前沿｜Comparative Political Studies 2019.12 传统政治制度特刊

本期政治学人国际化部推介《比较政治研究》（Comparative Political Studies）2019年特刊“传统政治制度”文章编译，以飨读者。欢迎关注与评论！注意：

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期刊简介

Comparative Political Studies（比较政治研究）是美国SAGE出版社旗下学术期刊，创刊于1968年，期刊每月出版一次，主要探讨比较政治学相关内容，期刊现任主编为明尼苏达大学教授Katrina Heimark。IF：2.214，在美国政治科学期刊中排名第16.

期刊研究领域和收录范围包括：比较政治学理论研究、全球比较政治学研究、国内比较政治学研究等。

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期刊目录

1. Traditional Political Institutions and Democracy: Reassessing Their Compatibility and Accountability

   传统政治机构与民主：重新评估它们（与民主之间的）兼容性与问责性

2. The Constitutionalization of Indigenous Group Rights, Traditional Political Institutions, and Customary Law

   土著群体权利的宪法化、传统政治机构和习惯法

3. Citizen Attitudes Toward Traditional and State Authorities: Substitutes or Complements?

   公民对传统权威和国家权威的态度:替代还是补充?

4. Public Good Provision and Traditional Governance in Indigenous Communities in Oaxaca, Mexico

   墨西哥瓦哈卡土著社区的公共产品供给和传统治理

5. Why the Gender of Traditional Authorities Matters: Intersectionality and Women’s Rights Advocacy in Malawi

   为什么传统权威的性别重要:马拉维的交叉性和妇女权利倡导

6. Elected MPs, Traditional Chiefs, and Local Public Goods: Evidence on the Role of Leaders in Co-Production From Rural Zambia

   民选议员、传统酋长和地方公共产品:来自赞比亚农村的关于领导人在联合生产中作用的证据

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精选译文

01 传统政治机构与民主：重新评估它们（与民主之间的）兼容性与问责性

题目：

Traditional Political Institutions and Democracy: Reassessing Their Compatibility and Accountability

作者：

Kate Baldwin，

Katharina Holzinger

摘要：

这篇文章回顾了一些理解传统政治机构的重要理论框架，这些理论框架对传统政治机构与民主的兼容性做出了悲观的评估。传统政治机构往往被认为是缺乏问责的，因为它们是由不受选举制约的非民主领导人领导的。然而，根据TradGov小组数据集（一项聚焦超过1400个存在传统政治机构的族群的当代实践的专业调查）提供的新数据，我们发现这些传统政治机构有自己独特的问责机制。在大多数情况下，决策是基于共识的，领导者必须以各种方式为他们的行为承担责任。我们对以往用来评估传统领导人政治表现的选举问责制框架提出挑战。作为替代，我们认为，在传统政治机构采用包容的决策程序且它们的领导人与他们所代表的社区之间有强大的非选举性联系的情况下，传统政治机构可以与民主兼容存在，甚至对其公民负责。

This article revisits prominent frameworks for understanding traditional political institutions which make pessimistic assessments about their compatibility with democracy. Traditional political institutions are often assumed to be unaccountable because they are led by undemocratic leaders who are not subject to electoral sanctioning. However, drawing on new information from the TradGov Group dataset, an expert survey on the contemporary practices of more than 1,400 ethnic groups that currently have traditional political institutions, we show that these institutions contain their own distinct mechanisms of accountability. In a majority of cases, decision-making is consensual and leaders must account for their actions in various ways. We challenge the electoral accountability framework for understanding the quality of traditional leaders’ performance, instead arguing that traditional political institutions can be compatible with democracy and even accountable to their citizens insofar as they adopt inclusive decision-making processes and their leaders have strong nonelectoral connections to the communities they represent.

