刊讯｜SSCI 期刊《中国语言学学报》2024年第1期
JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS
Volume 52, Number 1, 2024
JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS（SSCI四区，2022 IF：0.2，排名：184/194）2024年第1-2期共发文16篇，其中2024年第1期刊文9篇，研究论文涉及神经语言学研究、汉语语法研究、语音学研究等方面。2024年第2期刊文7篇，研究论文涉及声调、小句标句词、介词结构、语言接触等。欢迎转发扩散！
往期推荐：
目录
2024年第1期
■Visualizing cross-linguistic reading brains: Universality and interactive specificities, by Jun Ren Lee, Wen-Jui Kuo, Rose Ru-Whui Lee, and Ovid J. L. Tzeng, Pages 1–28.
■Making some progress on the progressive aspect zài in Mandarin Chinese, by Waltraud Paul and Shanshan Yan，Pages 29–75.
■Does Chinese need two structures for classifiers? A case study, by Dandan Tan，Pages 76–105.
■Mental state, volition and argument realization, by Jiajuan Xiong and Chu-Ren Huang，Pages 106–137.
■The role of breathy voice in Hmu tone perception, by Wen Liu, Gang Peng, and Jiangping Kong，Pages 138–174.
■江西吉水方言连-介词“做(伴)”的功能和语义演变, by Guilan Li, Pages 175–196.
■不定冠词“个”与江西上饶广丰话的三种无定名词短语, by Qingwen Zhang，Cui Jiang, Pages 197–235.
INSIGHT
■The phonetic realization of laryngeal contrasts in Lili Wu Chinese:Evidence from tone-sandhi domain medial position, by Menghui Shi, Ziyi Bai, and Yiya Chen, Pages 236–250.
DISCUSSION
■The apogee of misrepresentations:A long response to Shi (2023), by Yafei Li, Pages 215–275.
2024年第2期
■Phonation types and morpho-phonological structure as linguistic prerequisites of tonogenesis, by Xiaonong Zhu, Pages 277-317.
■Tense and lax vowels in the Lahu dialect of Yunshan: A laboratory phonological study, by Yan Liu , Yichen Wei , Yongxian Luo, Pages 318-335.
■An Ongoing Tonal-Pattern Change: Lanzhou Dialect , by Li Yi ,Han Li , Yingyi Li , Juejue Mu, Pages 336-361.
■Shì as a complementizer , by Zhaole Yang , Pages 362-384.
■Grammaticalized uses of the postverbal locative prepositional phrase in Lianhua Gan , by Xiaojuan Hu, Pages 385-418.
■A prosodic and perceptional study on the Chinese interrogative pronoun "shen me" when indicating inquiry, free reference and negation (in Chinese), by Ping Wang,Xiaowen Wang, Pages 419-455.
■On the distribution and origin of sortal classifiers in Altaic languages (in Chinese), by Shen-An Chen,Marc Allassonière-Tang,Yung-PingLiang,One-Soon Her, Pages 456-479.
INSIGHT
■ A sentence-medial clause-typing intoneme in Mandarin A-NOT-A questions, by Chi Wang, Pages 480-491.
摘要
Visualizing cross-linguistic reading brains:Universality and interactive specificities
Jun Ren Lee, Wen-Jui Kuo, Rose Ru-Whui Lee, and Ovid J. L. Tzeng李俊仁，郭文瑞，李如蕙，曾志朗Abstract The universality and specificity of cross-linguistic reading have always been a topic of interest to researchers. The earliest controversies started with the issue of whether speech recoding is required for reading non-alphabetic scripts, for example, Chinese and Kanji, whether it is possible to directly access the semantic meaning of a word from orthography without speech recoding, and whether reading non-alphabetic scripts relies on the right rather than the left brain. The abatement of these controversies began with a series of experiments by Ovid Tzeng and William Wang which raised the possibility of universality across different languages. To study how humans read, two kinds of operation must be considered: the human cognitive system and the structure of language. In this paper, we will take [End Page 1] the original controversy of non-alphabetic scripts being different from alphabetic scripts in the 1970s as the starting point, and use the current research results of cognitive neuroscience to explain what kind of consensus has been reached right now. In addition, we will use tone as an important feature in the study of Chinese reading, and describe the current research results on tone to highlight the special characteristics of Chinese. Finally, we will propose future research directions.
