国际顶刊 | 《比较政治》第53卷（2022年）第3期

让每一个人自由地理解政治

让世界各地的学人成果互联互通

让政治学人的核心关切得到传播

让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空

政治学人始终在路上

本期国际化部为大家带来了Comparative Politics（CP，《比较政治》）2022年第53卷第3期文章编译。

编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。

PART 1

期刊简介

Comparative Politics（CP，《比较政治》）是由纽约城市大学负责的比较政治领域顶级国际期刊，始于1968年，分别在每年1月、4月、7月、10月出版。期刊主要呈现针对政治制度和政治过程比较研究、政治机构和行为比较分析的学术文章，旨在促进比较政治理论的发展，以及将比较理论分析应用于政治问题的实证调查，并借此平台与向社会科学家、学者、学生、公众和NGO官员传达新的观点和研究结果，交流新的想法和研究发现，受到世界各地研究机构、基金会和领事馆的专家的重视。该刊在《科睿唯安2021年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2021）中JIF=2.177，在187种政治科学类（Political Science-SSCI）期刊中排名第83（Q2）。

PART 2

期刊目录

1. Left Behind: Labor Unions and Redistributive Policy under the Brazilian Workers’ Party

   左翼之后：巴西劳工党治下的工会和再分配政策

2. Party Systems and Redistribution in Democratic Latin America

   拉丁美洲民主国家的政党制度和再分配政策

3. Political, Not Partisan: The Tunisian General Labor Union under Democracy

   政治性而非党派性：民主制度下的突尼斯总工会

4. Going Out or Opting Out? Capital, Political Vulnerability, and the State in China’s Outward Investment

   走出去还是选择退出？中国对外投资中的资本、政治脆弱性与国家

5. Purifying the Religion: An Analysis of Haram Targeting among Salafi Jihadi Groups

   净化宗教：对圣战派萨拉菲组织“哈拉姆”目标的分析

6. Political Discourse and Public Attitudes toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey

   土耳其对待叙利亚难民的政治话语和公众态度

7. Ethnicity and Violence in Weak States: Understanding the Mechanisms

   弱国的种族和暴力：理解作用机制

PART 3

精选译文

01 左翼之后：巴西劳工党治下的工会和再分配政策

【题目】

Left Behind: Labor Unions and Redistributive Policy under the Brazilian Workers’ Party

【作者】

Andrés Schipani

【摘要】

左翼政府如何在争取工会支持和维持商业部门的信任之间进行权衡谈判？学者们认为，当强大的工会与集权的左翼政党有紧密联系时，左翼政党将保持对其劳工基础的负责。但我认为，党与工会的密切联系，以及政党领导权的集中化，实际上可能使左翼总统免受来自底层的再分配压力。当党与工会的关系允许劳工领袖作为职业政治家发展事业时，这些领袖就会更多回应政党目标，而非劳工基础。此外，一个集权的政党组织可以将工会和左翼派别排除在再分配政策的设计之外。为了验证我的论点，我使用了劳工党（PT）管理下的巴西作为研究案例。

How do leftist governments negotiate the trade-off between courting union support and maintaining the business sector’s trust? Scholars have argued that leftist parties will remain accountable to their labor base when powerful unions have strong ties to centralized leftist parties. However, I argue that strong party-union ties and party leadership centralization may, in fact, insulate leftist presidents against redistributive pressures from below. When party-union ties allow labor leaders to develop careers as professional politicians, these leaders become more responsive to the party’s goals than to their union base. Further, a centralized party organization can exclude unions and leftist factions from the design of redistributive policies. To test my argument, I use a case study of Brazil under the administration of the Worker’s Party (PT).

02 拉丁美洲民主国家的政党制度和再分配政策

【题目】

Party Systems and Redistribution in Democratic Latin America

【作者】

Vincent Mauro

【摘要】

席卷拉丁美洲的再分配浪潮为“强调民主与政治左翼对民主再分配重要性”的现有解释提供了可信度。然而，这些理论都没能说明拉丁美洲当代不平等政治背后的全貌。本文强调了政党制度对民主再分配的重要性，特别是它们在扩大社会政策范围以及激发竞争性选举情形方面的作用，这些环境激励政治精英进行再分配，导致不平等现象随着时间的推移得到改善。本文利用涵盖1990-2015年期间的15个拉丁美洲国家的时间序列横截面数据集，并将分析扩展到65个全球民主国家，发现具有制度化政党制度的国家较之那些不成熟的国家表现出更大程度的收入再分配和更低的不平等水平。