02 土著群体权利的宪法化、传统政治机构和习惯法

题目：

The Constitutionalization of Indigenous Group Rights, Traditional Political Institutions, and Customary Law

作者：

Katharina Holzinger, 

Roos Haer , 

Axel Bayer , 

Daniela M. Behr , 

Clara Neupert-Wentz

摘要：

世界上的许多宪法包含关于土著社群特别条文，这些条文赋予他们特定的权利，并规定了他们的传统政治机构和习惯法。本文以宪法制定的理性理论为基础，运用需求与供给的理论框架来解释这些有关条文的宪法化。为了检验我们的假设，我们对193个联合国成员国现行宪法中的土著条文进行了编码。我们发现，充分的民主和以往的冲突可以促进土著群体权利的宪法化，但却不能促进习惯法和传统机构的宪法化。在族群高度分化的国家，习惯法和传统机构更有可能被宪法化。低水平的现代化尤其影响传统政治机构的宪法化，而低水平的发展则与习惯法的宪法化有关。前英属殖民地国家更有可能将习惯法宪法化。

Many constitutions of the world contain special provisions for indigenous communities, granting them particular rights and regulating their traditional political institutions and customary law. Building on rational theories of constitution-making, we employ a demand and supply framework to explain the constitutionalization of such provisions. To test our hypotheses, we code the presence of indigenous provisions in the current constitutions of 193 United Nations member states. We find full democracy and previous conflict to stimulate the inclusion of indigenous group rights but not of customary law and traditional institutions. Customary law and traditional institutions are more likely constitutionalized in countries with high ethnic fractionalization. Low levels of modernity affect particularly the constitutionalization of traditional political institutions, while low levels of development correlate with provisions on customary law. Former British colonies are more likely to constitutionalize customary law.

03 公民对传统权威和国家权威的态度:替代还是补充?

题目：

On the Meaning of Survey Reports of Roll-Call “Votes”

作者：

Peter van der Windt , 

Macartan Humphreys , 

Lily Medina , 

Jeffrey F. Timmons , 

Maarten Voors

摘要：

公民将传统权威和国家权威（之间的关系）视为相互替代还是相互补充？以往的研究在这个问题上存在分歧。一些学者指出公民对这些实体态度之间的竞争，主张两者之间是相互替代的关系，而一些学者则强调传统权威与国家权威之间的正相关性，主张两者之间是相互补充的。然而，这个问题是很难回答的，因为它需要评估一种权威潜在价值的外生变化对公民对另一种权威的支持的影响。我们证明，这个量——一种弹性变量——不能从公民对两种形式的权威的支持之间的相关性中推断出来。我们使用了一个结构模型来估计这种替代弹性，该模型使用了来自刚果民主共和国816个村庄的数据，以及合理的外部降雨和冲突冲击数据。尽管表面证据支持替代逻辑，我们的模型的结果与互补性的逻辑是一致的；公民对酋长的评价的积极变化似乎转化为公民对政府的支持的积极变化。

Do citizens view state and traditional authorities as substitutes or complements? Past work has been divided on this question. Some scholars point to competition between attitudes toward these entities, suggesting substitution, whereas others highlight positive correlations, suggesting complementarity. Addressing this question, however, is difficult, as it requires assessing the effects of exogenous changes in the latent valuation of one authority on an individual’s support for another. We show that this quantity—a type of elasticity—cannot be inferred from correlations between support for the two forms of authority. We employ a structural model to estimate this elasticity of substitution using data from 816 villages in the Democratic Republic of Congo and plausibly exogenous rainfall and conflict shocks. Despite prima facie evidence for substitution logics, our model’s outcomes are consistent with complementarity; positive changes in citizen valuation of the chief appear to translate into positive changes in support for the government.

04 墨西哥瓦哈卡土著社区的公共产品供给和传统治理

题目：

Public Good Provision and Traditional Governance in Indigenous Communities in Oaxaca, Mexico

作者：

Beatriz Magaloni ,

 Alberto Díaz-Cayeros , 

Alexander Ruiz Euler

摘要：

与由“现代”多党选举产生的领导人所统治的族群社区相比，通过“传统”集会进行统治的族群社区能否更好地提供公共产品和服务? 我们利用墨西哥瓦哈卡州的一个独特的制度特点（市政当局由传统的管理机构管理）来探索这些形式的治理对公共产品供应的影响。利用地区层面的人口普查数据，我们通过地理回归不连续的方法来研究当地公共产品的提供。我们证明，相比于由政党统治的同样贫穷的社区，由传统治理实践统治的社区更有效地提供地方公共产品。基于定性的实地调查和家庭调查，我们认为，根据治理机制提供公共产品的显著差异源于社区（传统）实践，这些实践解决了集体行动问题，增强了公民对公共决策的参与，并抑制了精英俘获。

Can ethnically distinct communities ruled through “traditional” assemblies provide public goods and services better, than when they are ruled by leaders elected through “modern” multiparty elections? We exploit a unique institutional feature in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico, where municipalities are ruled by traditional governance institutions, to explore the effect of these forms of governance on the provision of public goods. Using locality-level census data, we study the provision of local public goods through a geographic discontinuity approach. We demonstrate that communities ruled by traditional governance practices offer more effective provision of local public goods than equally poor communities ruled by political parties. Relying on qualitative fieldwork and household surveys, we argue that the significant differences in the provision of public goods according to governance regime derive from community practices that solve collective action problems, enhance citizen participation in public decisions, and restrain elite capture.