跨語言大腦功能運作的共通性以及特殊性最早期的爭議，起始於非拼音文字的閱讀，如中文，是否需要語音轉錄，以及非拼音文字的閱讀是否依靠右腦，而非左腦。這些當年爭議的消減，起始於曾志朗先生以及王士元先生一系列實驗，提出了語言共通性的可能性。研究人類如何閱讀，必須考慮兩種系統運作，一個是人類的認知系統，另一個是語言的結構特性。雖然不同語言間的組字規則、語音結構、字形跟語音的對應關係不同，但人的認知系統是一致的。整個討論的架構已經從當年的「求異」，後來的「求同」，到現在的「從同中求異」。在這一篇論文裡，我們將以當年的爭議為起點，以現在的認知神經科學的研究成果，闡述當年的爭議，現在取得何種共識，並以聲調做為中文研究裡的重要項目，說明現在聲調研究成果，藉以突出中文的特殊性。最後，提出未來的研究建議。
Key words Brain, Cross-linguistic Comparison, Phonological Processing, Universality and Specificity
Making some progress on the progressive aspect zài in Mandarin Chinese
包华莉，闫姗姗
Abstract Taking into account data hitherto neglected, this article examines the progressive aspect zài 在 in Mandarin Chinese and related issues. We argue in favour of the constituency [AspP zài 在 [V-zhe 着]] and demonstrate important syntactic and semantic differences between the progressive aspect zài 在 and the durative aspect -zhe 着 . Importantly, unlike ‘zài 在 V’, ‘V-zhe 着’ is only acceptable as the sole predicate in a root sentence when interpretable as a (derived) state. Otherwise, the presence of the progressive aspect zài 在 is required: ‘zài 在 V-zhe 着’. This crucial role of zài 在 is often obscured by its phonological fusion (haplology) with the preposition zài 在 ‘at’ heading an immediately following prepositional phrase: NP [AspP zài 在 [VP [PP zài 在 NP] [V-zhe 着 NP]]] => NP ZÀI 在 NP V-zhe 着 NP. The presence/absence of an underlying progressive aspect zài 在 (having fused with the preposition zài 在) is reflected in the choice of negation. Since the progressive aspect zài 在 must be negated by méi 没, not bù 不, it follows that no underlying aspectual zài 在 is present when it is bù 不 that negates a VP with a zài 在 PP adjunct: [End Page 29] NP bù 不 [VP [PP zài 在 NP] VP]. By contrast, when there is an underlying aspectual zài 在, the negation méi 没 is required, resulting in the surface sequence ‘NP méi 没 ZÀI 在 NP VP’. Finally, given that a subset of auxiliaries, some stative verbs as well as state-denoting ‘V-zhe 着’ are negated by méi 没, negation of ‘zài 在 VP’ by méi 没 is compatible with the status of ‘zài 在 VP’ as a state, hence able to be true at a moment.
本文探讨迄今为止在汉语进行体标记“在”及相关研究方面被忽略的问题。我们赞成进行体“在”和持续体“着”共现的句法结构为[AspP 在[V-着]]，并认为其体现了二者之间重要的句法和语义区别。不同于“在V”，当“V-着”表示派生的同质性状态时，它只在根句作为主要谓词才会被接受。否则，进行体“在”需要出现。“在”的这一关键性作用常常由于引导介词短语的与它语音融合的介词“在”的出现而被掩盖。深层结构的进行体“在”的隐现反映在否定词的选择上。由于进行体“在”必须被“没”否定，而非“不”，所以当“不”否定包含“在PP”附加语的VP时，进行体“在”不出现。相反，当进行体“在”出现时，句子被否定时要求“没”出现，从而出现表层结构的顺序为“NP没[[在NP]VP]”。Key words Durative aspect -zhe 着, Haplology, Negation bù 不 vs méi 没, Finiteness
谭丹丹
Abstract The syntactic structure of the classifiers in Chinese has been assumed or argued to be left-branching, right-branching or mixed. This article examines three facts-number-classfier-de, the use of duo ‘extra, more’ and the conditional deletion of number––which are regarded by Xuping Li (2013) as evidence for the mixed structures. It is shown that the purported facts are partial and, when more related facts are taken into consideration, they together are equally compatible with an exclusively left-branching structure and thus cannot serve as support for a mixed structure analysis. Three kinds of arguments are reviewed in the last section which fare favorably with the left-branching structure.
