国际顶刊 |《欧亚地理与经济》第63卷（2022年）第1-4期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
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政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了Eurasian Geography and Economics（EGE，《欧亚地理和经济》）2022年第63卷第1-4期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
Eurasian Geography and Economics（EGE，《欧亚地理和经济》）欢迎有关欧亚地区地理和地缘经济问题的原创研究文章，广义的欧亚地区包括中国、俄罗斯、东亚、中亚、东南亚、前苏联和欧洲。该刊欢迎涉及欧亚地区当前任何关键的地缘政治和地缘经济发展的原创研究。无论是区域内还是欧亚大陆与世界其他地区之间的比较，或者是将欧亚大陆各地区联系起来的文章，以及次国家范围的分析，该刊都十分欢迎。该刊特别鼓励将欧亚大陆的地理和经济研究纳入更广泛的学科讨论。该刊在《科睿唯安2021年期刊引用报告》（Clarivate JCR2021）中JIF=3.778，在84种区域研究类（Area Studies-SSCI）期刊中排名第1（Q1）。
PART 2
期刊目录
Volume 63 - Issue 1 - 2022
A double paradox of plenty: renewable energy deployment in Central Asia
富足的双重悖论：中亚可再生能源的部署
Integration and investment development paths of CEE countries. Does EU-membership make a difference?
中东欧国家的一体化和投资发展路径。欧盟成员国的身份是否会产生影响？
How does spatial proximity to the high-speed railway system affect inter-city market segmentation in China: a spatial panel analysis
高铁系统的空间邻近度如何影响中国城际市场划分：一个空间面板分析
The belt and road initiative: a systematic literature review and future research agenda
“一带一路”倡议：系统性的文献综述和未来研究议题
Volume 63 - Issue 2 - 2022
Prediction on freight function structure of China’s coastal ports under the Polar Silk Road: a cargo attraction potential perspective
极地丝绸之路下中国沿海港口货运功能结构的预测：基于货运吸引潜力的视角
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Infrastructure, Social Savings, Spillovers, and Economic Growth in Pakistan
中巴经济走廊（CPEC）：巴基斯坦的基础设施、社会储蓄、溢出效应和经济增长
Industrial policy and automotive development: a comparative study of Thailand and Czechia
产业政策与汽车发展：泰国和捷克的比较研究
“Rural but not rural”: gendered and classed moral identities in liminal spaces in Guangdong, China
“农非农”：中国广东边缘空间中的性别和阶级的道德身份
Volume 63 - Issue 3 - 2022
…“And they lived (un)happily ever after”… State institutions, public enterprises in the energy sector and the value of environment in Romania
... "从此，他们过着（不）幸福的生活。"...罗马尼亚的国家机构、能源部门的国有企业及环境价值
The politics of securitization: China’s competing security agendas and their impacts on securitizing shared rivers
安全化的政治：中国的竞争性安全议程及其对共享河流安全化的影响
Pro-active regional policy and the relocation of manufacturing firms: a case study of state-led industrial relocation in Guangdong, China
积极的区域政策与制造业企业的搬迁：中国广东省国家主导下的产业转移案例研究
Tracking the evolution of cooperative relationship networks among countries located along the Belt and Road: an application of massive cooperation events data
追踪“一带一路”沿线国家合作关系网络的演变：大规模合作事件数据的应用
From traditional infrastructure to new infrastructure: a new focus of China’s Belt and Road Initiative diplomacy?
从传统基建到新基建:中国“一带一路”外交的新重点？
Volume 63 - Issue 4 - 2022
Is the regional divide in Ukraine an identity divide?
