国际顶刊 | 《美国政治科学杂志》第66卷（2022年）第1期
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政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《美国政治科学杂志》2022年第66卷第1期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
American Journal of Political Science（AJPS, 《美国政治科学杂志》）致力于在公民身份、治理和政治的知识和理解方面取得重大进展，并致力于提高政治学研究的公共价值。作为美国中西部政治学协会的官方期刊，AJPS发表政治学所有主要领域的研究，包括美国政治、公共政策、国际关系、比较政治、政治方法和政治理论。
该刊寻求对政治学任何子领域的重要理论问题、经验问题或方法论的学术知识有突出贡献的稿件。该刊影响因子IF=6.081，在《科睿唯安2020年期刊引用报告》（JCR2020）中所涉及的183种政治科学期刊中排名第12位。
PART 2
期刊目录
People Haven’t Had Enough of Experts: Technocratic Attitudes among Citizens in Nine European Democracies
仍没有足够的专家：九个欧洲民主国家公民对技术官僚的态度
Redemption through Rebellion: Border Change, Lost Unity, and Nationalist Conflict
通过叛乱实现救赎：边界变化、失去统一与民族主义冲突
Ascriptive Characteristics and Perceptions of Impropriety in the Rule of Law: Race, Gender, and Public Assessments of Whether Judges Can Be Impartial
法治中的归属特征与不正当行为感知：种族、性别和公众对法官是否公正的评估
Policy Deliberation and Voter Persuasion: Experimental Evidence from an Election in the Philippines
政策审议与选民说服：来自菲律宾选举的实验证据
Parties as Disciplinarians: Charisma and Commitment Problems in Programmatic Campaigning
作为纪律者的政党：程序化竞选中的魅力和承诺问题
Polarities of the Human and Divine: Aquinas and Schmitt on Political Theology
人与神的两极：阿奎那与施密特的政治神学思想
Executive Accountability Beyond Outcomes: Experimental Evidence on Public Evaluations of Powerful Prime Ministers
超越结果的行政问责：对有权势的总理进行公开评价的实验证据
Congressional Representation: Accountability from the Constituent’s Perspective
国会代表：从选民的角度问责
Rebel Strategies and the Prospects for Peace
反叛战略与和平前景
Competing Principals? Legislative Representation in List Proportional Representation Systems
竞争主体?名单比例代表制中的立法代表
All the President’s Justices? The Impact of Presidential Copartisanship on Supreme Court Job Approval
所有总统的法官？总统党派对最高法院工作审批的影响
Conflict, Protection, and Punishment: Repercussions of Violence in Eastern DR Congo
冲突、保护和惩罚：刚果民主共和国东部暴力的影响
Measuring Attitudes toward Public Spending Using a Multivariate Tax Summary Experiment
使用多元税收汇总实验测量对公共支出的态度
How War Changes Land: Soil Fertility, Unexploded Bombs, and the Underdevelopment of Cambodia
战争如何改变土地：土壤肥力、未爆炸弹和柬埔寨的不发达
Gridlock, Bureaucratic Control, and Nonstatutory Policymaking in Congress
国会中的僵局、官僚控制和非法定政策制定
Christmas, Crescents, and Crosses: When Is Symbolic Religious Establishment Permissible?
圣诞节、新月与十字架：何时象征性的宗教机构被允许建立？
01 仍没有足够的专家：九个欧洲民主国家的公民对技术官僚的态度
【题目】
People Haven’t Had Enough of Experts: Technocratic Attitudes among Citizens in Nine European Democracies
【作者】
Eri Bertsou,Daniele Caramani
【摘要】
政治代表理论认为，技术统治和民粹主义对政党民主构成了双重挑战，同时在它们所倡导的代表制愿景中也是相互矛盾的。这些关系能否在公民偏好的层面上得到实证观察，这对替代性的代表形式意味着什么？本文从三个维度——专业知识、精英主义和反政治——来调查公民的技术官僚态度，并利用潜在类别分析，确定了九个欧洲民主国家中遵循技术官僚、民粹主义和政党民主特征的公民团体。结果表明，虽然技术官僚的态度与民粹主义的态度仍存在重要重叠，但技术官僚的态度普遍存在并可以与民粹主义的态度进行有意义的区分。我们调查了与政治行为相关的人口统计资料和公民档案中的政治态度差异，并通过强调公民对专业知识日益增长的需求在推动替代治理类型的偏好中所起的作用得出结论。
Political representation theory postulates that technocracy and populism mount a twofold challenge to party democracy, while also standing at odds with each other in the vision of representation they advocate. Can these relationships be observed empirically at the level of citizen preferences, and what does this mean for alternative forms of representation? The article investigates technocratic attitudes among citizens following three dimensions—expertise, elitism, and anti-politics—and, using latent class analysis, identifies citizen groups that follow a technocratic, populist, and party-democratic profile in nine European democracies. Results show that technocratic attitudes are pervasive and can be meaningfully distinguished from populist attitudes, though important overlaps remain. We investigate differences in demographics and political attitudes among citizen profiles that are relevant to political behavior and conclude by highlighting the role that citizens’ increasing demands for expertise play in driving preferences for alternative types of governance.