05 为什么传统权威的性别重要:马拉维的交叉性和妇女权利倡导

题目：

Why the Gender of Traditional Authorities Matters: Intersectionality and Women’s Rights Advocacy in Malawi

作者：

Ragnhild L. Muriaas , 

Vibeke Wang , 

Lindsay Benstead , 

Boniface Dulani ,

 Lise Rakner

摘要：

传统的领袖往往与现代的政治制度共存;然而，我们对传统权威和国家权威的暗示——或者来自男性或女性的暗示——如何影响公众舆论知之甚少。参考使用2016年地方政府表现指标评估(LGPI)中的对1381名马拉维人的原始调查实验，我们将被调查者随机分配到四个实验组和一个对照组，他们会从一个女性或男性传统权威(TA)或国会议员口中听到关于童婚改革的意见。在整个样本中，女性传统权威的观点与对照组(即不支持)一样有效，而其他表达观点者的受支持度则较低(即有适得其反的效果)。传统或国家权威对童婚改革的支持对被调查者态度的影响因被调查者性别和习俗文化（父系/母系）的不同而不一，这表明有必要制定针对性的政策。我们的论文为治理研究提供了一个交叉性的方法，并提出了一个能够解释国家权威和传统权威在政策领域影响的理论框架。

Traditional leadership often coexists with modern political institutions; yet, we know little about how traditional and state authority cues—or those from male or female sources—affect public opinion. Using an original survey experiment of 1,381 Malawians embedded in the 2016 Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), we randomly assign respondents into one of four treatment groups or a control group to hear messages about a child marriage reform from a female or male traditional authority (TA) or parliamentarian. In the sample as a whole, the female TA is as effective as the control (i.e., no endorsement), while other messengers elicit lower support (i.e., backfire effects). Endorsements produce heterogeneous effects across respondent sex and patrilineal/matrilineal customs, suggesting the need for tailored programs. Our paper adds an intersectional approach to the governance literature and offers a theoretical framework capable of explaining the impact of state and traditional endorsements across policy domains.

06 民选议员、传统酋长和地方公共产品:来自赞比亚农村的关于领导人在联合生产中作用的证据

题目：

Elected MPs, Traditional Chiefs, and Local Public Goods: Evidence on the Role of Leaders in Co-Production From Rural Zambia

作者：

Kate Baldwin

摘要：

什么样的领导者能够有效地组织需要社区贡献的公共产品? 在许多情况下，公民和国家机构都为地方项目提供资金、劳动力和监督。本文分析了赞比亚的民选议员和世袭酋长在促进共同生产的公共产品供给中的作用。民选议员有提供公共产品的选举动机，但可能无法很好地组织社区作出贡献。酋长缺乏选举激励，但通常有长久的时间视野和当地的社会关系。通过一个自然实验，我分析了两类领导对共同生产的公共产品供给的影响。我利用了在任领导人去世后领导能力的缺失的契机，来证明酋长对共同生产的公共产品有显著影响，而议员则不然。辅助分析表明，酋长对社区贡献的影响取决于他们时间视野的长度。

What types of leaders are effective in organizing public goods that require community contributions? In many settings, both citizens and state agencies provide financing, labor, and oversight of local projects. This article analyzes the effects of elected Members of Parliament (MPs) and hereditary chiefs in facilitating co-produced public goods in Zambia. MPs have electoral motivations to provide public goods but may not be well-positioned to organize community contributions. Chiefs lack electoral incentives but typically have long time horizons and local social connections. I analyze the effects of both types of leaders on the provision of co-produced public goods through a natural experiment. I take advantage of lapses in leadership following the deaths of leaders in office to show that chiefs have a significant effect on co-produced public goods but MPs do not. Auxiliary analysis suggests that chiefs’ effect on community contributions depends on the length of their time horizons.

编   译：王悦霖

审   校：林俊斯

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编辑：欧阳星

一审：郑   静

二审：宋   婷

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