乌克兰的地区分歧是身份分歧吗？
Contesting post-communist economic development: gold extraction, local community, and rural decline in Romania
对后共产主义经济发展的争论：罗马尼亚的黄金开采、地方社区和农村衰落
Nostalgic Voting? Explaining the Electoral Support for the Political Left in Post-Soviet Moldova
怀旧投票？解释后苏联时期摩尔多瓦对政治左派的选举支持
Spatial aspects of labor force formation: the interrelation of cohort turnover and net migration in Serbia
劳动力形成的空间维度：塞尔维亚劳动力流动和净移民的相互关系
PART 3
摘要译文
Volume 63 - Issue 1 – 2022
01 富足的双重悖论：中亚可再生能源的部署
【题目】
A double paradox of plenty: renewable energy deployment in Central Asia
【作者】
Elena Shadrina
【摘要】
在中亚更多地部署非水可再生能源似乎是解决该地区能源安全问题的合理方案。然而，中亚地区可再生能源的扩散还处于起步阶段。此外，该地区对可再生能源的利用差异较大。尽管化石燃料丰富且较发达的中亚经济体寻求部署非水可再生能源，但水资源丰富的低收入国家仍然依赖大规模水力发电。本文认为，更广泛地部署非水可再生能源对于中亚国家的可持续性至关重要，本文还试图通过能源匮乏和依赖租金的中亚经济体制度环境的具体细节来解释富足的双重悖论。
Greater deployment of non-hydropower renewable energy sources in Central Asia appears to be a rational solution to energy security in the region. However, renewable energy diffusion in Central Asia is at an incipient stage. Moreover, the utilization of renewable energy sources varies substantially across the region. Whereas fossil fuel-rich, more developed Central Asian economies pursue the deployment of non-hydropower renewable energy sources, water-rich, lower-income countries retain their reliance on large-scale hydropower. This article argues that wider deployment of non-hydropower renewable energy sources is critical for Central Asian countries’ sustainability and attempts to explain the double paradox of plenty through the specifics of institutional environments in energy-poor and rent-dependent Central Asian economies.
02 中东欧国家的一体化和投资发展路径。欧盟成员国的身份是否会产生影响？
【题目】
Integration and investment development paths of CEE countries. Does EU-membership make a difference?
【作者】
Marian Gorynia, Jan Nowak, Piotr Trąpczyński, Radosław Wolniak
【摘要】
许多研究探究了经济一体化对外国直接投资的影响，但没有对遵循投资发展路径(IDP)的相关国家在投资发展路径中所处的位置进行全面、同步的分析。本文对五个中欧和东欧(CEE)国家(五国均为欧盟成员国或非成员国)的投资发展路径进行了比较分析。本文的目的是确定经济一体化对外国直接投资(FDI)流动的影响，以及对这五个中东欧经济体在其投资发展路径各阶段资金流动的影响。本文试图使用趋势估计以描述人均净对外直接投资(NOI)与人均国内生产总值(GDP)之间的关系，并分析对内和对外直接投资存量和流量的详细数据，随后辅以计量经济学分析来确定样本国家在投资发展路径中所处的位置。虽然研究结果表明欧盟成员国的身份对样本国家的FDI增长和它们在投资发展路径上的运动轨迹具有普遍的积极影响，但一体化对外商直接投资的影响往往比对被调查成员国的对外直接投资的影响更大。同时，该研究的结果表明，需要在欧盟一体化和“投资发展路径”模型之间的接轨做进一步的理论探索，并形成一定的政策影响。
A number of studies have dealt with the effects of economic integration on foreign direct investment, yet without a comprehensive and simultaneous analysis of the overall positioning of the countries involved along the investment development path (IDP). In the current paper, a comparative analysis of IDPs of five Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, both members and nonmembers of the European Union (EU), is conducted. The purpose of the paper is to determine the effect of economic integration on foreign direct investment (FDI) flows and on the movement of these CEE economies through their IDP stages. An attempt is made to identify the positioning of the sample countries on the IDP, using trend estimation depicting the relationship between net outward investment (NOI) per capita and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, as well as detailed descriptive data on inward and outward FDI stocks and flows, subsequently complemented with econometric analysis. While the findings point to a generally positive effect of EU membership on FDI growth and IDP trajectories, integration tends to exert a stronger effect on inward FDI than on outward FDI of the investigated member countries. At the same time, the study’s findings reveal the need to add new theoretical considerations to the interface between EU integration and the IDP model, as well as formulate certain policy implications.
