的权力、权力等级制和主体性的概念化。
In recent years, there has been renewed interest in conceptualising the political nature of human rights as well as intense debate over the precise nature of Western biases in the whole project. Spurred by the fresh renewal of radical theory, a growing body of literature explores the role that racialized power hierarchies have played in the human rights project through the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine. Drawing from critical human rights scholarship, this article explores the way human rights have been employed as a legitimising discourse for justifying military intervention in Libya. In doing so, it illustrates the Eurocentric conceptualisation of power, power hierarchies and subjectivities.
02 对埃及革命失败的反思
【题目】
Reflections on the Failure of the Egyptian Revolution
【作者】
Gianni Del Panta
【摘要】
2011年1月至2013年7月，埃及经历了革命时期。虽然对埃及革命的根源和顺序进行了全面研究，但对于革命失败背后的原因却鲜有提及。革命失败的原因具有双重性：一方面，学者们普遍探讨了民主化的失败；另一方面，从逻辑上理解埃及事件的方式阻止了将2011—2013年的局势作为失败革命的案例进行分析的可能性。通过表明民主的出现是最不可能的结果并采用跨社会的方法，本文探讨了埃及社会革命的失败。特别是，一方面，世界意识形态、时代知识潮流和（据称）成功的当代革命之间的相互作用，而另一方面，由纳赛尔主义的遗产、共产主义左派的特殊命运和制度环境所共同塑造的内部背景。本文认为上述两者都对底层阶级甚至勾勒出另一种政治制度的能力产生了负面影响。公众团体的缺失导致国家机器不太可能面临崩溃，从而使革命者无法通过宪法以外的手段夺取政权并在根本上注定了革命的失败结局。
Between January 2011 and July 2013, Egypt underwent a revolutionary period. While the roots and sequences of the Egyptian revolution have been studied comprehensively, much less has been said about the reasons behind the revolution’s defeat. The reason is twofold. On the one hand, scholars prevalently have explored democratization’s failure. On the other hand, the way in which Egyptian events were understood logically prevented the possibility of analyzing the 2011–2013 situation as an example of a failed revolution. By showing that the emergence of democracy was the most unlikely outcome and adopting an inter-social approach, the present article deals with the failure of social revolution in Egypt. In particular, it argues that the interaction between worldwide ideologies, epochal intellectual currents and (supposedly) successful contemporary revolutions on the one hand, and an internal context shaped by the legacies of Nasserism, the peculiar fate of the communist left and the institutional environment on the other, negatively affected the capacity of the subaltern classes even to outline an alternative political system. The non-emergence of popular bodies rendered unlikely the collapse of state apparatuses, making it impossible for revolutionaries to take power by extra-constitutional means and determining the defeat of the revolution.
03 埃及的妇女与经济改革：生产变化对女性带薪就业的影响
【题目】
Women and Economic Reform in Egypt: Impact of Production Changes on Female Waged Labor Force Participation
【作者】
Osama Diab &Salma Ihab Hindy
【摘要】
国际货币基金组织关于埃及妇女失业问题的讨论主要集中在基础设施问题上，并认为这是妇女进入就业市场的主要障碍。公共托儿所不足和安全交通的欠缺尤其具有挑战性。作者的采访证实，这两个问题对女性至关重要。尽管如此，本文认为，对于经济生产方面的深层结构性问题及其与妇女就业的关系，特别是2016年经济改革计划（ERP）后的生产变化对妇女的影响，并未能够引起足够重视。
The IMF discourse on women’s unemployment in Egypt mostly has focused on infrastructural issues as a key barrier to women’s access to the job market. The scarcity of public nurseries and the unavailability of safe transportation are especially challenging. Our interviews confirmed that these two issues are of utmost importance to women. Nevertheless, we argue that there has been no to little focus on the deeper structural issues concerning the productive side of the economy and its relation to women employment, especially the impact of production changes on women in the aftermath of the 2016 Economic Reform Program (ERP).
