国际顶刊 | 《美国政治科学评论》第116卷（2022年）第1期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《美国政治科学评论》第116卷（2022年）第1期文章摘要编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
American Political Science Review（美国政治科学评论）是美国政治学会旗下最知名的期刊，创刊于1906年并由剑桥大学出版社出版，是政治学最早和最具权威的学术期刊。提供同行评审的文章和评论整个学科子领域的论文。该刊的5年影响因子为5.716，2020年的影响因子为7.828，在183种政治科学类期刊中排名第4。
期刊涉及领域包括：政治理论、美国政治、公共政策、公共行政、比较政治和国际关系等。
PART 2
期刊目录
The Psychology of Online Political Hostility: A Comprehensive, Cross-National Test of the Mismatch Hypothesis
线上政治敌意的心理学分析：一项基于错配假设的跨国性综合研究
Tabloid Media Campaigns and Public Opinion: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on Euroscepticism in England
小报媒体活动和公众舆论：关于英国国内欧洲怀疑论的准实验性证据
Intellectualism, Anti-Intellectualism, and Epistemic Hubris in Red and Blue America
美国红蓝州的理智主义、反智主义和认知傲慢
How the Workplace Affects Employee Political Contributions
工作场所如何影响员工的政治献金？
Flight to Safety: COVID-Induced Changes in the Intensity of Status Quo Preference and Voting Behavior
逃向安全港：新冠肺炎引起的现状偏好和投票行为强度变化
The Case for Permanent Residency for Frontline Workers
前线工作者获得永久居住权的案例研究
Legal Civic Orders and Equitable Lived Citizenships
法制的公民秩序和平等的公民权利
At the Borders of the Body Politic: Fetal Citizens, Pregnant Migrants, and Reproductive Injustices in Immigration Detention
国界线上：胎儿公民、孕妇移民和移民拘留中的生殖不公
Rethinking Rape Culture: Revelations of Intersectional Analysis
再论强奸文化：交叉分析的启示
Deprovincializing Racial Capitalism: John Crawfurd and Settler Colonialism in India
种族资本主义去地方化：约翰·克劳福德和印度的定居殖民主义
Effective for Whom? Ethnic Identity and Nonviolent Resistance
对谁有效？种族认同与非暴力抵抗
Cash Crops, Print Technologies, and the Politicization of Ethnicity in Africa
非洲经济作物、印刷技术和种族政治化
Collaboration and Its Political Functions
合作及其政治功能
The Paradox of Civilization: Preinstitutional Sources of Security and Prosperity
文明的悖论：安全与繁荣的前体制根源
Agenda Control and Timing of Bill Initiation: A Temporal Perspective on Coalition Governance in Parliamentary Democracies
议程控制和法案启动的时机: 从时间维度看议会民主制下的联盟治理
The Curious Case of Theresa May and the Public That Did Not Rally: Gendered Reactions to Terrorist Attacks Can Cause Slumps Not Bumps
关于特蕾莎·梅和未聚集公众的奇特案例：对恐怖袭击的性别反应可能导致支持骤降而非猛增
Public Reactions to Noncompliance with Judicial Orders
关于不服从司法命令的公众反应
The Elite–Citizen Gap in International Organization Legitimacy
国际组织合法性中的精英-公民差距
Coalitional Lobbying and Intersectional Representation in American Rulemaking
美国规则制定中的联盟游说和交叉代表
The Shadow Effect of Courts: Judicial Review and the Politics of Preemptive Reform
法院的阴影效应：司法审查和先发制人的政策改革
01 线上政治敌意的心理学分析：一项基于错配假设的跨国性综合研究
【题目】
The Psychology of Online Political Hostility: A Comprehensive, Cross-National Test of the Mismatch Hypothesis
【作者】
Alexander Bor，Michael Bang Petersen
【摘要】
为什么线上的政治讨论比线下更有敌意？一个常见的回答是，人类的心理旨在服务于面对面的人际互动，因此在非个人化的线上讨论中，人的行为转而恶化。本文对这一解释进行了一项理论形式化和实证检验，即错配假设。本文认为，人类心理与线上环境的新特征之间的错配可能（a）改变人们的行为，（b）产生逆向选择效应，以及（c）使人们的看法变得带有偏向性。作者在八项研究中利用跨国调查和行为实验数据（总数为8434）检验了错配假设，但却只发现关于选择效应的有限证据。相反，有敌意的政治讨论是由地位驱动型（status-driven）个体所造成的，他们被政治吸引并且在线上和线下都同样充满敌意。最后，本文初步表明，线上讨论更有敌意的部分原因在于这些人的行为在线上比线下更加明显。
Why are online discussions about politics more hostile than offline discussions? A popular answer argues that human psychology is tailored for face-to-face interaction and people’s behavior therefore changes for the worse in impersonal online discussions. We provide a theoretical formalization and empirical test of this explanation: the mismatch hypothesis. We argue that mismatches between human psychology and novel features of online environments could (a) change people’s behavior, (b) create adverse selection effects, and (c) bias people’s perceptions. Across eight studies, leveraging cross-national surveys and behavioral experiments (total N = 8,434), we test the mismatch hypothesis but only find evidence for limited selection effects. Instead, hostile political discussions are the result of status-driven individuals who are drawn to politics and are equally hostile both online and offline. Finally, we offer initial evidence that online discussions feel more hostile, in part, because the behavior of such individuals is more visible online than offline.