对于汉语量词的句法结构存在三类分析：左分支、右分支与左右分支共存。本文就李旭平(2013)用来支持共存分析的三个语法现象(数量词-de、数词或量词-多、量词前数词的数词省略)提出质疑：相关语料并不完整，而完整的语料与纯粹的左分支结构也完全吻合，所以并不能成为共存分析的依据。文章最后一节归纳近期文献中对左分支结构有利的三类语法现象，有些来自汉语，有些来自其他语言乃至类型学数据。Key words Classifier, Duo, De, Numeral-deletion, Word order typology
熊佳娟，黄居仁
Abstract We explore argument realization in the resultative V-de construction under the framework of the Theta System. We find that the theta grids of the resultative V-de construction are of two types, i.e., ([+c-m], [-c]) and ([+cm], [-m]), depending on the (a-)thematic relation between the verb and second/internal argument. Crucially, the external argument always has a /-m feature (the minus value of the mental state), regardless of its animacy, leading to a non-volitional Agent reading (animate) and a Cause reading (inanimate). It is due to this [+c-m] feature cluster that the construction yields an unintended result reading, which captures its preference for the occurrence of dou ‘unexpectedly’ in the construction. In this sense, the resultative V-de construction can be considered as a non-volitional counterpart to its de-less counterpart. This contrast signals the grammatical/morphological coding of volition, with the assistance of de, in Mandarin Chinese. As for the internal argument, it can be either [-c] or [-m], and their syntactic and semantic differences lend credence to the [End Page 106] distinction between “outer objects” and “outermost objects”. The syntactic distribution of [-c] is sensitive to animacy, with animate [-c] being allowed to in both [NP1 V-de NP2 XP] and [NP1 ba-NP2 V-de XP], and inanimate [-c] in [NP1 ba-NP2 V-de XP] only, due to the interactions between animacy and case. As for [-m], it occurs in [NP1 V-de NP2 XP], in which NP2 is not thematically related to V and ba-introduction is barred. This study enriches the Theta System with Chinese data, in special regard to how animacy, mental state, and volition may affect argument realization.
本文在Theta系统理论框架下探讨[V-得]结构的论元实现方式。该构式有两种不同的论元结构，即([+c-m],[-c])和([+c-m],[-m])，两者的差异在于动词和内论元之间是否有述谓关系(thematic relation)。两种论元结构有一个重要的共同点，即外论元不具有心理状态的特性(即/-m)。具体而言，不管外论元是否具有生命性，该论元都没有执行动作的意愿性。生命性这一语义特征只能影响外论元的具体语义解读：如果外论元是有生命名词，该论元解读为无意愿性“施事”论元；如果外论元是无生命名词，该论元则解读为“原因”论元。不管具体解读如何，该外论元都含有无意愿性语义特征，这也解释了为何该结构倾向于选择具有出乎意料语义的“都”这一副词。据此，我们认为[V-得]结构的主要功能是无意愿性构式，而“V-得”则是汉语中无意愿性语义的语法体现。[V-得]结构的内论元具有无致使性(即[-c])或无心理性(即[-m])，两者的句法语义差异可以证实汉语中“外论元”和“最外论元”的存在。具体而言，无致使性内论元(即[-c])对生命性这一语义特征具有选择性，有生命的[-c]可以允准进入[V-得]结构，承担宾语功能，即[NP1 V-de NP2 XP]；而无生命性[-c]只能借由“把”字引入，即[NP1 ba-NP2 V-de XP]。无心理性内论元[-m]则不受生命性特征影响，不管有无生命性，均可允准成为[V-得]结构的宾语；该宾语是“最外论元”，与动词没有述谓关系，也不能通过把字句引入。该研究用中文的语料丰富了Theta系统理论的研究；同时，该研究探讨了生命性、心理属性和意愿性等语义特征的句法实现。
Key words Resultative V-de construction, Argument realization, Volition Animacy, Theta system
The role of breathy voice in Hmu tone perception
Wen Liu, Gang Peng, and Jiangping Kong刘文，彭刚，孔江平
Abstract Previous studies on tone perception have mainly focused on the role of F0, while there are few but increasing studies on the effect of non-modal phonation. This study investigates the role of non-modal phonation in perceiving the five level tones used in Hmu, in which the lowest level tone (T11) is often referred to as “breathy voice”. First, an acoustic analysis was conducted on those tones to determine the voice quality and whether breathiness is limited to specific tones, revealing that breathiness only co-occurs with T11. Second, a perception experiment was performed to investigate whether breathiness can influence T11 identification. Results show that identification scores significantly differ only for the pairs of two continua that involve T11. This suggests that, relative to other tones, native speakers rely on breathiness in T11 identification, which derives from the accompanying phonation in its production. These findings shed light on how, alongside F0, non-modal phonation contributes to tone perception, which demonstrates a new kind for the role of phonation in tonal contrasts. Considering these results, it is thus necessary to incorporate phonation cues when defining tone.