03 高铁系统的空间邻近度如何影响中国城际市场划分：一个空间面板分析
【题目】
How does spatial proximity to the high-speed railway system affect inter-city market
segmentation in China: a spatial panel analysis
【作者】
Ying He, Lv Bingyang & Danlin Yu
【摘要】
中国高速铁路(HSR)系统的建设增进了城市的互联互通。我们认为，高度的互联互通可能会加强城市之间的经济互动，特别是跨市贸易的一体化。本文采用空间面板固定效应误差模型和2008-2013年的地级市数据评估了城市与高铁系统的邻近度如何影响中国的城市市场整合。在其他条件不变的情况下，我们发现城市与高铁系统的邻近度越高，就越能对减少市场划分产生积极影响。本研究首次评估了城市与高铁的邻近度对中国城际市场一体化的影响。该研究将促进与高铁系统未来发展以及与其他关键基础设施投资和发展相关的积极的区域政策决策。研究结果可能对欧亚国家的市场化改革和发展政策产生更广泛的影响。
The construction of the high-speed railway (HSR) system in China has improved cities’ interconnectedness. We contend that the improved interconnectedness will likely strengthen economic interaction among cities, particularly cross-border trade integration. Employing a spatial panel fixed effect error model with prefecture-level city data from 2008 to 2013, this paper evaluates how cities’ proximity to the HSR system affects urban market integration in China. We find that cities’ proximity to the HSR system exerts a positive influence on reducing market segmentation, ceteris paribus. This study for the first time assesses the impacts of cities’ proximity to HSR on inter-city market integration in China. The study will facilitate proactive regional policy decisions related to the future development of HSR and other critical infrastructure investment and development. Results obtained from the study could be of broader impact on policies of marketization reform and development for Eurasian countries.
04 “一带一路”倡议：系统性的文献综述和未来研究议题
【题目】
The belt and road initiative: a systematic literature review and future research agenda
【作者】
Andrei Panibratov, Alexey Kalinin, Yugui Zhang, Liubov Ermolaeva, Vladimir Korovkin, Konstantin Nefedov & Louisa Selivanovskikh
【摘要】
“一带一路”倡议（BRI）自2013年提出以来就引起了学术界的高度关注，由此产生了一系列学术著作。学者们分析了这一多元现象的各个方面。本文试图对管理和经济学领域的“一带一路”文献进行系统分类和深层次地翻阅，以引导对该现象的进一步学术研究。我们使用Scopus数据库和引导式划分方法来确保所选论文的质量和相关性。基于确定的主题，我们为经济和管理领域的未来研究提供了可靠途径。
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted substantial academic attention right after its establishment in 2013. It has produced an array of scientific works analyzing various aspects of this multi-component phenomenon. Our paper is an attempt to systematically classify and further scrutinize the BRI literature within the management and economics field in order to navigate further academic inquiry into the BRI phenomenon. We used the Scopus database and a guided delimitation approach to ensure the quality and relevance of the selected papers. Based on the identified themes we propose promising avenues for future research within the Economics and Management research domain.
Volume 63 - Issue 2 - 2022
01 极地丝绸之路下中国沿海港口货运功能结构的预测：基于货运吸引潜力的视角
【题目】
Prediction on freight function structure of China’s coastal ports under the Polar Silk Road: a cargo attraction potential perspective
【作者】
Yan Peng, Zhenfu Li, Xinfang Zhang, Qi Bao & Xiangdong Li
【摘要】
The Polar Silk Road (PSR) will open up China’s maritime trade route through the Arctic to Northwest Europe and affect the freight function structure of China’s coastal ports. This study evaluates ports’ freight capacity and predicts the freight function structure of China’s coastal ports under the PSR from four dimensions, namely, comprehensive/professional, function status, function scale and function hierarchy. The freight function structure is also compared with the current one. Results show that the ports in the Bohai Rim and Yangtze River Delta will have more diversified development and become the main force of the port system under the PSR. Coal will have an important position in most ports’ cargo transportation under the PSR. The PSR will bring great economic development opportunities to the northern ports because of the influence of the sea route distance. The port function hierarchy is more obvious under the PSR, and the medium-sized ports are most affected by the PSR. We classify coastal portsaccording to the freight scale and freight function. An adaptive proposal for the government’s port function planning is proposed in the conclusion.