02 通过叛乱实现救赎：边界变化、失去统一与民族主义冲突
【题目】
Redemption through Rebellion: Border Change, Lost Unity, and Nationalist Conflict
【作者】
Lars-Erik Cederman, Seraina Rüegger, and Guy Schvitz
【摘要】
过去边界的改变是否导致了今天的内战?与传统的、以国家为中心的研究设计不同，本文通过关注独立于国家边界的“聚合”族群来检验这个问题。我们引入了一个新的“领土分化”指数以衡量这些群体在各州之间的分化程度，我们推测分化程度越高，发生内战的风险就越大。此外，我们预计，正如后帝国修正主义、民族统一主义和分裂案例所显示的那样，分裂加剧的群体特别容易发生暴力。为了验证论点，我们将种族定居地区的地理编码数据与我们最新收集的自1886年以来的国际边界数据相结合，并辅以基于种族民族主义主张的中介分析。我们的研究涵盖了自1946年至2017年世界各地的民族群体，我们的研究结果对纳入控制变量、固定效应和使用其他历史民族数据集来说是稳健的。
Are past border changes responsible for today’s civil wars? Departing from conventional, state-centric research designs, this article examines this question by focusing on “aggregate” ethnic groups, which are defined independently of state borders. Introducing a new index of “territorial fractionalization” that measures how fragmented such groups are across states, we postulate that higher fragmentation is linked to a greater risk of civil conflict. Furthermore, we expect that groups that experienced increases in fragmentation are particularly violence prone, as illustrated by postimperial revisionism and other cases of irredentism and secession. To test our arguments, we combine geocoded data on ethnic settlement areas with our own newly collected data on international borders since 1886, complemented by mediation analysis based on ethnonationalist claims. Covering ethnic groups around the world since 1946 through 2017, our findings are robust to the inclusion of control variables, fixed effects, and the use of alternative historical ethnicity data sets.
03 法治中的归属特征与不正当行为感知：种族、性别和公众对法官是否公正的评估
【题目】
Ascriptive Characteristics and Perceptions of Impropriety in the Rule of Law: Race, Gender, and Public Assessments of Whether Judges Can Be Impartial
【作者】
Yoshikuni Ono；Michael A. Zilis
【摘要】
对程序正义的看法影响着法律的合法性，并且由于程序是可变的，对其进行改革可以巩固对法治的支持。然而，法律当局最近面临一个明显的挑战：基于其先天特征（例如性别、种族）的不当指控。我们在美国法律体系的背景下研究这些特征的影响，重点关注在何种情况下公民会认为女性和少数族裔法官表现不当，以及与白人和男性同行相比，这些看法是怎么样的。我们发现，美国人利用法官的种族和性别来推断该法官偏袒哪些群体，她是否有内在的偏见或她是否应该回避。值得注意的是，我们发现政治右翼和左翼群体对女性和西班牙裔法官的评价截然不同。
Perceptions of procedural fairness influence the legitimacy of the law and because procedures are mutable, reforming them can buttress support for the rule of law. Yet legal authorities have recently faced a distinct challenge: accusations of impropriety based on their ascriptive characteristics (e.g., gender, ethnicity). We study the effect of these traits in the context of the U.S. legal system, focusing on the conditions under which citizens perceive female and minority judges as exhibiting impropriety and how this compares with perceptions of their white and male counterparts. We find that Americans use a judge’s race and gender to make inferences about which groups the judge favors, whether she is inherently biased, and whether she should recuse. Notably, we find drastically different evaluations of female and Hispanic judges among the political right and left.