04 伊朗亚美尼亚文化作品中的多元意识和跨国主义
【题目】
Multiple Consciousness and Transnationalism in Iranian Armenian Cultural Productions
【作者】
Claudia Yaghoobi
【摘要】
一个世纪前，杜波依斯（W.E.B. Du Bois）创造了“双重意识”一词来描述一个具有多方面身份的个体，特别是在非裔美国人经历的背景下。一个世纪后，杜波依斯的理论被扩展为一个名为“三重意识”的概念，以承认种族可能与民族、性别、性取向等相交的身份的交叉构建，从而产生复杂而多义的从属形式。在《边境/荒界》（Borderlands/La Frontera）一书中，通过将杜波依斯的“双重意识”概念拓展到美籍墨西哥裔女性的经历，并打破民族主义的白人中心论色彩，葛洛利亚·安沙杜瓦（Gloria Anzaldúa）将“边界”理论转化为对地理越界、性边界跨越、流离失所以及语言和文化错位的隐喻。在与这些理论家的对话中，作者考察了伊朗亚美尼亚人的“多重意识”，强调了他们对侨民的各种表达、他们渴望返回家园（亚美尼亚和伊朗）的多种方式，以及他们的多重集体意识，尤其是对1915 年（亚美尼亚）种族灭绝事件的共同记忆。作者还提供了来自文化作品的例子，这些例子展示了伊朗亚美尼亚作家的流散式跨国主义，他们与祖国保持联系，同时又在东道国定居。
A century ago, W.E.B. Du Bois coined the term 'double consciousness' to describe an individual with an identity with several facets, particularly in the context of African-American experiences. A century later, Du Bois' theory was expanded into a concept called 'triple consciousness' to acknowledge the intersectional construction of identities where race might have intersected with ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, etc. to generate complex, multivalent forms of subordination. Expanding Du Bois' concept of 'double consciousness' to Chicana experiences, and disrupting nationalist Anglocentrism, in Borderlands/La Frontera, Gloria Anzaldúa theorized the 'border' as a metaphor for geographical transgressions, sexual boundary crossings, social displacements, and linguistic and cultural dislocations. In conversation with these theorists, I examine Iranian Armenian 'multiple consciousnesses', by highlighting their various expressions of diaspora, their many ways of longing to return to a homeland (Armenia and Iran), and their multiple collective consciousnesses, particularly the shared memories of the 1915 genocide. I also provide examples from cultural productions which demonstrate the diasporic transnationalism of Iranian Armenian authors who maintain ties with their homeland while are simultaneously anchored and settled in their host nations.
Volume 31 - Issue 2 - March 2022
01 去殖民化知识产出：巴勒斯坦及其他地区的晋升和任期条例
【题目】
Decolonizing Knowledge Production: Perspective on Promotion and Tenure Regulations in Palestine and beyond
【作者】
Mudar Kassis, Rita Giacaman And Maher Hashweh
【摘要】
本文从巴勒斯坦普遍存在的晋升和任期制度出发，提出这些制度通过学界的本地化和复制霸权中心-边缘关系，使新殖民主义永久化。这种情况在使用科学计量标准来评估阿拉伯学术界产出的知识：将英语出版物置于阿拉伯语出版物之前，将期刊置于专著之前;并采用西方的假设去解释学术知识产生形式和本质时尤为明显。由此，西方主导及控制的技术在阿拉伯大学中愈发盛行。
Using the model of promotion and tenure regulations prevalent in Palestine as an impetus, this article argues that these regulations perpetuate neo-coloniality by localizing and reproducing hegemonic center–periphery relations in academia. This is especially true when it comes to using scientometric criteria in the evaluation of knowledge produced by Arab academics and which gives preference to English language over Arabic language publications, to journals over monographs, and when adopting Western assumptions about the form and substance of academic knowledge production. Consequently, Arab universities expand the reach of Western dominance and its control techniques.