极地丝绸之路（PSR）将开辟中国通过北极至西北欧的海上贸易路线，并影响中国沿海港口的货运功能结构。本研究从综合与专业、功能状态、功能规模和功能层次四个维度对港口货运能力进行了评估，并预测了港口货运能力框架下中国沿海港口的货运功能结构。货运功能结构也与当前状况进行了比较。结果表明，环渤海和长江三角洲的港口将有更为多样化的发展，并将成为极地丝绸之路下的港口系统主力军。根据极地丝绸之路，煤炭将在大多数港口的货物运输中占据重要地位。由于航道距离的影响，港口与港口关系将为北部港口带来巨大的经济发展机遇。在极地丝绸之路下，港口功能层次更为明显，中型港口受极地丝绸之路的影响最大。我们根据货运规模和货运功能对沿海港口进行分类。结论部分对政府港口功能规划提出了的适应性建议。
02 中巴经济走廊（CPEC）：巴基斯坦的基础设施、社会储蓄、溢出效应和经济增长
【题目】
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Infrastructure, Social Savings, Spillovers, and Economic Growth in Pakistan
【作者】
Matthew McCartney
【摘要】
This paper is about a package of infrastructure investment, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This paper uses a range of theoretical perspectives (buttressed by historical and contemporary evidence) to think about the likely impact of CPEC on economic (especially industrial) growth in Pakistan. The theory includes crowding in of private by public investment, social savings, spillovers and the leading sector, and industrial policy. Theory points to some likely growth promoting effects of CPEC, on corporate logistics, shorter transport routes to China, and greater local production of cement. The impact of CPEC is unlikely to be transformative. There is little evidence that CPEC has improved corporate logistics in Pakistan. CPEC may reduce physical distances for overland trade with China but trade is likely to remain seaborne. CPEC construction activity has generated positive spillovers in local construction employment and cement production but no spillovers in either bitumen or steel production. Pakistan lacks a capable state and commitment to an industrial policy that historically have proved important in leveraging transport infrastructure into domestic industrialization. The most important reason is that Pakistan is a middle-income country and CPEC is too small to create more than modest economic growth benefits for Pakistan.
本文是关于一揽子基础设施投资的，即中巴经济走廊（CPEC）。本文使用一系列理论观点（由历史和当代证据支持）来思考 CPEC 对巴基斯坦经济（尤其是工业）增长的可能影响。该理论包括公共投资、社会储蓄、溢出效应和主导部门以及产业政策对私营部门的挤入。理论指出，中巴经济走廊可能对企业物流、缩短到中国的运输路线以及提高当地水泥产量产生一些促进增长的作用。CPEC 的影响不太可能是变革性的。几乎没有证据表明 CPEC 改善了巴基斯坦的企业物流。中巴经济走廊可能会缩短与中国的陆路贸易的物理距离，但贸易可能仍是海运。中巴经济走廊的建设活动对当地建筑就业和水泥生产产生了积极的溢出效应，但在沥青和钢铁生产方面都没有溢出效应。巴基斯坦缺乏国家能力，也缺乏对工业政策的承诺，而这些政策在历史上被证明在将交通基础设施用于国内工业化方面很重要。最重要的原因是巴基斯坦是一个中等收入国家，CPEC 规模太小，无法为巴基斯坦创造适度的经济增长收益。
03 产业政策与汽车发展：泰国和捷克的比较研究
【题目】
Industrial policy and automotive development: a comparative study of Thailand and Czechia
【作者】
Kaoru Natsuda, John Thoburn, Jiří Blažek & Kozo Otsuka
【摘要】
This paper investigates the effectiveness of industrial policy, and the role of state capacity to implement it, by making a comparison of automotive development in Thailand and Czechia, the largest vehicle producers in Southeast Asia and Central and Eastern Europe, respectively. The development of the industry in both countries primarily relied on foreign investment, despite Czechia’s long earlier history of domestic automotive development. The countries, however, have used very different types of industrial policy. Thailand introduced a series of vertical (sector-specific) industrial policies, pursuing a proactive industrial development strategy with state intervention, continuing even under the restrictions on trade-related policy measures imposed by the WTO since 2000. In contrast, Czechia has employed mostly horizontal (non-sector-specific) industrial policies with less state intervention, influenced by the restrictions of the European Union. Although both countries achieved considerable output and export growth, Thailand has a deeper and more locally owned supply chain. Thailand’s imaginative use of de facto local content requirements in connection with its product champion policy is instructive.
