国际顶刊 |《东欧政治》第38卷（2022年）第1-2期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了East European Politics（EEP，《东欧政治》）2022年第38卷第1-2期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
East European Politics（EEP，《东欧政治》）是一份国际评审期刊，发表涵盖中东欧地区的政府、政治和社会的前沿研究。从地域上讲，该刊所发表的研究论文覆盖了包括中东欧和东南欧、俄罗斯和前苏联所有其他国家的地区。该杂志发表有关个别国家政治发展和跨国比较分析的原创学术成果，除此以外，还包括将主要关注地区与世界其他地区联系起来的研究。该刊只接受与主要关注地区政治有明确直接联系的历史研究。该刊对多种研究方法均持开放态度，但只接受具有严格且清晰概述的研究论文，从而展示最高标准的概念化和理论构建。除了研究文章和大量书评以外，该刊还出版专题特刊（Special Issue），还会定期发表“专题讨论会”和评论文章，专门对特定事件、政治问题以及重要的理论和概念发展进行简要分析。该刊在《科睿唯安2021年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2021）中JIF=3.000，在84种区域研究类（Area Studies-SSCI）期刊中排名第7（Q1）。
PART 2
期刊目录
Volume 38 - Issue 1 - 2022
Democratic backsliding in the European Union: the role of the Hungarian-Polish coalition
欧盟中的民主倒退：匈牙利-波兰联盟的作用
Ethnopopulist denial and crime relativisation in Bosnian Republika Srpska
民族民粹主义否认与犯罪相对化：来自波斯尼亚塞族共和国的证据
Uninformed or informed populists? The relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes in Poland
知情的与蒙昧的民粹主义选民——波兰的政治知识、社会经济地位和民粹主义态度之间的关系
Does the democratic performance really matter for regime support? Evidence from the post-communist Member States of the European Union
民主表现是否事关政权支持？来自欧盟后共产主义成员国的证据
Ethnic minority party formation and success in Europe
欧洲少数民族政党的形成与成功
Mission adapted: the hidden role of governors in shaping central bank operating missions in Hungary
理念调整：银行管理层在塑造匈牙利中央银行运营理念中的隐藏作用
Pragmatism and support for the EU in Slovakia’s politics
斯洛伐克政治中的实用主义与对欧盟的支持
Political attitudes among the urban Polish youth: assessing the role of cities on support for the European Union
波兰城市青年的政治态度：城市对支持欧盟的作用的评估
Volume 38 - Issue 2 - 2022
Promoting domestic bank ownership in Central and Eastern Europe: a case study of economic nationalism and rent-seeking in Hungary
改善中东欧国家银行所有权:匈牙利经济民族主义和寻租的案例研究
Condoning postwar corruption: how legacies of war prevent democratic accountability in contemporary Southeast Europe
宽恕战后腐败:战争遗产如何阻碍当代东南欧的民主问责
Parties in Russia: party system nationalisation in dominant party systems
俄罗斯的政党:主导党制中的政党体制国有化
Electoral Geography of Bosnia and Herzegovina – is there anything beyond the ethnic rule?
波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维纳的选举地理学：族群规则之外还有其他因素吗？
Partisanship and plane crashes: can partisanship drive conspiratorial beliefs?