04 政策审议与选民说服：来自菲律宾选举的实验证据
【题目】
Policy Deliberation and Voter Persuasion: Experimental Evidence from an Election in the Philippines
【作者】
Gabriel López-Moctezuma；Leonard Wantchekon；Daniel Rubenson；Thomas Fujiwara；Cecilia Pe Lero
【摘要】
在与参加菲律宾国会选举的两个全国性政党合作进行的一项随机实验中，我们估计了市政厅式竞选对投票行为的因果效应，在这种竞选中，候选人与小范围的公民讨论他们的竞选纲领。在保持政党纲领不变的情况下，我们发现，与选民扮演被动角色的现状相比，市民大会对政党的得票率有积极影响。与政党对贫困群体的倡导相一致，我们观察到收入、教育和性别的异质性影响。协商运动提高了选民对政党竞选问题的认识，影响了政党纲领的直接受益者的投票。
In a randomized experiment in cooperation with two national parties competing in a congressional election in the Philippines, we estimate the causal effect on voting behavior of a town-hall style campaign in which candidates discuss their campaign platform with small groups of citizens. Keeping the parties’ platform fixed, we find that town-hall meetings have a positive effect on parties’ vote shares compared to the status quo, in which voters play a passive role. Consistent with the parties’ advocacy for underprivileged groups, we observe heterogeneous effects by income, education, and gender. Deliberative campaigns increase voters’ awareness on the issue’s parties’ campaign on, affecting the vote of the direct beneficiaries of the parties’ platform.
05 作为纪律者的政党：程序化竞选中的魅力和承诺问题
【题目】
Parties as Disciplinarians: Charisma and Commitment Problems in Programmatic Campaigning
【作者】
James R. Hollyer；Marko Klašnja；Rocío Titiunik
【摘要】
我们研究政党如何平衡有纪律的程序化的竞选所带来的好处与魅力型候选人所具备的选举吸引力（这种候选人有不忠于选民的风险）之间的关系。我们纳入了众所周知的集体行动问题，该问题是由候选人无法完全内化程序化品牌建设的成果而产生的。尽管政党可以战略性地使用晋升来诱导品牌建设，但我们发现，当候选人魅力的选举回报率很高时，该党可能无法承诺此类晋升计划。我们进一步证明了选举的波动性和政党派系的忠诚度如何影响候选人对赢得品牌建设的承诺。选举的波动性增加了人们对候选人魅力的关注并减少了程序化竞选活动，但这种情况仅限于群体忠诚度较弱的政党。拥有忠实党员的政党既重视候选人的魅力，也重视纲领性的信息传递。对巴西、奥地利和西班牙的跨国数据及定量、定性案例研究的实证分析与我们的预测一致。
We study how parties balance the benefits of disciplined programmatic campaigning with the electoral appeal of charismatic but potentially unfaithful candidates. We incorporate the well-known collective action problem arising from candidates’ inability to fully internalize the fruits of programmatic brand building. Although parties may strategically use promotions to induce brand building efforts, we show that the party may be unable to commit to such a promotion scheme when the electoral returns to candidate charisma are high. We further demonstrate how electoral volatility and parties’ ingroup loyalties shape their commitment to reward brand building. Volatility increases the focus on candidate charisma and decreases programmatic campaigning, but only among parties with weak group attachments. Parties with loyal partisans place emphasis on both candidate charisma and programmatic messaging. Empirical analyses of cross-national data and quantitative and qualitative case studies in Brazil, Austria, and Spain are consistent with our predictions.
06 人与神的两极：阿奎那与施密特的政治神学思想
【题目】
Polarities of the Human and Divine: Aquinas and Schmitt on Political Theology
【作者】
William McCormick
【摘要】
对卡尔·施密特思想的研究使得“政治神学”研究得到了一定程度上的恢复。在这篇文章中，我认为施密特倾向于将政治神学简化为一种正当性或合法化的功能。然后我转向阿奎那来证明基督教政治神学也对政治生活提出了强有力的批评。在列出三个批判标准后，我解释了为什么基督教政治神学对政治生活表现出这种深刻的矛盾心理。我认为，政治神学的传统可以被理解为试图将两极紧张局势与这些传统协调起来。施密特和福柯这样的思想家强调一组与另一组的对立，而阿奎那则实现了真正的综合。这种综合应该是政治神学的任务。最后，我将对政治神学的更新做出说明。
The investigations of Carl Schmitt yielded an influential but partial recovery of the term “political theology.”In this article, I consider Schmitt’s tendentious reduction of political theology to a justifying or legitimizing function. I then turn to Aquinas to demonstrate that Christian political theology also offers robust criticism of political life. After laying out three such standards for criticism, I account for why Christian political theology exhibits this deep ambivalence toward political life. The traditions of political theology, I argue, can be understood as attempts to harmonize polar tensions with those traditions. Whereas thinkers like Schmitt and Foucault emphasize one set of polarities against another, Aquinas effects a genuine synthesis. This synthesis should be the task of political theology. I close with notes toward the renewal of political theology.