A redistributive wave across Latin America provided credence to existing explanations that emphasize the importance of democracy and the political left for democratic redistribution. Yet, neither of these theories tells the entire story behind the contemporary politics of inequality in Latin America. This article stresses the importance of party systems for democratic redistribution, especially their role in increasing the scope of social policy as well as igniting competitive electoral environments that incentivize political elites to redistribute, leading to the amelioration of inequality over time. Utilizing a time-series cross-sectional dataset on fifteen Latin American countries covering the period of 1990–2015, and extending the analysis to sixty-five global democracies, this article finds that countries with institutionalized party systems exhibit greater income redistribution and lower levels of inequality than those with inchoate counterparts.

03 政治性而非党派性：民主制度下的突尼斯总工会

【题目】

Political, Not Partisan: The Tunisian General Labor Union under Democracy

【作者】

Dina Bishara, Sharan Grewal

【摘要】

在民主过渡时期，工会在什么条件下参加选举？传统的解释集中在工会的经济利益、组织力量和推动民主化的积极性上。然而，突尼斯总工会（UGTT）的行为挑战了这些预期。尽管它具有组织力量和在国家转型中的突出作用，以及存在参与竞选的经济激励，突尼斯总工会还是回避了参与正式选举。本文利用这个案例来理论化一个影响选举行为的额外因素：内部凝聚力。根据对工会领导人的深入访谈和对工会成员的原始调查数据，我们展示了即便工会在其他方面有能力参与选举的情况下，内部分裂的威胁是如何作为一个强大制约因素的。

Under what conditions do trade unions participate in elections during democratic transitions? Conventional explanations focus on unions’ economic interests, organizational power, and militancy in the lead-up to democratization. The behavior of the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), however, challenges these expectations. Despite its organizational strength and prominent role in the country’s transition, as well as the presence of economic incentives for participation, the UGTT has eschewed formal electoral participation. This article leverages this case to theorize an additional factor shaping electoral behavior: internal cohesion. Drawing on in-depth interviews with union leaders and original survey data of union members, we show how the threat of internal fragmentation acts as a powerful internal constraint, even in situations where unions are otherwise well-positioned to engage in elections.

04 走出去还是选择退出？中国对外投资中的资本、政治脆弱性与国家

【题目】

Going Out or Opting Out? Capital, Political Vulnerability, and the State in China’s Outward Investment

【作者】

Meg Rithmire

【摘要】

政商关系如何与威权体制下的对外投资相互作用？本文重点讨论国内政治地位的重要性，特别在解释中国对外投资动力时，企业对国家的脆弱性。我介绍了三种类型的国内资本，它们在出海时的经济和政治逻辑是不同的：战术性资本追求政治权力和声望，竞争性资本追求商业目标，而裙带资本则寻求国家的庇护和资产出逃。中国政权对对外投资的做法，我将其描述为随着时间推移而调整的动员运动，并与定向的国内监管相结合，努力以不同的方式对待这些不同类型的资本，部署和约束战术资本，扶持竞争性资本，并限制裙带资本。

How do state-business relations interact with outward investment in authoritarian regimes? This article focuses on the importance of domestic political status and specifically business’ vulnerability to the state in explaining the dynamics of China’s outward investments. I present three types of domestic capital whose economic and political logics differ as they go abroad: tactical capital pursues political power and prestige, competitive capital pursues commercial goals, and crony capital seeks refuge from the state and asset expatriation. The Chinese regime’s approach to outward investment, which I characterize as mobilization campaigns adjusted over time and combined with targeted domestic regulation, endeavors to treat these different kinds of capital differently, deploying and disciplining tactical capital, enabling competitive capital, and constraining crony capital.

05 净化宗教：对圣战派萨拉菲组织“哈拉姆”目标的分析

【题目】

Purifying the Religion: An Analysis of Haram Targeting among Salafi Jihadi Groups

【作者】

David Siroky, Emil Souleimanov, Jean-François Ratelle, Milos Popovic

【摘要】

伊斯兰法将任何被禁止的行为、物品、饮料或食物都称为 "哈拉姆"。尽管认同类似的萨拉菲意识形态，但很少有圣战组织对 "哈拉姆"目标（如妓院、赌场、雕像、酒类商店、男女共学学校和同性恋俱乐部）使用暴力。本研究认为，以哈拉姆为中心的暴力将种族混杂的圣战组织团结起来，培养出一种超然的伊斯兰教身份，使其能够克服集体行动问题。因此，种族混杂的组织比同质化的圣战组织更多地采用了以“哈拉姆”为目标的手段。我们的分析使用了新的群体分类数据，证明了无论在达吉斯坦还是全球范围内，圣战派萨拉菲组织的种族结构决定了其“哈拉姆”目标。本文讨论了这些发现和未来对宗教暴力的研究方向。