02 小报媒体活动和公众舆论：关于英国国内欧洲怀疑论的准实验性证据
【题目】
Tabloid Media Campaigns and Public Opinion: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on Euroscepticism in England
【作者】
Florian Foos，Daniel Bischof
【摘要】
强大的媒体渠道是否会对公众舆论产生影响，一直是关于媒体在政治生活中所起作用的理论和实证讨论的核心。然而，由于公民在媒体消费上存在自选择，因此很难对媒体活动的影响进行研究。基于一项准实验研究——在默西塞德郡，最重要的疑欧小报《太阳报》（The Sun）因希尔斯堡足球事件（译者注：1989年，在希尔斯堡体育场发生严重踩踏事故导致96名球迷死亡另有766人受伤，太阳报随后在其报道中指责现场失控的球迷为主要事故原因。）而遭到30年抵制——作者进而确定了这场抵制运动对当地居民脱欧态度的影响。借助于横跨30年的公众舆论数据库并辅以公投结果的双重差分法分析，（编译公众号：政治学人）结果表明抵制运动导致本地区居民对于欧盟的态度变得更为积极。这一结果主要由抵制运动下日益社会化的群体和不再阅读《太阳报》工人阶级选民所推动。本文的研究结果对理解公众舆论、媒体影响以及在当代民主国家中对抗这种影响的途径具有重要意义。
Whether powerful media outlets have effects on public opinion has been at the heart of theoretical and empirical discussions about the media’s role in political life. Yet, the effects of media campaigns are difficult to study because citizens self-select into media consumption. Using a quasi-experiment—the 30-year boycott of the most important Eurosceptic tabloid newspaper, The Sun, in Merseyside caused by the Hillsborough soccer disaster—we identify the effects of The Sun boycott on attitudes toward leaving the EU. Difference-in-differences designs using public opinion data spanning three decades, supplemented by referendum results, show that the boycott caused EU attitudes to become more positive in treated areas. This effect is driven by cohorts socialized under the boycott and by working-class voters who stopped reading The Sun. Our findings have implications for our understanding of public opinion, media influence, and ways to counter such influence in contemporary democracies.
03 美国红蓝州的理智主义、反智主义和认知傲慢
【题目】
Intellectualism, Anti-Intellectualism, and Epistemic Hubris in Red and Blue America
【作者】
David C. Barker, Ryan Detamble, Morgan Marietta
【摘要】
认知傲慢——对无根据事实的确定性表达——是一种显而易见但尚未被充分研究的民主威胁。本文借助于两项具有全国代表性的研究，对其特征进行检验并对其方差进行分析。本文假设并发现，认知傲慢是（a）普遍存在的，（b）具有跨党派性，并且（c）与理智主义（以习惯性反思和为自身利益而学习为标志的特性）和反智主义（对知识分子和知识界持消极态度）相关联。此外，这些认知傲慢的相关性具有明显的党派特征：知识分子多为民主党人士，而反智分子则多为共和党支持者。据此推断，作者认为蓝州的知识分子和红州的反智分子共同促成了美国公民社会的极化和对立。
Epistemic hubris—the expression of unwarranted factual certitude—is a conspicuous yet understudied democratic hazard. Here, in two nationally representative studies, we examine its features and analyze its variance. We hypothesize, and find, that epistemic hubris is (a) prevalent, (b) bipartisan, and (c) associated with both intellectualism (an identity marked by ruminative habits and learning for its own sake) and anti-intellectualism (negative affect toward intellectuals and the intellectual establishment). Moreover, these correlates of epistemic hubris are distinctly partisan: intellectuals are disproportionately Democratic, whereas anti-intellectuals are disproportionately Republican. By implication, we suggest that both the intellectualism of Blue America and the anti-intellectualism of Red America contribute to the intemperance and intransigence that characterize civil society in the United States.
04 工作场所如何影响员工的政治献金？
【题目】
How the Workplace Affects Employee Political Contributions
【作者】
Jan Stuckatz
【摘要】
工作场所对员工的政治献金有多重要？与关注工作场所政治动员的研究相反，现有研究假设大多数个体捐助者按照自身意识形态进行政治捐款。本文将2003年至2018年间来自12737家美国上市公司的员工和政治行动委员会（PAC）的捐款联系起来，发现约16.7%的员工捐款流向了雇主所支持的候选人。本文调查了员工和政治行动委员会的捐款在企业与政客的配对之下的动态变化，并发现普通员工和高管都向公司支持的政客捐献了更多的钱。针对那些对雇主具有高价值的有权且意识形态温和的政客，企业与员工的捐赠一致性更为显著。双重差分模型的分析结果进一步表明，在企业政治行动委员会（PACs）的党派捐赠迅速变化后，员工捐赠的党派构成也相应地发生了适度转变。研究结果表明个体与党派联合的动机更多出自于金钱投资而非意识形态，并强调了企业在政治献金中的重要性。
How important is the workplace for employees’ political donations? Contrary to research on workplace political mobilization, existing work assumes that most individual donors contribute ideologically. I link donations of employees and Political Action Committees (PACs) from 12,737 U.S. public companies between 2003 and 2018 to show that 16.7% of employee donations go to employer-PAC-supported candidates. I investigate the dynamics between employee and PAC donations within firm–legislator pairs over time and find that both rank-and-file employees and executives contribute more dollars to company-supported politicians. Firm–employee donation alignment is stronger on powerful and ideologically moderate politicians with high value for the employer. Results from a difference-in-differences design further show modest changes in the partisan composition of employee donations after swift changes in the partisan donations of corporate PACs. The results suggest investment-related rather than ideological motives for alignment and highlight the importance of corporations for money in politics.