07 超越结果的行政问责：对有权势的总理进行公开评价的实验证据
【题目】
Executive Accountability Beyond Outcomes: Experimental Evidence on Public Evaluations of Powerful Prime Ministers
【作者】
Michael Becher;Sylvain Brouard
【摘要】
尽管许多民主国家的行政人员拥有宪法权力来绕过多数立法程序来制定政策，但政治学家对普通人是否以及何时要求行政人员对他们使用的程序负责却知之甚少。为了不仅仅将研究局限在美国总统，我们在法国进行了一系列大型调查实验，法国的信任程序制度使政府相对于议会处于强势地位。我们的实验强调，对行政人员的公开评估反映了政策和流程之间的基本权衡。如果在立法过程中面临重大反对，他们要么不得不接受政策失败，要么面临因使用程序性力量而受到惩罚的风险。这两种结果人们都不喜欢，同时，与不提供政策相比，使用信任程序的平均受欢迎程度并没有高出许多。此外，在某些情况下，行政人员最好不要立法而不是使用暴力必须立法。
Although executives in many democracies have constitutional powers to circumvent the majoritarian legislative process to make policy, political scientists know relatively little about whether and when ordinary people hold executives accountable for the process they use. To study this issue beyond the American presidency, we conduct a series of large survey experiments in France, where the institution of the confidence procedure puts the government in a strong position relative to parliament. Our experiments highlight that public evaluations of the executive reflect a fundamental trade-off between policy and process. If they face significant opposition in the legislative process, executives either have to accept policy failure or risk punishment for the use of procedural force. People dislike both results, and the average popularity gain of using the confidence procedure over not delivering the policy is modest. Moreover, in some contexts, executives are strictly better off not legislating rather than applying force.
08 国会代表：从选民的角度问责
【题目】
Congressional Representation: Accountability from the Constituent’s Perspective
【作者】
Stephen Ansolabehere and Shiro Kuriwaki
【摘要】
选民要求代表对其立法决定负责这一前提，为关于民主的政治理论和关于法定解释的法律理论提供了基础。但在个人层面上对此进行的研究很少见，只研究了少数几个问题，并得出了好坏参半的结果。我们在个人层面对议题问责制进行了广泛的评估。我们追踪了七个国会（2006-18）对 44 项法案的国会唱名表决，并将它们与选民对其代表投票的看法和他们对代表的评价联系起来。相关变量、工具变量和实验方法都表明，选民要求代表负起责任。选民对其代表的议题的认同度每增加一个标准差，就能将净支持率提高35个百分点。然而，国会选区却各不相同。因此，在地区层面，议题认同度对投票的影响要小得多，这解决了微观与宏观研究之间的明显差异。
The premise that constituents hold representatives accountable for their legislative decisions undergirds political theories of democracy and legal theories of statutory interpretation. But studies of this at the individual level are rare, examine only a handful of issues, and arrive at mixed results. We provide an extensive assessment of issue accountability at the individual level. We trace the congressional roll-call votes on 44 bills across seven Congresses (2006-18), and link them to constituent’s perceptions of their representative’s votes and their evaluation of their representative. Correlational, instrumental variables, and experimental approaches all show that constituents hold representatives accountable. A one-standard deviation increase in a constituent’s perceived issue agreement with their representative can improve net approval by 35 percentage points. Congressional districts, however, are heterogeneous. Consequently, the effect of issue agreement on vote is much smaller at the district level, resolving an apparent discrepancy between micro and macro studies.