本文通过比较东南亚和中东欧最大的汽车生产国泰国和捷克的汽车发展，研究产业政策的有效性以及国家实施政策的能力。尽管捷克的国内汽车发展历史悠久，但两国汽车行业的发展主要依赖外国投资。然而，这些国家使用了非常不同类型的产业政策。泰国推出了一系列纵向（针对特定行业）的产业政策，在国家干预的情况下推行积极的产业发展战略。即使在 2000 年以来世贸组织实施的贸易相关政策措施的限制下，该政策仍在继续。相比之下，捷克主要采用横向（非特定行业）产业政策，而这受欧盟限制影响与国家干预较少。尽管两国都实现了可观的产出和出口增长，但泰国的供应链更深、更本地化。泰国在其产品政策中创造性地使用事实上的本地内容要求是能给人启发的。
04 “农非农”：中国广东边缘空间中的性别和阶级的道德身份
【题目】
“Rural but not rural”: gendered and classed moral identities in liminal spaces in Guangdong, China
【作者】
Lake Lui & Kam Wing Chan
【摘要】
China is woven into the fabric of territorial demarcation between rural and urban space, which shapes people’s life chances. Grounded in the study of rural-urban and local/non-local inequalities, we explore the identity constructions of people-in-between – rural local villagers (commonly named urban villagers) in chengzhongcun (villages-in-the-cities). Based on in-depth interviews and participant observations in Shenzhen and Guangzhou, we found stereotypes of rural local people’s as ill-mannered and lazy; yet economically well-off. Women and men who considered themselves rural locals challenge the stereotype by drawing upon the gender- and class-appropriate understandings of their identities. Rural local women crafted a “model woman discourse” by emphasizing their traditional Chinese feminine traits, othering rural migrants for manipulating sex for upward mobility, and criticizing urban women for being too assertive in relation to men. Some rural local men, in contrast, created a subculture that defined their version of success; others embraced urban masculinity. In any case, the processes of identity construction often reinforce stereotypes based on rural/urban and local/non-local divide, class, and gender.