05 逃向安全港：新冠肺炎引起的现状偏好和投票行为强度变化
【题目】
Flight to Safety: COVID-Induced Changes in the Intensity of Status Quo Preference and Voting Behavior
【作者】
James Bisbee, Dan Honig
【摘要】
众所周知，焦虑与投资者行为之间的关系足以用一句谚语来概括：“逃往安全港”。本文认为焦虑改变了选民对现状的偏好强度，从而引发政治上的安全转移行为，即转向建制派候选人。本文进而阐述了新型冠状病毒爆发对投票的影响，在2020年民主党初选期间，借助新冠疫情爆发契机，拜登以7到15个百分点的优势领先于桑德斯。（编译公众号：政治学人）在一项调查实验中，置身于焦虑中的参与者倾向于选择破坏性较小的假定候选人，这进一步证实了在美国的受访者中存在安全转移现象。2020年法国市政选举和美国众议院初选的证据表明，新冠疫情引起的安全转移行为使各种环境下的主流候选人普遍受益。本文的研究结果表明，在焦虑时期人们对“安全”候选人的偏好还不够重视。
The relationship between anxiety and investor behavior is well known enough to warrant its own aphorism: a “flight to safety.” We posit that anxiety alters the intensity of voters’ preference for the status quo, inducing a political flight to safety toward establishment candidates. Leveraging the outbreak of the novel coronavirus during the Democratic primary election of 2020, we identify a causal effect of the outbreak on voting, with Biden benefiting between 7 and 15 percentage points at Sanders’s expense. A survey experiment in which participants exposed to an anxiety-inducing prompt choose the less disruptive hypothetical candidate provides further evidence of our theorized flight to safety among US-based respondents. Evidence from 2020 French municipal and US House primary elections suggests a COVID-induced flight to safety generalizes to benefit mainstream candidates across a variety of settings. Our findings suggest an as-yet under-appreciated preference for “safe” candidates in times of anxiety.
06 前线工作者获得永久居住权的案例研究
【题目】
The Case for Permanent Residency for Frontline Workers
【作者】
Mollie Gerver
【摘要】
本文进行了对新冠疫情期间经历重大风险的人授予永久居住权以提升公民安全的案例研究。提高公民安全有多种途径：包括直接形式，如医生、护理人员和护士帮助病人，以及间接形式，如农场工人生产粮食、环卫工人保持市容整洁、社会工作者响应紧急情况等。一系列这样的工作者从公民那里获得了感激，而回报他们的最好途径是授予其永久居住权。作者首先为获得永久居住权的移民辩护，其次也为未获得永久居住权的移民辩护，如果公民知悉他们所带来的益处将会同意其留下。最后作者重申了许多疫情前线的工作者不仅应当受到感激，而更应该取得类似于永久居住权的权利并履行社会公正的义务。
This article presents the case for granting permanent residency to those experiencing significant risks throughout the COVID-19 pandemic to increase citizens’ safety. Increasing safety comes in many forms: directly, as when doctors, paramedics, and nurses assist patients, and indirectly, as when farmworkers produce life-sustaining food, garbage collectors protect sanitation, and social workers respond to emergency calls. A range of such workers are owed gratitude-derived duties from citizens that are best fulfilled via permanent residency. I defend this claim first for authorized migrants and then for unauthorized migrants, whose presence citizens would consent to if they were aware of the benefits they provide. Finally, I defend the claim that many frontline workers not owed gratitude are owed duties of justice, acquiring rights similar to those of permanent residency.
07 法制的公民秩序和平等的实际公民身份
【题目】
Legal Civic Orders and Equitable Lived Citizenships
【作者】
Rogers M. Smith
【摘要】
大多数现代西方政治理论都将平等公民身份视为一种规范理念。然而，许多学者关注“合法公民身份”，并将平等公民身份视为法律权利和义务的统一。另一些人则关注“实际公民身份”的体验，并将平等公民身份视为获得足够的经济、政治和社会地位以被看做是平等公民。本文以美国为例，提供了一个统一的框架，用于映射合法公民身份与实际公民身份的关系。（编译公众号：政治学人）该理论框架的价值在于，它说明了为什么实现平等公民身份的现实努力必须以在不同类别的公民之间公平拥有经济资源、政治代表权和社会认可为目标，而非追求统一的法律权利和义务。
Most modern Western political theories embrace equal citizenship as a normative ideal. Many scholars, however, focus on “legal citizenship” and conceive of equal citizenship as uniformity of legal rights and duties. Others focus on experiences of “lived citizenship” and conceive of equal citizenship as achieving sufficient economic, political, and social standing for persons to be seen as civic equals. Using the United States as its example, this article offers a unifying framework for mapping the relationship of legal citizenship to lived citizenship. It illustrates the value of this framework by using it show why realistic efforts to achieve equal citizenship must aim for not uniform legal rights and duties but instead equity in the possession of economic resources, political representation, and social recognition among different categories of citizens.