前人对声调感知的研究主要聚焦在F0的作用上，鲜有研究关注特殊嗓音 发声类型的影响。本文研究特殊嗓音发声类型在苗语五平调(低平调T11 通常被认为具有气嗓音)感知中的作用。本项研究首先通过声学分析确 定五个平调的嗓音质量，以及气嗓特性是否仅限于特定声调，结果显示 气嗓特性仅与T11共现。在此基础上，本文通过感知实验研究气嗓音是 否会影响T11的辨认，结果表明，辨认得分仅在那些包含T11的声调连 续统中存在显著性差异。这表明，与其他平调相比，母语者在T11的辨 认中依赖其在言语产生中伴随而来的气嗓音。本文研究发现阐明了特殊 嗓音发声类型如何与F0共同作用于声调感知，这为发声类型在声调对立 中的角色提供了一种新类型。综合上述结果，从言语感知的视角看，本 文认为在定义声调时加入发声线索是十分必要的。Key words Hmu, Five level tones, Breathy voice, Tone perception
Abstract Similar with he or ken in Mandarin, ʦɿ31-512 (做) of Jishui dialect in Jiangxi functions as comitative, animate directional and comparative preposition as well as coordinator, which can be substituted by the disyllabic functional words ʦɿ31-51 phon512-20(做伴), ʦɿ31-51 phon512-20(做嘙) or ʦɿ31-51 te20(做得). This paper explores the functions of ʦɿ31-512 as well as its disyllable and explores their semantic sources and pathway of semantic changes. It claims that the comitative ʦɿ31-51 phon512-20 originates from verb ʦɿ31-33 phon512meaning accompany, and it is reanalyzed with tonal change in the situation where ʦɿ31-33 phon512 acts as the first verb with a prominent animate object of a serial verb construction. Then, on the one hand, the comitative undergoes erosion into ʦɿ31-51 pho512-20 or even into ʦɿ3-512, and the latter one constitutes a compound disyllabic with suffix te0. On the other hand, the disyllabic and monosyllabic comitatives are extended into other situations with other kinds of verb where they are reanalyzed into animate directional and comparative prepositions. Simultaneously, the comitatives are grammaticalized into coordinators, when the two participants make similar contributions to an event and hold equal status. Then it reveals that cognates of the preposition and coordinator ʦuo(做) or its compounds spread widely around Jishui dialect in Jiangxi as well as some Wu and Hui dialects, and it is common for verbs meaning accompany to develop into comitatives and coordinators.
江西吉水方言的“做”有普通话“和”的介词和连词功能，可引出协同对象、言谈对象、比较对象和并列对象。连-介词“做”的功能一般可以用“做伴(/嘙/得)”替换。文章以“做”为代表观察“做”及双音节形式的功能后指出，“做”是“做伴”语音弱化的结果，伴随介词“做伴[ʦɿ31-51 phon512-20]”源于相伴义动词“做伴[ʦɿ31-33 phon512]”，即在突显协同对象的连谓结构中，动词前的“做伴”发展出伴随介词功能，并发展出其他功能。考察发现，连-介词“做”及双音节形式也见于吉水周边的赣方言、吴方言和徽语，汉语方言中广泛存在相伴义动词发展出连-介词功能这种现象。Key words 吉水方言, 连-介词, “做(伴)”, 相伴义, 语义演变
Abstract As a variety of west Wu dialect, Guangfeng dialect of Shangrao, Jiangxi is distinctive from others in indefiniteness encoding: Aside from “ieʔ5‘one’-Classifier-N”and “Classifier-N” phrases frequently observed in other dialects, Guangfeng dialect also takes “kɤʔ5 (个)-Classifier-N” phrases to encode indefiniteness. Phonological, syntactic and semantic examinations of the three types indefinite noun phrases suggest that ieʔ5 ‘one’ and kɤʔ5 are indefinite articles though their quantity interpretations remain. What is striking is that kɤʔ5 (个) in “kɤʔ5 (个)-Classifier-N” has been grammaticalized into an indefinite article from a general classifier, which is in contrast with the previous findings that “Classifier-N” phrases are used to encode definiteness and classifiers in this structure is being changed into a quasi-definite article. This finding is an important supplement to the studies of the referentiality system of Chinese dialects and the grammatical properties of classifiers. Currently, “ieʔ5+classifier+noun” and “kɤʔ5+classifier+noun” phrases co-exist in Guangfeng dialect and are competing with each other. Such a situation is assumed to be the consequence of language contact among Guangfeng dialect, Shangrao dialect and dialects in northern central areas of Fujian.