党派性与飞机失事：党派性能够驱动阴谋论观念吗？
Development and (re)organisation of the Czech LGBT+ movement (1989–2021)
捷克性少数群体+运动的发展与（再）组织（1989-2021）
Illiberalism: a conceptual introduction
非自由主义：一个概念介绍
PART 3
精选译文
Volume 38 - Issue 1 - 2022
01 欧盟中的民主倒退：匈牙利-波兰联盟的作用
【题目】
Democratic backsliding in the European Union: the role of the Hungarian-Polish coalition
【作者】
Adam Holesch & Anna Kyriazi
【摘要】
结合欧盟民主倒退与联盟的见解，以及有关专制政体国际合作的文献，本文认为匈牙利与波兰的右翼政治领导层结成联盟，以增进各国的民主倒退。作者指出联盟三种不同但紧密相关的用途：一、在超国家舞台上相互保护，旨在限制欧盟的制裁能力；二、相互借鉴民主倒退政策；三、增加国内政权合法性。本文认为有三个因素促成联盟模式：为利益交织、意识形态接近与欧盟关于制裁的决策规则。
Combining the insights of EU-specific research on backsliding and coalitions with the literature on the international collaboration of autocrats, we argue that right-wing political leadership in Hungary and Poland have coalesced to advance their respective projects of democratic backsliding. We identify three distinct but intertwined uses of the coalition: (1) mutual protection afforded within the supranational arena aimed at limiting the EU's sanctioning capacities; (2) learning in the form of transfer of democratic backsliding policies; and (3) domestic legitimation. Three factors have driven coalescence patterns: intersecting interests, ideological proximity, and the EU’s decision rules regarding sanctions.
02 民族民粹主义否认与犯罪相对化：来自波斯尼亚塞族共和国的证据
【题目】
Ethnopopulist denial and crime relativisation in Bosnian Republika Srpska
【作者】
Jessie Barton Hronešová
【摘要】
民族民粹主义否认已然成为波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那塞族共和国政治领导层政治剧目的一个重要组成部分。此举已成为维护权力、吸引选民及贬损内部反对意见与国际机构的有效策略。本文追溯了对历史采取否认和相对化行为的起源，概述了利用否认作为部分民族民粹主义剧目的主要机制、话语及过程。本文描述了否认引起公众共鸣的原因与方式，并认为塞族共和国政府领导层在其权力受到挑战时，会加剧否认言论。
Ethnopopulist denial has become an essential part of the political repertoire of the political leadership of Republika Srpska (RS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It has turned into an effective strategy to preserve power, appeal to voters and disparage internal opposition and international institutions. This article traces the origins of denial and relativisation of the past, outlining the main mechanisms, discourses and processes of leveraging denial as part of the ethnopopulist repertoire. It also depicts how and why denial resonates with the public and why. The article argues that the RS leadership escalates denial when its power is challenged.
03 知情的与蒙昧的民粹主义选民——波兰的政治知识、社会经济地位和民粹主义态度之间的关系
【题目】
Uninformed or informed populists? The relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes in Poland
【作者】
Ben Stanley and Mikołaj Cześnik
【摘要】
本文使用2015年波兰议会选举的数据以检验政治知识、社会经济地位与民粹主义态度之间的关系。最新学术研究质疑了民粹主义被视为一种不成熟政治形式以吸引信息不足及社会地位低下选民的观点。作者发现，虽然较低的政治知识水平与较高的民粹主义水平有关，但实际上，"知情的民粹主义"选民更有可能投票给民粹主义政党，而 "蒙昧的民粹主义"选民则更有可能弃权。该发现对民粹主义是 "愚民的政治"一刻板印象提出了挑战。
This article uses data from the 2015 Polish parliamentary election to test the relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes. Recent scholarship has challenged the idea that populism is an unsophisticated form of politics that appeals primarily to the ill-informed and those of low social status. We find that while lower levels of political knowledge are associated with higher levels of populism, it is nevertheless ‘informed populists’ who are more likely to vote for populist parties, while ‘uninformed populists’ are more likely to abstain. These findings challenge the stereotype of populism as ‘politics for stupid people’.