08 国界线上：胎儿公民、孕妇移民和移民拘留中的生殖不公
【题目】
At the Borders of the Body Politic: Fetal Citizens, Pregnant Migrants, and Reproductive Injustices in Immigration Detention
【作者】
Brittany R. Leach
【摘要】
为了分析生殖和移民政治中交叉的权力关系，本文研究了加尔萨诉哈根案（Garza v. Hargan）（关于缺少监护人的未成年移民堕胎权利的上诉案件）以及拘留移民时的系统性不公正现象（例如，面临流产风险、强制绝育、戴上镣铐）。作者认为这些不公正的现象源于美国激进右翼对胎儿公民身份的冲突和妥协。尽管反堕胎和反移民的话语预设了相矛盾的公民身份逻辑，分别将移民的胎儿解释为“胎儿公民”或“锚定婴儿”，但这些矛盾被两种技术所中和。这包括了弱化（针对移民人口的系统性退化）使胎儿保护与现实中的死亡、伤害和风险共存。以及准合法化（执法人员制定的准法律政策）允许胎儿公民身份的含义发生情景性转变，并对反堕胎/反移民的妥协进行调整。二者都掩盖了生殖不公正的罪责，强化了相互交织的压迫，并掌控了女性的身体以控制美国未来的人口结构。
To analyze intersecting power relations in reproductive and immigration politics, I examine Garza v. Hargan (an appellate case regarding unaccompanied immigrant minors’ abortion rights) alongside systemic injustices in immigration detention (e.g., exposure to miscarriage risks, coerced sterilization, shackling). These injustices, I argue, emerge from conflicts and compromises over fetal citizenship within the American radical right. Although pro-life and anti-immigrant discourses assume opposing logics of citizenship, respectively interpreting immigrants’ fetuses as “fetal citizens” or “anchor babies,” these contradictions are neutralized by two techniques. Debilitation (systematic degradation of a disposable population) enables the appearance of fetal protection to coexist with de facto exposure to death, injury, and risk. Paralegality (quasi-legal policy making by enforcement agents) allows situational shifts in the meaning of fetal citizenship and adjustments to the pro-life/anti-immigrant compromise. Both obscure culpability for reproductive injustice, reinforce interlocking oppressions, and control women’s bodies in order to control the body politic’s demographic future.
09 再论强奸文化：交叉分析的启示
【题目】
Rethinking Rape Culture: Revelations of Intersectional Analysis
【作者】
Alisa Kessel
【摘要】
女权主义的主流学说通常将强奸文化定义为男性对女性进行侵略性性暴力的常态化趋势，这一定义源于20世纪70年代对父权制的激进女权主义分析，但这并未反映性暴力的交叉性。本文认为，强奸文化的概念分析必须探索除父权制之外的其他权力维度，例如白人至上主义、异性恋正统主义和资本主义剥削。交叉分析揭示了强奸文化的神话、话语和实践如何通过演变和扩展以适用于任何威胁白人异性恋父权控制的群体来维持白人男性对白人异性恋父权所有从属的控制。本文追溯了美国强奸文化观念的出现，提供了另一种关于强奸文化的交叉描述，并使用这种交叉描述分析了2013-2014年期间，关于佛罗里达州立大学学生和足球运动员杰梅斯·温斯顿（Jameis Winston）与佛罗里达州的州立大学学生艾丽卡·金斯曼（Erica Kinsman）的新闻报道。
Mainstream feminist discourse typically defines rape culture as the normalization of aggressive male sexual violence against women, a definition that emerged out of radical feminist analysis of patriarchy in the 1970s but that does not reflect the intersectionality of sexual violence. I argue that conceptual analysis of rape culture must explore other dimensions of power in addition to patriarchy, such as white supremacy, heteronormativity, and capitalist exploitation. An intersectional analysis reveals how myths, discourses, and practices of rape culture sustain white male control over all subordinates of white heteropatriarchy by evolving and expanding to apply to any group that threatens white heteropatriarchal control. This essay traces the emergence of the idea of rape culture in the United States, offers an alternative intersectional account of rape culture, and uses this alternative account to analyze a 2013–14 news story involving Florida State University student and football player Jameis Winston and Florida State University student Erica Kinsman.