中国融入了城乡空间的领土划分，塑造了人们的生活机会。我们以城乡和地方/非地方不平等研究为基础，探讨城中村的中间人——农村村民的身份建构。通过在深圳和广州的深入访谈和参与观察，我们发现对农村当地人的刻板印象是无礼、懒惰却经济富裕。那些认为自己是农村当地人的女性和男性通过对其身份的性别和阶级适当的理解来挑战了这些陈旧观念。农村妇女通过强调她们传统的中国女性特征、排斥农民工为向上流动而操纵性别、批评城市女性对男性过于自信，从而打造了“模范女性话语”。相比之下，一些农村的当地男人创造了一种亚文化，定义了他们的成功版本。其他人则接受了城市男性的气质。无论如何，身份建构的过程往往会强化基于农村/城市和地方/非地方划分、阶级和性别的刻板印象。
Volume 63 - Issue 3 - 2022
01 ... "从此，他们过着（不）幸福的生活。"...罗马尼亚的国家机构、能源部门的国有企业及环境价值
【题目】
…“And they lived (un)happily ever after”… State institutions, public enterprises in the energy sector and the value of environment in Romania
【作者】
Claudia Popescu, Alexandru Gavriș
【摘要】
本文讨论了在1990年后的变革中，在面对环境价值的变化时，国有企业的经济和政治之间的相互作用。本文将环境价值作为国家-国有企业关系的结果进行考察，而在欧盟环境政策不断变化的背景和要求下，这种关系的基础是多重的且时常相互冲突的需求。通过追踪罗马尼亚煤炭能源行业的两个国有企业，本文研究了（一）国家和国有企业在环境方面的递阶协调和谈判系统，（二）经济和政治精英如何处理自由市场的竞争，采取各种机制增强国有企业的生存能力，并最终转化为经济绩效和环境行为。研究结果表明，国有企业突出的去资本化是由于国家行为嵌入了混乱的程序和行动，为政治操纵留下了空间。此外，在 "封闭的圈子 "中工作的组织文化可能强化了国有企业的责任，并削弱了它们处理环境要求的能力。因此，欧盟环境政策的要求与国内经济和政治精英支持能源国有企业生存的承诺之间的对立，产生了双层的 "不和谐 "环境。
The paper addresses the interplay between economics and the politics of state-owned enterprises confronted with changes concerning the value of environment under post 1990 transformations. It examines the value of the environment as a result of state-public firm relations grounded on the multiple and often conflicting demands within the changing context and requirements of the EU environmental policy. By process-tracing two Romanian SOEs in the coal energy industry, the paper looks into: i) the hierarchical coordination and negotiation systems of state and SOEs in relation to the environment; ii) how the economic and political elites deal with the competition on free markets and use various mechanisms to empower the survival of SOEs that eventually translate into economic performance and environmental behavior. The findings suggest the salient decapitalization of SOEs due to the state behavior embedded in confusing procedures and actions that made room for political maneuvering. Also, the organizational culture of working in a “closed circle” may have strengthened the liabilities accrued to SOEs and undermined their capacity to deal with environmental requirements. Hence, a double-layered “dissonant” environment stems from the opposition between the requirements of the EU environmental policy and the commitment of domestic economic and political elites to support the survival of energy SOEs.
02 安全化的政治：中国的竞争性安全议程及其对共享河流安全化的影响
【题目】
The politics of securitization: China’s competing security agendas and their impacts on securitizing shared rivers
【作者】
Lei Xie, Jeroen Warner
【摘要】
当中国与有着不同政治和社会条件的邻国发生分歧时，管理跨境河流流域是一项挑战。本文分析了中国将水资源定性为安全问题时会发生什么，研究了中国多变的安全化实践，而这些实践说明中国政府对不同的水资源安全问题有着不同的重视程度。我们采用了两个案例进行比较分析。在共享湄公河的案例中，中国政府表现出愿意将水资源部门内外发现的更多议题纳入其中的意愿。相比之下，在共享恒河-布拉马普特拉河-梅克纳河的案例中，中国的安全议程仅限于考虑水资源可用性，并且引发了军事安全的担忧。研究结果表明，中国的水资源安全议程不仅出于对特定河流水资源管理的关注，也出于相关的国家战略军事考虑。因此，中国的情况表明，水资源安全是一个复杂的领域，水资源的（去）政治化过程表现出相互竞争的价值观和关切。因此，本文建议，在研究水资源时，不能仅仅从环境政策的角度来理解与水有关的安全问题。
Managing transboundary river basins proves a challenge for China when encountering disagreements with its neighbors that experience different political and social conditions. This paper analyzes what happens when China characterizes water as a security issue, examining China’s fluid securitization practices, where changes can be identified indicating that the Chinese government values the various water security concerns differently. Two cases are adopted for comparison. In the case of China sharing the Mekong River, the Chinese government has shown a willingness to incorporate more issues found both inside and outside of the water sector. In contrast, in the case of the sharing of the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna, China’s security agenda has been limited to the consideration of water availability and has led to military security concerns. The findings indicate that China’s water security agenda is not only driven by a concern for water management over specific rivers, but also judgments that incorporate strategic military consideration with regard to countries that they are involved with. The case of China thus suggests that water security is a complex domain that demonstrates competing values and concerns in (de)politicizing water. Therefore, water-related security issues cannot be understood solely from an environmental policy perspective.