04 民主表现是否事关政权支持？来自欧盟后共产主义成员国的证据
【题目】
Does the democratic performance really matter for regime support? Evidence from the post-communist Member States of the European Union
【作者】
Thomas Karv
【摘要】
在欧盟中，一些中欧和东欧成员国的民主表现正在下降，但政权支持却似乎在稳步上升。上述双重发展带来以下问题：在由一些仍被视为相对较新的民主国家组成的地区，民主表现是否对政权支持造成影响？本研究结果表明，在2004至2019年期间，该地区国家较高的民主表现水平与政权支持存成反比。尽管如此，较高的民主表现水平仍然与较高的政权支持水平相关。
The democratic performance is declining across a number of Central and Eastern European Member States of the European Union, this while regime support has seemingly been steadily increasing. This dual development leads to questions regarding whether the democratic performance actually matters for regime support within a region consisting of countries that are still being considered as relatively new democracies. The findings from this study shows that there is a negative connection between higher levels of democratic performance and regime support within the countries in this region during the period of 2004–2019. Nonetheless, higher levels of democratic performance are still related to higher levels of regime support across the region.
05 欧洲少数民族政党的形成与成功
【题目】
Ethnic minority party formation and success in Europe
【作者】
Dan Koev
【摘要】
是什么导致了少数民族政党的出现，又是什么造成了只有一部分少数民族政党得以赢得选举？作者对1990至2012年期间欧洲立法选举的原始数据集进行大样本、跨国家的定量分析，以检验对少数民族政党出现和成功变化的普遍解释。通过使用广义线性混合模型和Heckman选择模型，作者发现，在本地有自治经验的族群最有可能建立和支持少数民族政党。这些历史性因素淡化了选举规则、国家的政党制度与政治文化，以及来自亲属国与国际组织支持等变量的影响。
What causes ethnic minority parties (EMPs) to emerge, and why do only some of them become electorally successful? I test commonly offered explanations for variation in EMP emergence and success with a large-N, cross-national quantitative analysis on an original dataset of European legislative elections in the period 1990–2012. Using generalized linear mixed and Heckman selection models, I find that ethnic groups that are native to their state and that have previous experience with autonomy are most likely to establish and support EMPs. These historical factors eclipse the influence of variables like electoral rules, the state’s party system and political culture, and support from kin states and international organizations.
06 理念调整：银行管理层在塑造匈牙利中央银行运营理念中的隐藏作用
【题目】
Mission adapted: the hidden role of governors in shaping central bank operating missions in Hungary
【作者】
Miklós Sebők, Kristin Makszin & Jasper Simons
【摘要】
尽管中央银行的独立性已成普遍范式，但其运营理念仍然在不同国家与不同时期存在实质性变化。通过详细的定性案例研究，本文提出中央银行运营理念的概念，并将其应用于匈牙利国家银行案例，以提供对运营理念变化更完整的理解。本文研究结果表明政策机构起到关键作用：即使面对主流国际规范的压力，中央银行管理层仍有空间对中央银行的经营使命进行塑造。
Despite the diffusion of the paradigm of central bank independence, there is still meaningful variation in the operating missions of central banks both across countries and over time. Through a detailed qualitative case study, this article develops the concept of the operating mission of the central bank and applies it to the case of the Hungarian National Bank (MNB) to provide a more complete understanding of mission shift. Our findings demonstrate the critical role of policy agency, as the central bank governors moulded the operating mission of the central bank, even in the face of dominant international norms.
07 斯洛伐克政治中的实用主义与对欧盟的支持
【题目】
Pragmatism and support for the EU in Slovakia’s politics
【作者】
Hana Mravcová & Vratislav Havlík
【摘要】
在2017年，斯洛伐克总理罗伯特·菲科宣布希望将斯洛伐克引入欧洲一体化的核心。虽然菲戈一向表示支持欧洲一体化，但却经常表现出对欧盟的批评。本文通过测试了此前进展的不同情形，以探究导致菲戈此举的原因。作者认为，斯洛伐克欧洲政策的特点为大量的实用主义与薄弱的意识形态基础。因此，菲科的欧洲政策缺乏强大的意识形态根基或任何精心设计的长期战略，反之服务于为目前执政的政府的实用主义需求。
In 2017, the Slovak prime minister, Robert Fico, declared that he wanted to steer Slovakia into the core of European integration. Although Fico always supported European integration, he often came across as critical of the EU. This article tests various scenarios of preceding developments and finds the reasons that led to Fico’s politicisation of Slovakia’s European course. It argues that a large measure of pragmatism, combined with a weak ideological grounding, characterise Slovakia’s European policy. As such, European policy is devoid of strong ideological roots or any elaborate long-term strategy, and serves pragmatic needs of the government currently in power.