10 种族资本主义去地方化：约翰·克劳福德和印度的定居殖民主义
【题目】
Deprovincializing Racial Capitalism: John Crawfurd and Settler Colonialism in India
【作者】
Onur Ulas Ince
【摘要】
近来关于种族资本主义的文献绝大多数都集中在大西洋定居者奴隶的形成上，而对欧洲帝国主义在亚洲的历史置之不理。为解决这一学术盲点，本文借助英国历史上最为著名的殖民倡导者约翰·克劳福德（John Crawfurd）的著作来还原英国殖民者曾在印度中止实行的定居殖民活动。（编译公众号：政治学人）有人认为，克劳福德关于在印度建设自由帝国的愿景摒弃了奴隶制和原住民剥削，但在其资本、劳动力和价值的概念中仍然存在深刻的种族化痕迹。克劳福德详细阐述了“种族资本理论”，该理论从以资本主义生产组织为核心的文明光谱中推导出种族类别。相应地，他的提议修改了针对殖民地的传统条款，认为印度虽劳动力过剩，但却缺乏只有欧洲殖民者才能提供的资本和技能。本文最终以跨帝国分析框架对撰写种族资本主义和定居殖民主义相关历史的更为广泛的影响结尾。
Recent literature on racial capitalism has overwhelmingly focused on the Atlantic settler-slave formation, sidelining the history of European imperialism in Asia. This article addresses this blind spot by recovering the aborted project of British settler colonialism in India through the writings of its most prominent advocate, John Crawfurd. It is argued that Crawfurd’s vision of a liberal empire in India rejected slavery and indigenous dispossession yet remained deeply racialized in its conception of capital, labor, and value. Crawfurd elaborated a “capital theory of race,” which derived racial categories from a civilizational spectrum keyed to the capitalist organization of production. His proposals accordingly revamped the conventional terms of colonization by representing India as overstocked with labor but vacant of capital and skill that only European settlers could provide. The article concludes with the broader implications of a transimperial analytic framework for writing connected histories of racial capitalism and settler colonialism.
11 对谁有效？种族认同与非暴力抵抗
【题目】
Effective for Whom? Ethnic Identity andNonviolent Resistance
【作者】
Devorah Manekin, Tamar Mitts
【摘要】
越来越多的文献发现，在影响政治变革方面，非暴力途径比暴力途径更有效。本文认为这一结论存在片面性，因为它掩盖了种族认同对运动结果的关键影响。作者认为由于普遍存在将少数族裔群体与暴力相连的负面刻板印象，这些群体即使在非暴力抵抗时也被认为更加暴力，因而增加了对他们镇压的支持，并最终阻碍了抗议活动的成功。本文表明，在跨国范围内，非暴力途径在抗议运动中的效果受种族因素的显著影响，非暴力途径只增加了占主导地位群体成功的可能性。作者随后使用了两项在美国和以色列的实验来检验本文论点。研究1发现同样的非暴力抵抗，少数族裔被认为会比主流群体更为暴力以及需要更多的警力。研究2复制并扩展了结果，通过2020年6月在美国各地掀起的种族正义抗议浪潮，发现在为相同目标抗议时白人参与者的暴力程度被认为低于黑人参与者。这些发现强调了种族认同在塑造活动观念和结果方面的重要性，强调了广泛的偏见对非暴力抵抗动员构成的障碍。
A growing literature finds that nonviolence is more successful than violence in effecting political change. We suggest that a focus on this association is incomplete, because it obscures the crucial influence of ethnic identity on campaign outcomes. We argue that because of prevalent negative stereotypes associating minority ethnic groups with violence, such groups are perceived as more violent even when resisting nonviolently, increasing support for their repression and ultimately hampering campaign success. We show that, cross-nationally, the effect of nonviolence on outcomes is significantly moderated by ethnicity, with nonviolence increasing success only for dominant groups. We then test our argument using two experiments in the United States and Israel. Study 1 finds that nonviolent resistance by ethnic minorities is perceived as more violent and requiring more policing than identical resistance by majorities. Study 2 replicates and extends the results, leveraging the wave of racial justice protests across the US in June 2020 to find that white participants are perceived as less violent than Black participants when protesting for the same goals. These findings highlight the importance of ethnic identity in shaping campaign perceptions and outcomes, underscoring the obstacles that widespread biases pose to nonviolent mobilization.
12 非洲经济作物、印刷技术和种族政治化
【题目】
Cash Crops, Print Technologies, and the Politicization of Ethnicity in Africa
【作者】
Yannick I. Pengl, Philip Roessler, Valeria Rueda
【摘要】
现代国家中的民族景观其起源是什么？利用预设的研究设计，本文探析了在 19 世纪和 20 世纪传播到整个非洲的双重社会经济革命的影响——出口农业和印刷技术。作者认为这些变化通过其对政治化和边界设定的影响转变了非洲的民族景观。印刷技术强化了想象的共同体，滋生出更显著但也更为松散的民族认同感。（编译公众号：政治学人）经济作物的赋权增加了群体的动员潜力，但在控制农业租金方面表现出更多排他性边界。基于经济作物和非洲语言出版物的历史数据，作者发现受到这些历史力量影响的群体在国家独立后更有可能参与政治生活，并且他们的成员也表现出更强的民族认同。作者以跨民族通婚为标准衡量了出口农业和印刷技术对边界制定的异质性影响：相对于经济作物而言，印刷术通过吸收与语言相关的外来者促进了更大的开放性。本文的研究结果不仅阐明了民族政治化的历史渊源，还描述了塑造民族边界形成的机制。
What are the origins of the ethnic landscapes in contemporary states? Drawing on a preregistered research design, we test the influence of dual socioeconomic revolutions that spread throughout Africa during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries—export agriculture and print technologies. We argue these changes transformed ethnicity via their effects on politicization and boundary-making. Print technologies strengthened imagined communities, leading to more salient—yet porous—ethnic identities. Cash crop endowments increased groups’ mobilizational potential but with more exclusionary boundaries to control agricultural rents. Using historical data on cash crops and African language publications, we find that groups exposed to these historical forces are more likely to be politically relevant in the postindependence period, and their members report more salient ethnic identities. We observe heterogenous effects on boundary-making as measured by interethnic marriage; relative to cash crops, printing fostered greater openness to assimilate linguistically related outsiders. Our findings illuminate not only the historical sources of ethnic politicization but also mechanisms shaping boundary formation.
