穆勒辞职讲话全文，再掀弹劾川普争议
星期四
陌上美国
2019年5月29日，华盛顿DC
两年前，代理司法部长要求我担任特别检察官，并为此设立了特别检察官办公室。
这项任命书指示该办公室调查俄罗斯对2016年总统选举的干预，包括调查俄罗斯政府与特朗普竞选团队相关个人之间的任何联系或串通。
我在调查期间一直没有公开发言。今天发言是因为我们的调查已经完成。司法部长已经把我们的调查报告的大部分公之于众。我们正式关闭特别检察官办公室。同时，我本人也从司法部辞职并重返普通公民的生活。
我现就我们的工作成果发表一些评论。但除了这几点评论之外，更重要的是由办公室提供的书面报告来说明问题。
让我首先谈谈这项任命的缘起：2016年对总统选举的干涉。
正如大陪审团在起诉书中所指称的那样，俄罗斯军方的情报人员对我们的政治制度发起了系统性的攻击。
起诉书称，他们使用复杂的网络技术侵入克林顿竞选团队所使用的计算机和网络。他们窃取了私人信息，然后通过虚假的在线身份和维基解密组织发布了这些信息。这些活动的目的和时机都是为了干扰我们的选举并伤害某一位总统候选人。
与此同时，正如大陪审团在一份单独的起诉书中指控的那样，某个俄罗斯私人实体把社交媒体作为运作平台，由俄罗斯公民假冒美国公民在上面兴风作浪，干涉选举。
此外，我们也有必要调查妨碍司法的活动。我们前述的诸调查事项至关重要，所以对我们来说，从每一个被问话的人那里获取完整准确的信息至为关键。当一个调查对象阻碍调查或欺骗调查人员时，这会从根本上妨害政府寻找真相并追究违法者责任的努力。
现在让我就报告本身说几句话。该报告分为两部分，涉及我们被要求调查的两个主题。
报告的第一卷详细描述了俄罗斯为影响选举所进行的大量活动，讨论了特朗普竞选团队这些活动的回应。报告也给出了我们的结论，即：没有足够的证据来指控更广泛的串通阴谋。
在第二卷中，报告描述了涉及总统妨碍司法调查的结果和分析。
特别检察官任命书授权我们调查可能妨碍司法的行动。我们进行了此项调查，并在整个过程中保持向代理司法部长办公室通报我们的工作进展情况。
正如我们的报告所述，在调查之后，如果我们确信总统肯定没有犯罪，我们就会作如实陈述。
然而，我们也不能断定总统犯了罪。我们在报告第二卷的引言中解释了这一决定。
报告解释说，根据司法部长期的政策，总统在任期内不得被指控犯有联邦罪。这类指控是违宪的。即使指控是秘密的、被封存在公众视野之外，也是被禁止的。
特别检察官办公室是司法部的一部分，并且根据规定，它受该部门政策的约束。因此，向总统进行犯罪指控不在我们的考虑范围之内。
在司法部的阐释不可对现任总统进行犯罪指控的书面意见中，提出了几个重要的观点，这些观点是我们处理对妨碍司法的调查的进一步依据。我们的报告总结了这些要点。我将描述其中两点：
首先，该意见明确允许对现任总统进行调查，因为在记忆新鲜且有文件可用的情况下保存证据非常重要。除此之外，如果有同谋者现在可以被起诉，可以使用这些证据。
其次，该意见认为，根据宪法，如果要正式指控现任总统有非法不端行为，需要刑事司法系统以外的其他程序。
除了司法部的政策，我们也需遵循公平原则。在没有法院来判决坐实某项指控的情况之下，指责某人可能犯了罪是不公平的。
这就是司法部的政策，也是我们运作的指南。从这里我们得出的结论是，我们既不认定总统犯了罪，也不认定他没有犯罪。这是本办公室的最终立场，我们不会评论有关总统的任何其他结论或假设。
我们进行了一项独立的刑事调查，并根据部门规定向司法部长报告了结果。
司法部长随后得出结论，向国会和美国人民提供报告是恰当的。
在过去的某个时间点，我曾要求发布报告的某些部分。司法部长倾向于同时公布整个报告。我们理解司法部长在很大程度上公开了这份报告。我不质疑司法部长对该项决定的诚意。
我希望、并且期待这是我唯一一次谈论这件事。这完全是我本人的决定 - 没有人告诉我，是否可以、或者是否应该就此事作证或作进一步发言。
近来有些关于出席国会听证的讨论。不过，来自本办公室的任何证词都不会超出我们报告的范围。报告包含我们的发现和分析，以及我们做出相关决定的理由。我们认真地遣词酌句，一切都在报告当中。
这份报告是就我的证词。即使面对国会听证，我也不会提供任何其他公众未知的信息。
此外，至于如何获取此项调查所依据的工作资料，这个程序正在被制定当中，本办公室不参予这项程序的制定。
因此，除了我今天在这里所说的、以及我们的书面报告中包含的内容之外，我认为我不应该进一步讨论调查或评论司法部或国会的行动。
正因为如此，我今天不回答任何提问。
在我离开之前，我要感谢众多律师、联邦调查局特工、分析师、以及帮助我们以公平和独立的方式进行调查的专业人员。这些人在特别检察官办公室工作了将近两年，他们拥有无与伦比的诚信度。
在结束讲话之前，我再次强调我们起诉书的中心指控 - 我们的民主选举遭到了多次的、系统性的干涉。
这项指控值得引起每一位美国人的注意。
谢谢。
Read the text of his statement below:
http://nymag.com/intelligencer/2019/05/robert-muellers-statement-full-speech-transcript.html
Good morning everyone, and thank you for being here.