作为吴语西部地区的分支方言，江西上饶广丰话在表达无定语法意义时与其他方言有很大不同：除了常见的“一量名”短语和省略数词“一”形成的“量名”短语外，广丰话还可使用“个量名”短语。从音系、句法和语义三个角度对“一量名”和“个量名”短语的观察发现，虽然广丰话中的“一”和“个”还保留了数词“一”的解读，但就语法性质而言，它们都基本上演化为了不定冠词。从“个量名”的句法表现可以推测，“个”的不定冠词用法是通用量词语法化的结果，这与之前发现的“量名”短语在许多方言中表有定意义、量词正逐渐演化为准定冠词的情况完全不同，可看作是对汉语方言指称系统和量词语法研究的重要补充。“一量名”和“个量名” 短语目前在广丰话中处于两者共存，相互竞争的局面，这一情况应该是广丰话同时受到上饶话和闽北、闽中地区方言影响的结果。Key words Ieʔ5+classifier+noun, Kɤʔ5+classifier+noun, Indefinite interpretation, Numeral interpretation, Indefinite article
The phonetic realization of laryngeal contrasts in Lili Wu Chinese:Evidence from tone-sandhi domain medial position
Menghui Shi, Ziyi Bai, and Yiya Chen史濛辉,白子一,陈轶亚
Abstract 喉部特征的语音实现受韵律环境影响。本研究考察了黎里吴语塞音声 母三分特征在连调域词中位置上的语音实现。在单字及连调域词首位 置，黎里吴语以中古调类为条件(上去入)出现“送气分调”现象，即 送气声母后元音的基频(f0)显著低于不送气声母后的，与浊声母后元 音的 f0 接近。实验结果显示，在连调域词中位置，“送气分调”现象 消失，取而代之的是类似上海话的典型的“首音节控制”连读变调模 式，不同声母条件下的 f0 趋同。但浊音起始时间(VOT)及第一、二谐 波差(H1*–H2*)能在一定程度上将不同声母区别开来。此外，前字音 高及后字音节结构都对塞音声母的语音实现有影响。这些结果一方面 体现了黎里吴语声母与声调的音系特征同语音实现之间的多样性；另 一方面也体现了音系规则与语音规则的复杂联系，进一步说明了实验 方法在探究汉语方言语音议题上的重要性。
Key words 声母与声调关系, 语音实现, 连读变调, 吴语
Phonation types and morpho-phonological structure as linguistic prerequisites of tonogenesis
发声态与音法形态结构作为声调发生的前提
Xiaonong Zhu，Jiangsu Normal University, Yunnan Minzu University
朱晓农
Abstract This paper provides a systematic account of tonogenesis. The emergence of tone is a process of pitch upgrading from an accompanying feature of phonation types to a distinctive feature. It involves three linguistic processes: Various phonation types, clear, breathy, falsetto, etc., which intrinsically induce pitch differences; sonorous mono-syllabic morpheme structure that enhances the pitch differences; and phonologization, which conceptualizes the enhanced pitch differences to a phonological category, tone. A flowchart is designed to show how the preconditions lead to different phono-morphological types of the world’s languages and finally output tone, and its later development. Furthermore, the geographic distributions and ecological constraints of non-modal voices and tone are explored.
本文提供一个声调发生的系统解释。声调的产生是一个音高从发声态 的伴随特征提升为区别特征的过程，其间涉及三个步骤：各种发声态 如清洌声、气声、假声等，天然引发音高区别；高响度的单音节语素 结构强化这一音高区别；然后是音法化，即将此强化了的音高区别概 念化为一个音法范畴：声调。本文设计了一个流程图，显示这些前提 条件是如何把世界语言引向不同的音法形态结构并最后产出声调，及 其后续变化。本文还探讨了特殊发声态和声调的地理分布和生态条件。
Key words Tone, Tonogenesis, Tonotypology, Tone evolution, Phonation types, Ecology
声调, 声调发生, 声调类型, 声调演化, 发声态, 生态
Tense and lax vowels in the Lahu dialect of Yunshan: A laboratory phonological study
云山拉祜语松紧元音的实验音系学研究
Yan Liu，Minzu Unive rsity of China,
Yichen Wei，Minzu Unive rsity of China,
Yongxian Luo，University of Melbourne,
刘岩 韦懿宸 罗永宪
Abstract A controversy exists regarding whether there are tense-lax vowels in Lahu and whether tense-lax phonation should be accorded phonological status, an issue that is closely related to the physiological movement of the larynx. This study presents an experimental analysis of the acoustic features of the Lahu dialect of Yunshan, using electroglottography to collect acoustic and physiological data and employing VoiceSauce and Eggworks to extract glottal features to explore laryngeal mode of motion. The study demonstrates a distinct tense-lax phonation contrast in Yunshan Lahu, which is characterized by multiple types of phonation, differences between front and back parts of tense vowels, and equal importance of tense-lax contrast and vowel length. To contribute to a systematic description of Tibeto-Burman language, this paper proposes to treat tense-lax contrast as the main feature in phonological induction, using length as its accompanying feature for explanation. From the perspective of the path of historical evolution, tenseness comes from the loss of plosive codas, and is also closely related to voiced, aspirated initials. In the process of transforming tense-lax features to tones, tense vowels retained their features of tenseness as a result of falling tones.1