13 合作及其政治功能
【题目】
Collaboration and Its Political Functions
【作者】
P.E. Digeser
【摘要】
“合作”在我们的道德和政治实践中发挥了怎样的作用？它是如何发挥这些作用的？我们使用“合作”一词来识别有价值的伙伴关系，但它同时也代表了道德上妥协的联合以及作为谴责和惩罚共谋行为的理由。然而，它也产生了负面的政治影响：支持父权制，使种族清洗合法化，并鼓吹国民团结的观念。“合作”扮演着各种各样的角色，因为它既含糊不清又模棱两可。它的含糊之处在于合作的多重概念。它之所以模棱两可，是因为它包含了难以解决甚至不可能解决的复杂案例。结合“合作”的成长历史对其进行的探究，揭示了为什么对它的研究如此令人困扰，以及它是如何以意料之外和令人不安的方式发挥作用的。
What functions does “collaboration” play in our moral and political practices and how did it come to play those roles? We use the term “collaboration” to identify a valued partnership, but it also names a morally compromised association and functions as a reason for blaming and punishing complicitous behavior. However, it has also played nefarious political roles: shoring up patriarchy, legitimizing ethnic cleansing, and bolstering a myth of national unity. “Collaboration” plays various roles because it is both ambiguous and vague. It is ambiguous in that there are multiple conceptions of collaboration, and it is vague because it contains borderline cases that are difficult, even impossible, to resolve. An exploration of “collaboration” combined with the history of its coming of age shows why its study is so vexing and how it functions in unexpected and disturbing ways.
14 文明的悖论：安全与繁荣的前体制根源
【题目】
The Paradox of Civilization: Preinstitutional Sources of Security and Prosperity
【作者】
Ernesto Dal Bó, Pablo Hernández-Lagos, Sebastián Mazzuca
【摘要】
经济盈余的产生，或说“繁荣”，为原始文明的崛起提供了经济基础。然而，繁荣吸引了掠夺，进而又阻碍了文明所需的投资。就文明的经济基础造成生存安全威胁而言，文明是自相矛盾的。文章认为，除了过剩的生产，文明还需要过剩的保护，或说“安全”。作者借鉴考古学和历史学，对一个社会在通往文明道路上所面临的权衡进行建模。文章强调了以地理环境为主的前体制力量塑造了增长和防御能力，并推导出以这些能力来摆脱文明悖论所需要的条件。文章通过分析最为古老的两种文明——苏美尔文明和埃及文明的兴起，提供了对模型的定性说明。
The production of economic surplus, or “prosperity,” was fundamental to financing the rise of pristine civilizations. Yet, prosperity attracts predation, which discourages the investments required for civilization. To the extent that the economic footing of civilization creates existential security threats, civilization is paradoxical. We claim that, in addition to surplus production, civilizations require surplus protection, or “security.” Drawing from archaeology and history, we model the trade-offs facing a society on its path to civilization. We emphasize preinstitutional forces, especially the geographical environment, that shape growth and defense capabilities and derive the conditions under which these capabilities help escape the civilizational paradox. We provide qualitative illustration of the model by analyzing the rise of the first two civilizations, Sumer and Egypt.