08 波兰城市青年的政治态度：城市对支持欧盟的作用的评估
【题目】
Political attitudes among the urban Polish youth: assessing the role of cities on support for the European Union
【作者】
Adrian Favero
【摘要】
欧盟的未来日益取决于其公民的态度和意见。本文旨在研究生活在波兰城市中心的年轻居民对欧洲一体化态度的构建。欧洲研究领域的现有文献表明，地域依赖与功利主义可以公民塑造对欧盟的态度。本文通过使用混合方法，以居住在波兰五个城市的324名硕士生为样本，研究社会和政治过程。研究结果证实，在抽样群体中，成本效益计算和依赖相关机制的复杂互动塑造了公民支持欧盟一体化的态度。
The future of the European Union (EU) increasingly depends on the attitudes and opinions of its citizens. This article examines constructions of attitudes towards European integration among young residents living in urban centres in Poland. Work conducted in the field of European studies shows that territorial attachment and utilitarian approaches can shape attitudes towards the EU. Using a mixed-methods approach, this study analyses these social and political processes among 324 MA students living in five Polish cities. The results confirm a complex interaction of cost–benefit calculations and attachment-related mechanisms that shape support for EU integration within the sampled group.
Volume 38 - Issue 2 - 2022
01 改善中东欧国家银行所有权：匈牙利经济民族主义和寻租的案例研究
【题目】
Promoting domestic bank ownership in Central and Eastern Europe: a case study of economic nationalism and rent-seeking in Hungary
【作者】
Nils Oellerich
【摘要】
本文对近期由匈牙利政府推动的银行所有权变革的原因进行了研究。两个途径的定性分析表明，匈牙利（这一方面）的发展服务于私人利益，而没有惠及能够促进国内经济增长的更广泛联盟。政府以民族主义和发展主义的方式将银行所有权政治化；然而，所有权的重新分配和贷款分配的自由裁量权有利于一群行动者，这些行动者团结起来不是因为他们有能力推动国内发展，而是因为他们对政府的明确忠诚。除了股权问题，这些发展很可能给匈牙利银行业带来相当大的风险。
This article provides an examination of the reasons for recent government-promoted bank ownership changes in Hungary. The two-pronged qualitative analysis shows that developments in Hungary serve private interests without benefiting a broader coalition to boost domestic economic growth. The government politicises bank ownership in both a nationalist and a developmentalist manner; however, the re-distribution of ownership and the discretion over loan allocation benefits a group of actors unified not by their capacities to boost domestic development but their unequivocal loyalty to the government. In addition to equity concerns, these developments may well introduce considerable risk into the Hungarian banking sector.
02 宽恕战后腐败：战争遗产如何阻碍当代东南欧的民主问责
【题目】
Condoning postwar corruption: how legacies of war prevent democratic accountability in contemporary Southeast Europe
【作者】
Christophe Lesschaeve, Josip Glaurdić
【摘要】
处于战后社会的选民会惩罚腐败的政治家吗？还是他们的选举偏好被他们自己或候选人的战争历史扭曲了？作者通过分析嵌入在一项调查中的实验结果来回答这些问题，这项调查的对象是自1990年代以来，经历过武装冲突的东南欧国家的7000多名受访者。作者的发现表明，该地区的选民对腐败行为进行严厉的惩罚，但当政治家有服兵役记录时，其腐败更有可能被忽视。另一方面，这种趋势受到选民的党派关系和对战争不满情绪的制约。
Do voters in postwar societies punish corrupt politicians? Or are their electoral preferences distorted by their own or the candidates’ war pasts? We answer these questions by analysing the results of an experiment embedded in a survey of over seven thousand respondents from the countries of Southeast Europe that experienced armed conflict since the 1990s. Our findings show that voters in this region punish corruption harshly, yet are more likely to ignore it for politicians with a military service record. This tendency is, however, conditioned by voters’ partisanship and sense of war grievance.