02 马赫达维社会：作为社会运动文化成果的伊朗千禧年主义的兴起（2000-2016）
【题目】
The Mahdavi Society: The Rise of Millennialism in Iran as the Cultural Outcome of Social Movements (2000–2016)
【作者】
Amirhossein Teimouri
【摘要】
本研究提出了针对普遍未被研究的社会运动（尤其是右翼运动）的文化（特别是话语层面的）后果的问题。聚焦于伊朗伊斯兰右翼运动的传统话语（称为原则主义），本研究证明，为了回应自由改革运动（1997-2005年），伊朗的原则主义团体从2000年代初开始将千禧年语言武器化，以对抗自由改革派。2005年伊斯兰原则主义运动的制度化使这种政治化的语言成为主流，在艾哈迈迪尼扎德统治下的国家引发了一场新的文化改革政治，称为马赫达维话语（千禧年主义）。也就是说，马赫达维话语代表了国家政治中一种新的文化重建，或“文化工程”。然而，2009年的绿色运动以及阿拉伯起义将原则主义运动中统一的马赫达维话语划分为不同的千禧年话语。从21世纪初到叙利亚和伊拉克的伊斯兰国崛起，本研究以面向千禧年的新闻故事和事件为基础，强调千禧年话语以及以伊斯兰主义者为中心的文化工程项目是社会运动话语层面上的结果。
This study asks questions about the understudied cultural, especially discursive, consequences of social movements at large, and rightist movements in particular. Focusing on the discursive repertoire of the Islamist rightist movement in Iran (known as principlism), I demonstrate that in response to the liberal Reform Movement (1997–2005), the principlist groups in Iran weaponized a millennial language against liberal reformists beginning in the early 2000s. The institutionalization of the Islamist principlist movement in 2005 mainstreamed this politicized language, giving rise to a new cultural reform politics in the country known under Ahmadinizhad as the Mahdavi discourse (millennialism). That is, the Mahdavi discourse represented a new cultural reconfiguration, or “cultural engineering,” in state politics. However, the Green Movement of 2009 as well as the Arab uprisings divided the unified Mahdavi discourse within the principlist movement into divergent millennial discourses. Drawing on millennial-oriented news stories and events from the early 2000s until the rise of the self-identified Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, I highlight the millennial discourses, as well as the Islamist-centered cultural engineering project, as the discursive outcomes of social movements.
03 后殖民时期伊拉克的土地改革与库尔德民族主义
【题目】
Land Reform and Kurdish Nationalism in Postcolonial Iraq
【作者】
Nicola Degli Esposti
【摘要】
本文重温了伊拉克库尔德民族主义的起源，质疑了民族主义者和民族主义学者们所共有的观点，即认为1961-1975年的叛乱仅仅代表着民族觉醒。将库尔德起义放在后殖民伊拉克的社会和政治冲突中，可以看出它与1958年伊拉克革命有着密切联系。1961年起义的早期阶段必须理解为库尔德地主阶级对革命后土地改革政策和赋权农民的反应。库尔德部落和地主阶级精英通过迫使进步的城市民族主义者处于从属地位并遣散农民（以前是反殖民运动的骨干），成功地将其叛乱转变为国家革命。1961年地主阶级赢得的霸权地位，对伊拉克库尔德民族主义的发展产生了长期影响，决定了其保守的性质，并使下层阶级持续边缘化和去政治化。
This article revisits the origins of Kurdish nationalism in Iraq, problematizing the narrative, shared by nationalists and scholars alike, that presents the 1961–1975 insurgency solely as a moment of national awakening. Placing the Kurdish revolt within the social and political conflicts of postcolonial Iraq reveals its strong connection to the Iraqi Revolution of 1958. The early stages of the 1961 revolt must be understood as a reaction of the Kurdish landed class against the post-revolutionary land reform policy and the empowerment of the peasantry. The Kurdish tribal and landowning elite successfully turned its revolt into a national revolution by forcing progressive urban nationalists into a position of subordination and demobilizing the peasantry, formerly the backbone of the anticolonial movement. The hegemonic position of the landed class, won in 1961, had long-term consequences on the development of Kurdish nationalism in Iraq determining its conservative character and the persistent marginalization and depoliticization of the subaltern classes.