09 反叛战略与和平前景
【题目】
Rebel Strategies and the Prospects for Peace
【作者】
Xiaoyan Qiu
【摘要】
著名的、正统的冲突理论为内战如何开始和结束提供了相当多的见解，但对它们在战时如何进行却知之甚少。一种普遍的模式是，随着时间推移，反叛战略会在冲突中产生明显的差异，有时是游击战术，有时变为常规战术。为什么叛军会在不同的战斗策略之间切换？过渡如何影响内战谈判？我开发了一个叛军—政府谈判的模型，其中叛军在多时期战争中选择战斗策略。分析表明，叛军在获得力量后会从游击战术转向常规战术，而对（自身力量）增长潜力的预期会延迟叛军向常规战斗的过渡。不同战斗策略之间的潜在转换会损害和平前景并延长内战。我指出了无论交战国如何谈判，和平都不可行的一般条件。这些条件是许多叛乱初期阶段的特征，从而解释了战争早期缺乏认真谈判的原因。
Prominent formal theories of conflict provide considerable insight into how civil wars begin and end, but offer little understanding of how they proceed during wartime. One prevalent pattern is that rebel strategies vary significantly within conflicts over time, from guerrilla to conventional tactics. Why do rebels switch between different fighting strategies? How does the transition affect civil war negotiations? I develop a model of rebel–government negotiation in which rebels choose fighting strategies throughout a multiperiod war. The analysis shows that rebels switch from guerrilla to conventional tactics after gaining strength, and the expectation of growth delays rebels’ transition to conventional fighting. The potential switch between different fighting strategies hurts the prospects for peace and prolongs civil wars. I identify the generic conditions under which peace is infeasible, no matter how belligerents negotiate. These conditions characterize the incipient stages of many rebellions, thereby explaining the lack of serious negotiations early on.
10 竞争主体？名单比例代表制中的立法代表
【题目】
Competing Principals? Legislative Representation in List Proportional Representation Systems
【作者】
Peter Buisseret;Carlo Prato
【摘要】
我们开发了一个新框架来研究名单比例代表制 (PR) 中的立法代表。我们的模型研究了立法者在各种名单比例代表制度下平衡政党领导人和地方选民竞争利益的动机。我们考虑了开放式与封闭式列表以及灵活列表——其中排名分配和偏好投票共同决定了席位的填充顺序。我们发现，更大的灵活性会使地方代表性恶化。名单的灵活性也是选民党派关系对政党凝聚力影响的关键中介。而且，我们的分析表明，较高的选区规模会鼓励代表在所有投票制度下遵守党派路线。
We develop a new framework to study legislative representation in list proportional representation (PR) systems. Our model studies a legislator’s incentives to balance the competing interests of party leaders and local voters under a variety of list PR systems. We consider open and closed lists, as well as flexible lists—in which both rank assignments and preference votes determine the order in which seats are filled. We find that more flexibility can worsen local representation. List flexibility also acts as a key mediator of the effect of voter partisanship on party cohesion. And, our analysis reveals that higher district magnitude encourages representatives to toe the party line under all ballot systems.
11 所有总统的法官？总统党派对最高法院工作审批的影响
【题目】
All the President’s Justices? The Impact of Presidential Copartisanship on Supreme Court Job Approval
【作者】
Brandon L. Bartels;Eric Kramon
【摘要】
最高法院的工作批准与它的裁决，特别是那些突出的裁决，有着明显的联系。我们通过总统任命机制，将现任总统的党派结盟（总统合作）如何影响最高法院的工作批准进行了理论化，从而填补了文献中的空白。对 1986 年至 2019 年的数据（以长期置信数据为补充）的分析表明，总统的共同党派对法院的支持程度明显高于党外支持。围绕奥巴马向特朗普过渡期间的高关注度事件进行的美国小组调查分析显示，特朗普大选获胜后，共和党人对法院的支持率明显提高，他们对特朗普改变法院的前景充满期待。民主党人的支持率只有在大法官戈尔苏赫得到确认后才会明显下降，他们对总统确认的任命者不是期待而是做出反应。我们的发现为总统如何构建对法院的公众舆论提供了新的证据，这对司法独立和合法性具有重要意义。
Supreme Court job approval is sensibly connected to its decisions, particularly salient ones. We fill a gap in the literature by theorizing—via a presidential appointment mechanism—how partisan alignment with the incumbent president (presidential copartisanship) influences Supreme Court job approval. Analysis of data from 1986 to 2019 (supplemented by longer-term confidence data) shows that a president’s copartisans are significantly more approving of the Court than outpartisans. Analysis of the American Panel Survey surrounding high-salience events during the transition from Obama to Trump shows that Republicans, who significantly increase in Court approval following Trump’s election victory, are an ticipatory of Trump’s prospects of changing the Court. Democrats, whose approval significantly declines only after Justice Gorsuch’s confirmation, are not anticipatory but reactive to the president’s confirmed appointee. Our findings generate new evidence of how the president structures public opinion toward the Court, which has important implications for judicial independence and legitimacy.