03 俄罗斯的政党：主导党制中的政党体制国有化
【题目】
Parties in Russia: party system nationalisation in dominant party systems
【作者】
Maria Seredina
【摘要】
政党体制国有化被当作是民主和政党体制发展的过程。本文通过研究主导党制中的这一现象，来扩展对该主题的理解。鉴于选举式威权已经成为最常见的威权政体类型，选举式威权中政党体制国有化的演变是一个值得进行实证研究的重要而有前景的领域。与现有研究相反，在主导党制中，政党体制国有化不一定与民主化正相关。通过考察主导党的形成和政党体制国有化之间的相互作用，本文证明了前者可以在主导党成长初期促进后者发展。事实上，主导党可以提升政党标签的重要程度并改善政党标签的运作，但这并不总是与民主化相一致。
Party system nationalisation is regarded as a process that signifies democratic and party system development. This article extends understanding on the topic by studying the phenomenon in dominant party systems. Insofar as electoral autocracies have become the most common type of authoritarian regimes, the evolution of party system nationalisation in electoral autocracies is an important and promising field worthy of empirical study. Contrary to existing research, party system nationalisation in dominant party systems is not necessarily positively correlated with democratisation. Examining the interaction between the crystallisation of a dominant party and party system nationalisation, this article demonstrates that the former can increase the latter at the beginning of the dominant party’s growth. Indeed, the dominant party can elevate the importance and operation of party labels, but not always coinciding with democratisation.
04 波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维纳的选举地理学：族群规则之外还有其他因素吗？
【题目】
Electoral Geography of Bosnia and Herzegovina – is there anything beyond the ethnic rule?
【作者】
Péter Reményi, Haris Gekić, Aida Bidžan-Gekić, Dávid Sümeghy
【摘要】
大多数专家认为族群化是波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那政治生活中的决定性因素。本文的目标是发现影响政党行为的其他因素，如果存在这样的因素，就可以得出不同于种族因素的地域模式。基于定量分析，本文认为，除了“族群规则”之外，其他具有地域模式的社会分裂维度(如城乡分裂)也存在于该国，尽管它们不像族群因素那样显著。在联邦实体中，族群分化是一个重要的背景因素，而在塞族共和国实体的政党竞争中，主要是非族裔因素起决定作用。
The majority of experts consider ethnicisation the defining factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political life. Our objective is to uncover what other factors affect party performance and what, if any, territorial pattern different from the ethnic one, can be drawn. We argue, based on quantitative analyses, that besides the “ethnic rule”, other social cleavages (like the urban-rural one) with territorial patterns are also present in the country, though they are less significant. In the the entity of Federation ethnic polarisation is a significant contextual factor, while in the party competition of the entity of Republic of Srpska mainly non-ethnic factors are decisive.
05 党派性与飞机失事：党派性能够驱动阴谋论观念吗？
【题目】
Partisanship and plane crashes: can partisanship drive conspiratorial beliefs?