Two years ago, the acting attorney general asked me to serve as special counsel, and he created the special counsel’s office. The appointment order directed the office to investigate Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. This included investigating any links or coordination between the Russian government and individuals associated with the Trump campaign.
Now I have not spoken publicly during our investigation. I am speaking out today because our investigation is complete. The attorney general has made the report on our investigation largely public. We are formally closing the special counsel’s office, and as well I’m resigning from the Department of Justice to return to private life.
I’ll make a few remarks about the results of our work, but beyond these few remarks it is important that the office’s written work speak for itself.
Let me begin where the appointment order begins, and that is interference in the 2016 presidential election.
As alleged by the grand jury in an indictment, Russian intelligence officers who were part of the Russian military launched a concerted attack on our political system. The indictment alleges that they used sophisticated cyber techniques to hack into computers and networks used by the Clinton campaign. They stole private information and then released that information through fake online identities, and through the organization WikiLeaks. The releases were designed and timed to interfere with our election and to damage a presidential candidate.
And at the same time, as the grand jury alleged in a separate indictment, a private Russian entity engaged in a social media operation where Russian citizens posed as Americans in order to influence an election.
These indictments contain allegations, and we are not commenting on the guilt or the innocence of any specific defendant. Every defendant is presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty.
The indictments allege, and the other activities in our report describe, efforts to interfere in our political system. They needed to be investigated and understood, and that is among the reasons why the Department of Justice established our office.
That is also a reason we investigated efforts to obstruct the investigation. The matters we investigated were of paramount importance. It was critical for us to obtain full and accurate information from every person we questioned. When a subject of an investigation obstructs that investigation or lies to investigators, it strikes at the core of the government’s effort to find the truth and hold wrongdoers accountable.
Let me say a word about the report. The report has two parts addressing the two main issues we were asked to investigate. The first volume of the report details numerous efforts emanating from Russia to influence the election. This volume includes a discussion of the Trump campaign’s response to this activity, as well as our conclusion that there was insufficient evidence to charge a broader conspiracy.
And in the second volume, the report describes the results and analysis of our obstruction of justice investigation involving the president. The order appointing me special counsel authorized us to investigate actions that could obstruct the investigation. We conducted that investigation, and we kept the office of the acting attorney general apprised of the progress of our work. And as set forth in the report, after that investigation if we had had confidence that the president clearly did not commit a crime we would have said so.
We did not, however, make a determination as to whether the president did commit a crime. The introduction to the Volume II of our report explains that decision. It explains that under longstanding department policy, a president can not be charged with a federal crime while he is in office. That is unconstitutional. Even if the charge is kept under seal and hidden from public view, that too is prohibited.
The special counsel’s office is part of the Department of Justice, and by regulation it was bound by that department policy. Charging the president with a crime was, therefore, not an option we could consider.
The department’s written opinion explaining the policy makes several important points that further informed our handling of the obstruction investigation. Those points are summarized in our report, and I will describe two of them for you.
First, the opinion explicitly explicitly permits the investigation of a sitting president because it is important to preserve evidence while memories are fresh and documents available. Among other things, that evidence could be used if there were co-conspirators who could be charged now.
And second, the opinion says that the Constitution requires a process other than the criminal justice system to formally accuse a sitting president of wrongdoing.
And beyond department policy, we were guided by principles of fairness. It would be unfair to potentially accuse somebody of a crime when there can be no court resolution of the actual charge.
So that was Justice Department policy. Those were the principles under which we operated, and from them, we concluded that we would not reach a determination one way or the other about whether the president committed a crime. That is the office’s final position, and we will not comment on any other conclusions or hypotheticals about the president.
We conducted an independent criminal investigation and reported the results to the attorney general, as required by department regulations. The attorney general then concluded that it was appropriate to provide our report to Congress and to the American people.
At one point in time, I requested that certain portions of the report be released. The attorney general preferred to make the entire report public all at once, and we appreciate that the attorney general made the report largely public, and I certainly did not question the attorney general’s good faith in that decision.
Now, I hope and expect this to be the only time that I will speak to you in this manner. I am making that decision myself. No one has told me whether I can or should testify or speak further about this matter.
There has been discussion about an appearance before Congress. Any testimony from this office would not go beyond our report. It contains our findings and analysis, and the reasons for the decisions we made. We chose those words carefully, and the work speaks for itself. And the report is my testimony. I would not provide information beyond that which is already public in any appearance before Congress.
In addition, access to our underlying work product is being decided in a process that does not involve our office.
So, beyond what I’ve said here today and what is contained in our written work, I do not believe it is appropriate for me to speak further about the investigation or to comment on the actions of the Justice Department or Congress. And it’s for that reason, I will not be taking questions today, as well.
Now before I step away, I want to thank the attorneys, the FBI agents, the analysts, the professional staff who helped us conduct this investigation in a fair and independent manner. These individuals who spent nearly two years with the special counsel’s office were of the highest integrity.
And I will close by reiterating the central allegation of our indictments: That there were multiple, systematic efforts to interfere in our election, and that allegation deserves the attention of every American.
Thank you for being here today.
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