拉祜语是否有松紧元音区别，如果有，其区别是从什么因素演变而来、 是否具有音位地位，这是一直存有争议的问题，也是一个与喉部运动 模式相关的问题。本研究使用电子声门仪对中国云南省云山拉祜语进行声学和声门信号采集，使用 VoiceSauce 和 Eggworks 软件进行喉部 声带运动模式分析。研究证明，云山拉祜语在发声态上有清晰的松紧对立，其特点为松紧包含多种发声态、紧元音前段和后段间有差异， 以及松紧-音长并重。考虑到藏缅语描写的系统性，本文赞成以松紧作为音系归纳中的主要特征、长短作为其伴随特征进行说明。从历史演 变路径看，紧特征来源于促韵尾的丢失，在演变中与浊音、送气音声母关系密切。在松紧向声调系统性过渡过程中，降调有利于紧特征的保留。
An Ongoing Tonal-Pattern Change: Lanzhou Dialect
兰州方言：一个正在变化中的声调格局
Li Yi， China Agricultural University
Han Li，Stony Brook University
Yingyi Li，Peking University
Juejue Mu，Middlebury Institute of International Studies
衣莉 李晗 李颖异 木觉珏
Abstract The tonal-pattern of Lanzhou dialect is experiencing a change demonstrated in two aspects: a) Yin-ping 阴平(T1a) has two variants, falling and level, and the former is being replaced by the latter; b) Shangsheng 上声(T2) and Qu-sheng 去声(T3) are merging. We propose that the tonal change of T1a is partially a result of language contact, and the sandhi T1a from initial position of disyllabic combination also plays a role in extending the level tone to the citation T1a, the change of T1a then further triggers the merger of T2 and T3. Yet whether it is the change of sandhi T1a in the initial position or the change of the surface representation of citation T1a, or the merger of T2 and T3, all the directionality of tonal change is in line with the “clockwise tone shift circle” (Zhu et al. 2015; Yang and Xu 2019). We argue that tone changes are mainly due to internal factors. Although there are external stimuli, the path of tone change follows rules. The illustration of the ongoing tonal-pattern change in Lanzhou dialect will shed light on the understanding of the rules.
兰州方言的声调变化表现在两个方面：阴平(T1a)有降调和平调两种变体，并且平调正在取代降调；上声(T2)和去声(T3)有合并的趋势。文章的主要观点认为 T1a 的声调变化是由语言接触引发的，普通话的影响促使双字调中已经发生变调内化的 T1a 首字将平调扩散延展到单字调T1a 和双字调的尾字T1a 上。T1a的声调变化进一步引发了T2 和 T3 的合并。在上述的三个变化中：双字调首字 T1a的内在音系变化、 单字调T1a的后续变化、T2和T3的合并，所有这些声调变化的方向都符合“顺时针声调变化圈”(Zhu et al. 2015; Yang and Xu 2019)。我们认为声调的变化方向主要由内在的自然因素决定的，虽然有时会有 外因的刺激诱发，但声调变化的路径是有规律可循的。对于正在变化 的兰州声调进行研究，会有助于对上述规律的理解。
Shì as a complementizer
作为小句标句词的“是”
Zhaole Yang ，Leiden University
杨兆乐
Abstract In this article, it is argued that a purely functional and semantically bleached shì in Mandarin could in many contexts be best analyzed as a complementizer. As such, it is comparable to English that and functions as an (optional) introducer of the clausal arguments. Our survey shows that the morpheme shì as a complementizer occurs after quite a number of clause introducing operators, for instance, epistemic modals, clausal adverbs, clausal conjunctions, and verbs taking clausal objects like psych verbs and speech-act verbs. Like in some other languages, e.g., the West African language Twi and Dutch, the complementizer can merge with a preceding element and the two elements are turned into one frozen combination involving reanalysis and constituency rebracketing. We argue that Mandarin shì has gone through similar developments as complementizer in many frozen combinations such as shuōshì. As a piece of additional evidence, we find that in Gangou dialect, a Mandarin variant, shì can also take on a complementizer function. In the end, based on the fact that shì is used as a demonstrative pronoun in Pre-Qin times, we argue that Mandarin indeed has complementizers from two different sources out of the five major sources across languages listed by Chappell (2017), i.e., shuō, the complementizer (as argued by many) originally from a verb of saying, and shì, originally a demonstrative.