Islamic law denotes as haram any forbidden behavior, object, beverage, or food. Despite subscribing to a similar Salafi ideology, very few jihadi groups use violence against haram targets (e.g., brothels, casinos, statues, liquor stores, mixed sex schools, and gay clubs). This study argues that haram-centered violence unites ethnically-mixed jihadi groups by fostering a superordinate Islamic identity that enables them to overcome their collective action problems. As a result, ethnically-mixed Salafi jihadi groups deploy haram targeting much more than homogenous ones. Using new disaggregated group-level data, our analyses demonstrate that the ethnic structure of Salafi jihadi groups shapes haram targeting, both in Dagestan and on a global scale. The article discusses these findings and directions for future research on religious violence.

06 土耳其对待叙利亚难民的政治话语和公众态度

【题目】

Political Discourse and Public Attitudes toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey

【作者】

Burcu Pinar Alakoc, Gulay Ugur Goksel, Alan Zarychta

【摘要】

在全世界难民危机激增的情况下，保持对难民的积极态度是一个优先事项。本研究利用对土耳其四省公民进行的85次深入访谈，从而确定了土耳其政治话语中的突出框架，并要求个人讲述其对叙利亚难民态度形成的自我叙事。我们发现，大多数受访者的叙述包括多个框架，这证实了态度往往是矛盾因素的产物。此外，人道主义和共同的宗教信仰，这些被认为是支持积极态度的框架，在这里却并没有直接的关联。人道主义在早期是一种积极的力量，但随着同情倦怠的出现，它有了局限性。另外，受访者描述的是宗教实践两极化差异，而非共同的宗教信仰。我们的研究强调了在非西方环境中研究态度的形成，对理解和支持社会包容难民的重要性。

Sustaining positive attitudes toward refugees is a priority as refugee crises surge worldwide. This study draws on eighty-five in-depth interviews with citizens in four provinces across Turkey. We identified prominent frames from Turkish political discourse and asked individuals to recount their self-narratives of attitude formation about Syrian refugees. We find that most respondents’ narratives included multiple frames, confirming that attitudes are often products of contradictory factors. Furthermore, humanitarianism and shared religion, frames thought to support positive attitudes, did not have such straightforward associations here. Humanitarianism was a positive force early, but had limits as compassion fatigue set in, and respondents described polarizing differences in religious practices rather than shared religion. Our work highlights the importance of examining attitude formation in non-Western settings for understanding views about and supporting societal inclusion of refugees.

07 弱国的种族和暴力：理解作用机制

【题目】

Ethnicity and Violence in Weak States: Understanding the Mechanisms

【作者】

Philip A. Martin, Andrew Cesare Miller

【摘要】

在过去的十年中，政治暴力研究深受冲突的 "民族政治排斥 "模式的影响，这一研究传统强调将民族身份与冲突过程联系起来的群体作用机制。本评论文章研究了最近的三本书，它们代表了新一轮的研究热潮，即研究不同的社会、政治和制度过程是如何引起种族组织暴力的。这些著作有几个显著的贡献。它们超越了静态的、结构主义的方法来理解民族“怨恨”的出现，并将注意力集中在放大或抑制种族诉求显著性的动态过程和国家政策上。它们还对民族人口分布在国内冲突的发生和终止中所发挥的细微作用有了新的认识。

In the past decade, political violence research has been deeply shaped by the “ethnopolitical exclusion” model of conflict, a research tradition that emphasizes the group-level mechanisms connecting ethnic identity to conflict processes. This review article examines three recent books that represent a new wave of scholarship that studies how different social, political, and institutional processes give rise to ethnically-organized violence. These works make several notable contributions. They move beyond static, structuralist approaches for understanding the emergence of ethnic “grievances” and focus attention on the dynamic processes and state policies that amplify or curb the political salience of ethnic appeals. They also shed new light on the nuanced role that ethnic demographic distributions play in the onset and termination of intrastate conflict.

翻  译：田舒宁

校  对：陈宇洋

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编辑：焦   磊

一审：郭见田

二审：李璐雅