【作者】
Courtney Blackington
【摘要】
党派成员是否会像处理其他标准类型的政治信息一样，通过党派视角来处理关于阴谋论的信息？民族民粹主义政党的支持者是更倾向于总体上相信阴谋论，还是只相信其所在政党认可的阴谋论？利用来自波兰的数据，我证明了当政党精英支持特定的阴谋论时，该党成员更有可能相信它。另一方面，只有当个人所在的民族民粹主义政党推行阴谋论时，民族民粹主义党派倾向才与阴谋论观念呈正相关。因此，似乎与其他来源的政治信息运作类同，阴谋观念也容易受到党派暗示的影响。
Do partisans process information about conspiracy theories like other standard types of political information – through a partisan lens? Are partisans of ethnopopulist parties more likely to believe in conspiracy theories in general, or only the ones their party endorses? Using data from Poland, I show that when their party elites endorse a specific conspiracy theory, partisans are more likely to believe in it. However, ethnopopulist partisanship is only positively associated with conspiratorial beliefs when an individual’s ethnopopulist party pushes a conspiracy theory. Thus, conspiratorial beliefs appear to operate like other sources of political information, which are vulnerable to partisan cueing.
06 捷克性少数群体+运动的发展与（再）组织（1989-2021）
【题目】
Development and (re)organisation of the Czech LGBT+ movement (1989–2021)
【作者】
Zdeněk Sloboda
【摘要】
本文旨在回顾1989年后捷克LGBT+运动（性少数群体+运动）的发展。文章的分析部分介绍了三个突出阶段：（1）该运动在20世纪90年代的形成和发展时期，（2）伴随2006年注册伴侣关系获许通过而来的高潮（和衰落）时期，以及（3）以平等的父母和婚姻权利为目标的运动重组时期。本文分析了该运动组织结构的发展变化（根据[Císař, Ondřej. 2013. "后共产主义背景下议会外政治活动的类型学：捷克共和国的案例." 见Jacobsson和Saxonberg, 139-168]）。本文揭示了异质性，这主要集中在每个阶段的短暂过渡期，这一时期允许建立短期的、通常是非正式的、自组织的、不太注重交易行动主义的团体组织，这是该地区和该时期非政府组织的典型特征。
This article is to review the development of the LGBT+ movement in Czechia after 1989. The analytical section introduces three distinctive phases: (1) the movement’s establishment and development during the 1990s, (2) the period culminating (and declining) with the adoption of the Registered Partnership in 2006, and (3) the period characterised as a restructuring of the movement towards the goal of equal parental and marriage rights. The article analyses the development and changes in the organisational structure of the movement (according to [Císař, Ondřej. 2013. “A Typology of Extra-Parliamentary Political Activism in Post-Communist Settings: The Case of the Czech Republic.” In Jacobsson and Saxonberg, 139–168]). It uncovers heterogeneity, mostly concentrated around short transitory moments in each phase which allow the establishment of short-term, often informal, self-organised organisations oriented less on transactional activism, typical for NGOs of the region and time period.
07 非自由主义：一个概念介绍
【题目】
Illiberalism: a conceptual introduction
【作者】
Marlene Laruelle
【摘要】
非自由主义是社会科学中的一个新兴概念，这一概念有待不同学科和方法的检验。本文提出了一个细致的框架，应该有助于 "巩固"这个概念，即我们应该：1）把非自由主义看作是一种意识形态，并把它从关于政体类型的文献中分离出来，2）建立起非自由主义与自由主义永久的情景关系。为了证明这一点，我提出了将非自由主义作为一个新的意识形态领域的尝试性定义，即使这一定义在理论上是不稳定的、基于情境的，但在某种程度上该定义仍是逻辑自洽的。
Illiberalism is an emerging concept in social sciences that remains to be tested by different disciplines and approaches. Here, I advance a fine-grained frame that should help to “stabilize” the concept by stating that we should 1/ look at illiberalism as an ideology and dissociate it from the literature on regime types, 2/ consider illiberalism to be in permanent situational relation to liberalism. To make that demonstration, I advance a pilot definition of illiberalism as a new ideological universe that, even if doctrinally fluid and context-based, is to some degree coherent.
翻 译：欧阳博雅、王智灏
校 对：丁岩森、杨轩、王智灏
相关阅读：
编辑：焦 磊
一审：李璐雅
二审：郭见田