15 议程控制和法案启动的时机: 从时间维度看议会民主制下的联盟治理
【题目】
Agenda Control and Timing of Bill Initiation: A Temporal Perspective on CoalitionGovernance in Parliamentary Democracies
【作者】
Thomas König, Nick Lin, Xiao Lu, Thiago N. Silva, Nikoleta Yordanova, Galina Zudenkova
【摘要】
尽管民主治理施加了时间限制，但人们对政府决策活动（如法案启动）的时机仍然知之甚少。这在政府法案需要获得议会合作党同意的联合政府中尤为明显。本文提出了一个动态的时间视角，即部长们在任期开始时并不知道他们面对的是合作型还是竞争型的搭档，但随着时间的推移他们会了解到这一点，并利用其议程控制权来确定法案启动时间以作为回应。一项使用11个议会民主国家30年来的25000多项政府法案作为数据的循环回归分析（circular regression analysis）支持了这一时间视角，并表明当先前的法案经历了更多的审查时，部长们在任期后期会启动法案。当联盟政党违背妥协的动机增加且部长们缺乏足够的权力限制其法案的审查时，他们将进一步推迟法案启动。Although democratic governance imposes temporalconstraints, the timing of government policy making activities such as billinitiation is still poorly understood. This holds especially under coalitiongovernments, in which government bills need to find approval by a partner partyin parliament. We propose a dynamic temporal perspective in which ministers donot know whether they face a cooperative or competitive partner at thebeginning of a term, but they learn this over time and use their agenda controlto time further bill initiation in response. A circular regression analysisusing data on more than 25,000 government bills from 11 parliamentarydemocracies over 30 years supports this temporal perspective, showing thatministers initiate bills later in the term when their previous bills haveexperienced greater scrutiny. Ministers further delay bill initiation whencoalition parties’ incentives to deviate from compromise increase and when theyhave less power to constrain their bills’ scrutiny.16 关于特蕾莎·梅和未聚集公众的奇特案例：对恐怖袭击的性别反应可能导致支持骤降而非猛增
【题目】
The Curious Case of Theresa May and the Public That Did Not Rally: Gendered Reactions to TerroristAttacks Can Cause Slumps Not Bumps
【作者】
Mirya R. Holman, JenniferL. Merolla, Elizabeth J. Zechmeister
【摘要】
恐怖袭击通常会为在任的男性官员带来支持。由于案例较少，人们很少考虑恐怖主义对在任女性官员的评价的影响。将关于聚集支持的研究和女性政治学的研究相结合，本文衍生出一个经过性别修正的框架，即当恐怖袭击发生时公众不太倾向于团结在女性周围。一个至关重要的案例是关于英国首相特蕾莎·梅，她是一位在安全方面具有经验的时任右翼首相。文章通过一项自然实验证明了公众在2017年曼彻斯特竞技场袭击事件后并未团结起来。相反，对特蕾莎·梅的评价尤其在对女性持否定态度的群体中急剧下降。（编译公众号：政治学人）作者进一步表明，特蕾莎·梅的政党在发生袭击事件附近的地区失掉了选票。作者随后在多国检验中找到了对该论点的支持。文章的结论是，关于聚集事件的传统理论需要修正：女性领袖难以在重大恐怖袭击后获得全力支持。
Terrorist attacks routinely produce rallies for incumbent men in the executive office.With scarce cases, there has been little consideration of terrorism’sconsequences for evaluations of sitting women executives. Fusing research onrallies with scholarship on women in politics, we derive a gender-revisedframework wherein the public will be less inclined to rally around women whenterrorists attack. A critical case is UK Prime Minister Theresa May, aright-leaning incumbent with security experience. Employing a naturalexperiment, we demonstrate that the public fails to rally after the 2017Manchester Arena attack. Instead, evaluations of May decrease, with sharpdeclines among those holding negatives views about women. We further show May’sparty loses votes in areas closer to the attack. We then find support for theargument in a multinational test. We conclude that conventional theory on rallyevents requires revision: women leaders cannot count on rallies following majorterrorist attacks.
17 关于不服从司法命令的公众反应
【题目】
Public Reactions to Noncompliance with Judicial Orders
【作者】
Ryan E. Carlin, Mariana Castrellón,Varun Gauri, Isabel C. Jaramillo Sierra, Jeffrey K. Staton
【摘要】
宪法赋予了人们要求法官下达旨在纠正国家代理人侵权行为的约束性命令的权利，但国家代理人并不总是服从这一命令。学者们认为，通过让不服从的行为更容易被察觉，法庭能够借助公众压力来使他们遵从。然而，接触到有关不服从行为的信息，可能会提高个人对高度不服从行为的接受度并降低其对司法救济措施的支持。文章通过对哥伦比亚的（捍卫个人宪法权利的）监护权（tutela）进行严格的跟踪研究来估计违反司法命令的比率。进而将该比率嵌入到三项使用了全国在线定额样本的调查实验中。文章表明尽管有多种缓解因素，但公众仍认为监护权的违反率是非常不可接受的。文章还表明公众对该信息的反应取决于先前的期望，这一发现强调了认知心理学的研究对服从法律与政策的研究的重要性。
Constitutions empower people to ask judges for binding orders directing state agents toremedy rights violations, but state agents do not always comply. Scholarspropose that by making it easier to observe noncompliance, courts can leveragepublic pressure for compliance when it exists. Yet, exposure to informationabout noncompliance might lead individuals to accept high levels ofnoncompliance and reduce support for judicial remedies. We estimate the rate of noncompliance with judges’ orders via a rigorous tracking study of the Colombian tutela. We then embed this rate in three survey experiments fieldedwith online national quota samples. We show that people find the noncompliancerate in the tutela highly unacceptable regardless of a variety of mitigatingfactors. We also show that public reactions to this information depend on priorexpectations, a finding that stresses the importance of scholarship incognitive psychology for studies of compliance in law and politics.