本文提出在汉语普通话中，失去其基本语义而仅具有语法功能的“是” 在多种句子类型中均可被分析为小句标句词(complementizer)，用以标记和引导小句论元。通过考察我们发现标句词“是”广泛出现在各种可接引句子的成分之后，比如，知识情态动词，小句层面副词，连结句子的连词以及一些带小句宾语的动词，比如心理类动词和言说类动词。正如西非语言 Twi 和荷兰语，汉语普通话标句词“是”可以通过进一步语法化而失去其独立性，并和其前置成分融合成一种“凝固组合”，比如“说是”。作为旁证，我们也可以在一些汉语方言比如甘沟话中，发现作为标句词使用的“是”。基于“是”在先秦汉语中作为指示词使用，加之“说”在之前文献中被分析为汉语标句词，我们得出结论：汉语小句标句词的来源占 Chappell(2017)归纳的五大类来源中的两类，即言说向标句词“说”和指示向标句词“是”。
Grammaticalized uses of the postverbal locative prepositional phrase in Lianhua Gan
莲花赣语动后处所介词结构的虚化用法
Xiaojuan Hu，South China Normal University
胡小娟
Abstract The postverbal locative prepositional phrase “Prep+DemLoc” of Lianhua Gan Chinese has been grammaticalized as a postverbal durative marker and a sentence-final mood particle. This study examines the syntactic and semantic properties as well as the grammaticalization of these two uses. The postverbal durative “Prep+DemLoc” is attached to some resultative verb compounds with phase complements that have the semantic features of [+dynamic], [–durative], and [+telic], and expresses the durativity of the resultant states expressed by these RVCs. It forms a contrastive distribution with the perfective marker li. The sentence-final “Prep+DemLoc” fits with the distributional and functional properties of a typical sentence-final particle in Chinese. It takes the preceding clause in its scope and can co-occur with other sentence-final particles in a restricted order. It is used to express the subjective mood meaning of emphasizing the existence of the state of affairs expressed by the preceding clause and facilitate the conversation by taking on the discourse function of gaining strength to the speaker’s communicative intention that can be implicit or explicit in the conversation. Based on the synchronic data, I reconstruct two probable pathways of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in Lianhua Gan, i.e., “Locative > Durative > Mood” and “Locative > Mood”. The significance of this study mainly lies in its implications for cross-dialectal comparative studies on the counterparts of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in other Chinese dialects.
莲花赣语中位于动词后的处所介词结构“介词+处所指示代词”发展出了持续体标记和句末语气词两种虚化用法。本文关注这两个虚化用法的句法语义特征及其语法化过程。持续体标记用法主要依附于一些包含动相补语的动结式，表示动结式所表达的结果状态正在持续。句末语气词用法符合一般句末语气词的句法语义特征，主要用于强调小句所表达的事态，为说话人的交际意图提供依据和增强语力。基于对共时语料的分析，本文构拟出两条可能平行存在的语法化路径：处所>持续>语气、处所>语气。通过对莲花赣语的充分研究，本文希望能为汉语动后处所结构多功能性和语法化的跨方言比较研究提供更细致的描写框架。
A prosodic and perceptional study on the Chinese interrogative pronoun "shen me" when indicating inquiry, free reference and negation (in Chinese)
疑问代词“什么”的疑问、任指和否定用法的 韵律和听感研究
Ping Wang，Nankai University
Xiaowen Wang, Nankai University
王萍 王晓雯
Abstract This paper makes a comprehensive investigation and comparison of the prosodic and perceptual performance of the interrogative pronoun “shen me” when indicating question, free reference and negation. The results show that the prosodic performance of the sentence using “shen me” to indicate a question is similar to the prosody of an interrogative sentence; the sentence using “shen me” to indicate free reference has the intonation of a declarative sentence with the focus stress on “dou”; and the sentence using “shen me” to indicate negation has the intonation of an exclamatory sentence with focus stress on “shen me” or the predicative verb “suan”. The results of these perceptual experiments show that the acoustic differences of “shen me” won’t affect the listener’s judgement of the mood of the original sentence, but will affect the judgement of its naturalness to a certain extent. Combining acoustic and perceptual performance, “shen me” indicating a question and free reference carries natural stress, and “shen me” indicating negation carries emphatic stress. The three functions of “shen me” should be discriminated using multi-dimensional standards, that is, both prosody and perception. Additionally, the prosodic standard should include pitch, duration and intensity.
本文对汉语疑问代词“什么”表“疑问”、“任指”和“否定”的韵律和听感表现进行了全面的考察和比较。结果表明：表“疑问”的“什么”语句的韵律表现接近一般疑问句；表“任指”的“什么”语句为焦点重音位于“都”的陈述句；表“否定”的“什么”语句为焦点重音分别位于“什么”或谓语动词“算”的感叹句。感知实验的结果表明：不同用法的“什么”自身的声学差异不会影响对于原句语气类型的判断，但会在一定程度上影响其自然度的判断。综合声学和听感表现，表疑问和任指的“什么”属于自然重音，表否定的重读形式的“什么”属于“强调重音”。三种用法应运用多维度语音标准来区分，即，韵律和听感两个方面，同时韵律层面应包括音高、时长和音强三个参数。
Key words 什么 任指 否定 韵律 听感
On the distribution and origin of sortal classifiers in Altaic languages (in Chinese).