12 冲突、保护和惩罚：刚果民主共和国东部暴力的影响
【题目】
Conflict, Protection, and Punishment: Repercussions of Violence in Eastern DR Congo
【作者】
Summer Lindsey
【摘要】
对暴力侵害妇女采取容忍的态度如何受到武装冲突的影响？本文使用来自刚果民主共和国 20 个村庄的 80 个焦点小组的原始定量数据和配对设计，研究了武装暴力对惩罚针对妇女犯罪的偏好的影响。研究结果挑战了暴力侵害妇女理论中的单向逻辑。数据显示，当地接触武装暴力会加强男性对惩罚强奸犯的意愿，但会降低人们对惩罚家庭暴力的意愿。通过归纳构建，我发展了一种保护性男性规范理论，以解释武装冲突的性别影响和针对特定犯罪的影响。当武装暴力增加对当地男性保护的需求时，被认为构成社区威胁的犯罪与“私人”犯罪受到的影响是不同的。
How does armed conflict affect attitudes that tolerate violence against women? This article examines the effects of armed violence on preferences for punishing crimes against women using original quantitative data from 80 focus groups across 20 villages in Democratic Republic of Congo and a matched pair design. Challenging unidirectional logics within theories of violence against women, the data reveal that local exposure to armed violence increases how severely men prefer to punish rape while decreasing how severely men and women prefer to punish domestic violence. Building inductively, I develop a theory of protective masculine norms to account for armed conflict’s gendered and crime-specific effects. When armed violence heightens demand for local male protection, crimes perceived to pose a community threat are affected differently from “private” crimes.
13 使用多元税收汇总实验测量对公共支出的态度
【题目】
Measuring Attitudes toward Public Spending Using a Multivariate Tax Summary Experiment
【作者】
Lucy Barnes, Jack Blumenau, and Benjamin E. Lauderdale
【摘要】
由于公众对现有政府支出的了解有限且预算问题很复杂，因此很难衡量公众对支出优先事项之间权衡的看法。我们提出了一种使用连续处理、多变量选择实验的新测量策略。该实验提出了支出和税收变化时一系列的赤字中性（支出和税收变化总是正好抵消），使我们能够调查对修改现有预算的态度。然后，我们使用结构选择模型来估计公众对支出类别和税收水平的平均偏好，并作为受访者属性的函数。在我们的统计中，我们发现英国公众倾向于支付更多的税款来为主要预算的大量支出增加提供资金，他们的支出偏好是多维的，而且年轻人比老年人更喜欢较低水平的税收和支出。
It is difficult to measure public views on trade-offs between spending priorities because public understanding of existing government spending is limited and the budgetary problem is complicated. We present a new measurement strategy using a continuous treatment, multivariate choice experiment. The experiment proposes deficit-neutral bundles of changes in spending and taxation, allowing us to investigate attitudes toward modifications to the existing budget. We then use a structural choice model to estimate public preferences over spending categories and the taxation level, on average and as a function of respondent attributes. In our application, we find that the UK public favors paying more in tax to finance large spending increases across major budget categories, that spending preferences are multidimensional, and that younger people prefer lower levels of taxation and spending than older people.