04 被禁止的旋律：当代米兹拉希电影中的音乐和阿拉伯犹太人身份
【题目】
Forbidden Melodies: Music and Arab-Jewish Identity in Contemporary Mizrahi Cinema
【作者】
Raz Yosef
【摘要】
本文探讨了阿拉伯音乐在当代以色列电影中对米兹拉希身份形成所起到的作用，重点关注了米兹拉希电影人在以色列拍摄的电影《乐韵客栈》、《证据》和《三个老妈》。这些电影人是以色列第二代和第三代移民，他们的父母是来自阿拉伯和穆斯林国家的犹太移民。利用阿拉伯音乐，这些电影展示了犹太人与阿拉伯人、西方与东方、以色列与中东之间大量的历史和想象关系。阿拉伯犹太人过去的记忆在现实中无法重温，作为生于以色列的第二代和第三代移民，即便他们可以前往似乎是“起源地”的地理区域，但这些米兹拉希电影人无法重新找回他们从未真正参与过的阿拉伯犹太人的过去，因此他们试图循着音乐之路，去到陌生的地方，触及陌生的历史，与陌生的人接触。在电影里，他们的米兹拉希血统根深蒂固的确定性被音乐带来的偶然性所取代。
This article explores the role Arab music has played in forming Mizrahi identity in contemporary Israeli cinema, focusing on the films “The Ballad of the Weeping Spring”, “Testimony” and “Three Mothers”, which second and third generation Mizrahi filmmakers born to Jewish immigrants from Arab and Muslim countries made in Israel. Using Arab music, these films display the vast array of historical and imaginary relations between the Jew and the Arab, West and East, Israel and the Middle East. Memory of the Arab-Jewish past is a place that cannot be revisited, even if one can travel to the geographical territory that appears to be a place of ‘origin.’ As members of the second and third generations born in Israel, these Mizrahi filmmakers cannot reclaim the Arab-Jewish past of which they never really were a part, and so they try to trace musical routes that will take them to places, histories and encounters with people they have not known before. The grounded certainty of their Mizrahi roots is replaced in the films by the contingencies of the routes that the music enabled.
05 巴勒斯坦异位空间再现：在东耶路撒冷遭遇第一波新冠疫情
【题目】
Reproduction of Palestinian Heterotopic Space: Encountering First Wave of Covid-19 in East Jerusalem
【作者】
Maha Samman and Yara Saifi
【摘要】
本文写于2020年3月至6月东耶路撒冷第一波新冠疫情期间。本文讨论了巴勒斯坦人如何在东耶路撒冷被占领的背景下应对这场疫情，以及他们如何利用自己的力量重现亨利·列斐伏尔所说的异位空间。人们在日常生活中寻求意义的同时，不断地表达着这些空间，同时处理着疫情，也受益于过去其在反以色列占领斗争中的经验。因此，本文目的在于阐明公民社会在支持地方应对疫情的行动中不断演变的作用，并从人民的角度而不是从被占领城市自上而下的角度理解新冠肺炎。方法论是多层次的：本文使用了异位空间的理论概念，并通过从米歇尔·福柯、亨利·勒菲夫尔和爱德华·索亚那里借用的社会/关于社会、时间/历史和空间/地理知识形式对其进行分析。本文观察了参与者，使用了官方和媒体信息源，也对耶路撒冷社群倡议各委员会负责人进行了半结构化采访。凭此，本研究表明，在被占领城市的疫情危机中，人们的声音怎样变得愈发重要。
This article was written during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in East Jerusalem between March and June 2020. It discusses how the Palestinians approached the pandemic within the context of occupation, and how they used their power to reproduce what Henri Lefebvre called heterotopic spaces. People articulated these spaces accumulatively as they sought meaning in their daily lives, while managing the pandemic and benefitting from their previous experiences during their struggle against Israeli occupation. Thus, the aim is to shed light on the evolving role of civil society to support local action in dealing with a pandemic and to understand COVID-19 from peoples’ perspective rather than from a top-bottom lens in occupied cities. The methodology is multilayered: We use theoretical concepts of heterotopic spaces and analyze them through the social/societal, the temporal/historical, and the spatial/geographical forms of knowledge borrowed from Michel Foucault, Henri Lefebvre, and Edward Soja. It also builds on participant observation, official and media sources, and semi-structured interviews conducted with heads of committees of the Jerusalem Cluster community initiative. Accordingly, the study illustrates how the voices of the people become more significant in taking a leading role in a pandemic crisis in an occupied city.
翻 译：郝若雯 李征宇
校 对：冯天卓 刘依云
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编辑：焦 磊
一审：李璐雅
二审：郭见田