18 国际组织合法性中的精英-公民差距
【题目】
The Elite–Citizen Gap in International Organization Legitimacy
【作者】
Lisa Dellmuth, Jan Aart Scholte,Jonas Tallberg, Soetkin Verhaegen
【摘要】
学者和决策者就精英和公民是否对国际组织（IOs）的合法性持有不同看法展开辩论。到目前为止，稀疏数据（sparse data）限制了我们证实这种差距和创设对其进行解释的理论的能力。本文针对精英和公民对国际组织合法性的看法首次进行了系统的比较分析。利用来自巴西、德国、菲律宾、俄罗斯和美国的独特的协同调查的证据，研究了对六个主要国际组织合法性的看法。文章进而发现在六个国际组织、五个国家中的四个国家以及全部六种精英类型中，都存在显著的精英-公民差距。通过对合法性理念采取一种个人层面的方法，作者认为这种差距是由精英和公民在对国际组织态度方面的系统性差异所导致的。研究结果表明，精英和公众间根深蒂固的差距可能对民主有效的国际合作构成重大挑战。Scholars and policy makers debate whether elites and citizens hold different views ofthe legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Until now, sparse data haslimited our ability to establish such gaps and to formulate theories forexplaining them. This article offers the first systematic comparative analysisof elite and citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of IOs. It examineslegitimacy beliefs toward six key IOs, drawing on uniquely coordinated surveyevidence from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the United States.We find a notable elite–citizen gap for all six IOs, four of the five countries,and all of six different elite types. Developing an individual-level approachto legitimacy beliefs, we argue that this gap is driven by systematicdifferences between elites and citizens in characteristics that matter forattitudes toward IOs. Our findings suggest that deep-seated differences betweenelites and general publics may present major challenges for democratic andeffective international cooperation.19 美国规则制定中的联盟游说和交叉代表
【题目】
Coalitional Lobbying and Intersectional Representation in American Rulemaking【作者】Maraam A. Dwidar【摘要】代表边缘群体的利益集团经常疏于为其最脆弱的选民——那些处于交叉劣势中的人的利益而游说。但他们却声称这种游说是他们的核心任务。作者认为，代表妇女、有色人种、原住民和穷人的利益集团在战略上会通过联盟游说来进行交叉游说（intersectional advocacy）。作者使用一个新的数据集来检验这一观点，该数据集涉及2004年至2014年期间由一组此类团体提交的关于拟议联邦机构规则的公共意见的联署文件。作者发现这些团体明显更有可能在联盟中寻求交叉游说，但联盟工作本身与有影响力的交叉游说无关。更确切地说，是包括组织多样性和财政能力在内的特定的联盟特征预测了这种影响。本文的结论是，合作式游说是调解利益集团游说中的代表性偏见和促使行政决策更多元化的有效策略。
Interest groups representing the marginalized regularly neglect advocacy on behalf oftheir most vulnerable constituents—those with intersectional disadvantage. Yet,they claim that such advocacy is central to their missions. I argue thatinterest groups representing women, people of color, Native nations, and thepoor strategically conduct intersectional advocacy through coalitionallobbying. I test this claim using a new dataset of cosignature patterns withinpublic comments on proposed federal agency rules submitted by a set of suchgroups between 2004 and 2014. I find that these groups are significantly morelikely to pursue intersectional advocacy in coalitions but that coalition work,alone, does not relate to influential intersectional advocacy. Rather, it isparticular coalition characteristics, including organizational diversity andfinancial capacity, that predict such influence. I conclude that collaborative lobbying is an effective tactic for mediating representational bias in interestgroup advocacy and promoting more pluralistic administrative policy making.
20 法院的阴影效应：司法审查和先发制人的政策改革
【题目】
The Shadow Effect ofCourts: Judicial Review and the Politics of Preemptive Reform
【作者】
Tommaso Pavone, Øyvind Stiansen
【摘要】
作者对法庭只能通过争端裁决来影响政策这一普遍说法提出质疑。进而从理论上提出了法庭的阴影效应（shadow effect）：决策者在预期可能的司法审查前先发制人地改变政策。美国研究表明先发制人的改革取决于诉讼利益集团对支持司法审查的决策者的施压，但本文提出的比较理论推翻了上述假定。在诉讼较少、敌意较高的政治语境中，决策者反而可能会将先发制人的改革作为武器，以防止官僚冲突触发司法监督并减少树立法院权威的案件数量。通过允许一些先发制人的司法影响来抵制直接的司法干预，桀骜不驯的决策者证明了阴影效应对法庭而言并非无条件的好事。作者通过对挪威的一项重大福利改革是如何由其劳工部内部冲突和对一个鲜为人知的国际法庭的政府抵抗运动所引发的这一问题的追踪，阐明了其理论。 Wechallenge the prevalent claim that courts can only influence policy byadjudicating disputes. Instead, we theorize the shadow effect of courts: policymakers preemptively altering policies in anticipation of possible judicialreview. While American studies imply that preemptive reforms hinge on litigious interest groups pressuring policy makers who support judicial review, we advance a comparative theory that flips these presumptions. In less litigious and more hostile political contexts, policy makers may instead weaponize preemptive reforms to preclude bureaucratic conflicts from triggering judicial oversight and starve courts of the cases they need to build their authority. Byallowing some preemptive judicial influence to resist direct judicial interference, recalcitrant policy makers demonstrate that shadow effects are notan unqualified good for courts. We illustrate our theory by tracing how a major welfare reform in Norway was triggered by a conflict within its Ministry ofLabor and a government resistance campaign targeting a little-known international court.翻 译：马丝妮、郝若雯
校 对：马丝妮、郝若雯
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