14 战争如何改变土地：土壤肥力、未爆炸弹和柬埔寨的不发达
【题目】
How War Changes Land: Soil Fertility, Unexploded Bombs, and the Underdevelopment of Cambodia
【作者】
Erin Lin
【摘要】
先前的政治暴力如何远远超出暴力实施周期影响了国家后来的发展？之前的研究侧重于战后物理破坏，而没有过多关注冲突地区遗留的武器。我认为未爆弹药对农村的生计造成了直接、紧迫的威胁。个人的反应是缩短时间范围，避免投资有即时安全成本但回报遥远的活动。农作方式的短期调整会累积成国家长期的不发达和贫困。在柬埔寨，我发现历史上对高肥力土地的轰炸，即冲击引信击中软土地，更有可能导致土地歉收，会减少后续家庭生产和福利。最肥沃的土地变得生产力最低，这种逆转证明战后经济最终将回归稳定增长的假设。
How does past political violence impact subsequent development and practices, long beyond the life of the regime that perpetrated violence? Prior research focuses on physical destruction without much attention to weapons left behind in conflict zones. I contend that unexploded ordnance create direct and imminent threats to rural livelihoods. Individuals respond by shortening time horizons and avoiding investment in activities for which there is an immediate security cost but a distant return. Short-term adjustments in agricultural methods accumulate to long-term underdevelopment and poverty. In Cambodia, I find that the historic bombing of high-fertility land, where impact fuses hit soft ground and were more likely to fail, reduces contemporary household production and welfare. Counterintuitively, the most fertile land becomes the least productive. This reversal of fortune qualifies the presumption that post-war economies will eventually converge back to steady-state growth.
15 国会中的僵局、官僚控制和非法定政策制定
【题目】
Gridlock, Bureaucratic Control, and Nonstatutory Policymaking in Congress
【作者】
Alexander Bolton
【摘要】
国会中日益加剧的意识形态两极分化和功能失调引发了关于国会是否以及如何仍然能够限制三权分立制度中其他行为者的活动的问题。在本文中，我论证了在一个日益两极分化的时代，国会能够使用非法定的政策制定工具来克服立法僵局的负担，进而约束行政部门的行为者。我利用众议院和参议院拨款委员会从 1923 财年到 2019 财年发布的一组新的委员会报告数据集，实证性地探索了这些动态并评估我的论点。传统上，这些报告是国会在拨款过程中指导机构决策的主要工具。当让法案通过极为困难且跨部门代理问题极为突出时，委员会越来越多地求助于它们。通过这种方式，非法定机制可能有助于维持分支机构之间的权力平衡，即使国会面临僵局导致的无能。
Increasing ideological polarization and dysfunction in Congress raise questions about whether and how Congress remains capable of constraining the activities of other actors in the separation of powers system. In this article, I argue Congress uses nonstatutory policymaking tools to overcome the burdens of legislative gridlock in an increasingly polarized time to constrain executive branch actors. I leverage a new data set of committee reports issued by the House and Senate appropriations committees from fiscal years 1923 through 2019 to empirically explore these dynamics and evaluate my argument. Traditionally, these reports are a primary vehicle through which Congress directs agency policymaking in the appropriations process. Committees increasingly turn to them when passing legislation is most difficult and interbranch agency problems are most pronounced. In this way, nonstatutory mechanisms may help maintain the balance of power across branches, even when Congress faces gridlock-induced incapacity.
16 圣诞节、新月与十字架：何时象征性的宗教机构被允许建立？
【题目】
Christmas, Crescents, and Crosses: When Is Symbolic Religious Establishment Permissible?
【作者】
Aurélia Bardon
【摘要】
象征性的宗教机构（SRE），即国家对宗教的非强制性承认已成为政治哲学中日益激烈的争论对象。尽管 SRE 纯粹是象征性的，但有些人认为它可能是错误的，因为它传达了政治不平等的信息。然而，这种表达性论证的不确定性使其应用存在问题。本文的目的是通过提供明确的 SRE 评估指南来提高表现主义论点的适用性。我开发了一个三步测试，以帮助区分被允许和不被允许的 SRE 案例，结果发现：具有分裂性、政治性且没有适当正当理由的宗教符号是不被允许的，因为它们具有排他性信息。该论点的一个重要结果是，对遗产价值的诉求并不能为引入新的宗教符号提供合理的理由，因此这种宗教符号的新建立总是不被允许的。
Symbolic religious establishment (SRE), that is, the noncoercive recognition of religion by the state, has become the object of a growing debate in political philosophy. Although SRE is purely symbolic, some have argued that it can be wrong because of the message of political inequality that it sends. The indeterminacy of this expressive argument makes its application problematic, however. The objective of this article is to improve the applicability of the expressivist argument by providing clear guidelines of evaluation of SRE. I develop a three-step test that helps distinguish permissible from impermissible cases of SRE: religious symbols that are divisive, political, and not appropriately justified are impermissible because of their exclusionary message. One important upshot of the argument is that the appeal to the value of heritage does not provide a plausible justification for the introduction of new religious symbols, and therefore that such neo-establishment is always impermissible.
翻 译：李璐雅
校 对：王智灏
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