阿尔泰语言中分类词的起源与分布
陈甚安, 台湾政治大学
唐威洋, 法国自然历史博物馆
梁永平, 台湾政治大学
何万顺, 东海大学,台湾政治大学
Abstract The grammatical feature of sortal classifiers, common in East and Southeast Asian languages, is also found in 15 of the 65 Altaic languages we have examined, though the classifiers are far fewer and used optionally. These observations suggest that the Altaic classifier systems are not indigenous. Based on the Single Origin Hypothesis that Chinese is the only language with an indigenous classifier system in Eurasia, we propose that the rise of classifiers in Altaic is due to the influence of neighboring classifier languages. Having first confirmed that the putative classifiers in these 15 languages are genuine classifiers, we then examine the phonological and semantic characteristics of the classifiers identified in each language and detect the influence from either Chinese or Persian. Taking historical and geographical factors into consideration, we suggest that classifier languages east of Uyghur were influenced by Chinese, while those to the west are influenced by Persian; Uyghur itself was influenced by both. Assuming that Persian classifiers are not indigenous either, these findings suggest that the Single Origin Hypothesis is applicable to classifier languages in Altaic.
分类词 (个体量词) 常见于东亚与东南亚语言，但在北亚至东欧地区的阿尔泰语言中常被忽视。本文检视 65 个阿尔泰语言，发现有 15 个是分类词语言，但其分类词多半不发达且是选择性使用，因而推测其分类词并非原生系统。依据“分类词单一起源假设”：欧亚地区仅汉语之分类词为原生系统，本文推测阿尔泰语言中的分类词是与邻近的汉语或波斯语接触产生的。本文首先确认这 15 个语言的分类词符合严谨的定义，接着检视各语言中分类词的语意与语音，判断是否具有汉语或波斯语分类词的特征。最后综合各语言的历史发展与地理位置，归纳出以维吾尔语为界，以东之阿尔泰分类词语言受汉语影响，以西则受波斯语影响，维吾尔语则同时受两者影响。假设波斯语的分类词亦间接受汉语影响，则汉语为欧亚语言分类词单一起源的假设亦适用于阿尔泰语言。
Key words 分类词 量词 阿尔泰语言 语言接触 分类词单一起源假设
A sentence-medial clause-typing intoneme in Mandarin A-NOT-A questions
普通话正反问的句中标句调素
Chi Wang，Hunan University of Arts and Science
王迟
Abstract A sentence-medial intoneme is argued to be responsible for typing Mandarin A-NOT-A questions. In narrow syntax, it is merged higher than deontic modals and lower than Tense; after spell-out, it is realized phonetically as a high-low intonation starting from the left edge of the ANOT-A predicate. This proposal is supported by a sentence-medial segmental particle in Chinese dialects, which further corroborates the Intonation-Particle Hypothesis by showing that typing particles in non-sentence-final positions are also variants of intonations. Besides, the Mandarin nuclear stress rule derives two prosodic features of A-NOT-A questions: No intonational breaks within the A-NOT-A predicate and de-stressing of the negation word. The two features follow from the requirement that only one intonation is allowed in the nuclear stress domain and instantiate interaction among different stresses.
普通话正反问的句中位置存在一个标句调素，在狭义句法阶段合并于 一个低于时态中心语、高于义务模态词的位置，拼出之后则在语音上 以正反问谓语的左边界为起点、实现为前高后低的句调模式。这一假 设得到了汉语方言事实的支持，表明除了句末语气词，句中标句词也 是句调素的另一种变体，从而进一步支持了“语调-语气词变体假说”。此外，正反问的韵律模式还有两个关键特征：肯定、否定部分之间不 能停顿；否定词不能重读。上述两个特征都是普通话的“核重-语调定 律”所致，即核心重音范域内不容两个语调。这说明不同类型的重音 之间存在互动效应。
期刊简介
Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) is a peer reviewed academic journal published biannually. Established in 1973, JCL explores Chinese languages and linguistics in the light of human complexity. The journal covers a wide range of areas of research including phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, applied linguistics, historical linguistics, computational linguistics, psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, neurolinguistics, evolutionary linguistics and any other recognized facet of Chinese linguistics study. The JCL publishing office operated at the University of California at Berkeley, USA, from 1973 to 2007. It was relocated to The Chinese University of Hong Kong in 2008, and expanded its presence in China with the opening of a new office in Beijing Language and Culture University in 2019.
《中国语言学报》(JCL)是采取同行评议的学术期刊，每年两期。本刊成立于1973年，旨在探索人类复杂系统下的中国语言及语言学问题。本刊所涉领域广泛，包括语音学、音韵学、形态学、语法、语义学、语用学、应用语言学、历史语言学、计算语言学、心理语言学、社会语言学、神经语言学、进化语言学等任何既经认可的中国语言学研究方向。期刊编辑部从成立之初（1973年）至2007年在加州大学伯克利分校运营。2008年，编辑部迁至香港中文大学。2019年，JCL在北京语言大学增设编辑部，扩大了本刊在中国大陆的影响力。
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