03 积极的区域政策与制造业企业的搬迁：中国广东省国家主导下的产业转移案例研究
【题目】
Pro-active regional policy and the relocation of manufacturing firms: a case study of state-led industrial relocation in Guangdong, China
【作者】
Yi Liu, Godfrey Yeung, Yu-Tian Liang, Xun Li
【摘要】
为促进关于国家相对于企业间竞争在区域发展中的重要性的讨论，本文使用多项逻辑回归模型考察了中国广东省制造业企业转移的代表性数据集。为提高珠江三角洲制造业的竞争力，广东省政府在21世纪初实施了积极的政策以鼓励现有制造业企业搬迁到指定的工业园区。虽然初步结果似乎支持转移政策的有效性，但进一步的研究显示，这一政策的有效性取决于工业园区和被搬迁企业的情况。事实上，大型劳动密集型企业的转移并不是由地方政府推动的。高科技园区与机场或港口的实际距离对小型的地方资助的高科技公司转移到指定园区有较大影响。地方投资的污染行业企业则正在扩张，而不是搬迁到指定的工业园区。实证表明，产业转移政策具有非二元性。转移政策的细微差别及其对被转移企业的多维度影响否定了任何简单化的概括。
To contribute to the debate on the importance of state vis-à-vis inter-firm competition in regional development, this paper examines a representative dataset of the relocation of manufacturing firms in Guangdong province of China with multinomial logistic regression models. To improve the competitiveness of manufacturing in the Pearl River Delta, the Guangdong government implemented pro-active policies to encourage the relocation of existing manufacturing firms to their designated industrial parks during the 2000s. Although the initial results appear to support the usefulness of relocation policy, further examination reveals its effectiveness depends on the industrial sector and profiles of the relocated firms. In fact, the relocation of large-scale labor-intensive firms is not driven by local government initiatives. The physical proximity of high-technology parks to airports/ports has a bigger impact on the relocation of small-scale locally-funded high-technology firms into designated parks. In the case of locally-funded firms in polluting sectors, they are expanding rather than relocating to designated industrial parks. The empirical evidence indicates the non-binary nature of the industrial relocation policy. The nuances of relocation policy and its multi-scalar effects on relocated firms rejects any simplistic generalization.
04 追踪“一带一路”沿线国家合作关系网络的演变：大规模合作事件数据的应用
【题目】
Tracking the evolution of cooperative relationship networks among countries located along the Belt and Road: an application of massive cooperation events data
【作者】
Bingqing Che, Cheng Jin, Yuqi Lu, Chuangeng Zhu
【摘要】
新闻媒体报道的跨国事件已成为研究国际和地区合作关系的重要资料。本文使用1980年至2015年的合作事件数据研究“一带一路”沿线国家的地位和作用。研究结果表明，“一带一路”沿线国家的区域合作形成了以中俄为核心的双向枢纽网络结构。这种不平衡的格局意味着东亚和南亚分别位于核心与边缘：中欧和东欧、西亚和中东地区紧密相连，而中亚之间的国家及中亚与其他地区的联系则很弱。沿线国家的差异化水平、开放程度差异以及经济规模差异对合作关系的强度有重要影响。单中心辐射结构和多中心紧密结构是合作关系网络空间组织模式的显著区域特征。本研究为识别国际区域合作关系网络的结构特征和区域模式提供了一个新的视角。
Inter-country related events which have been reported by news media have become important data for the study of international and regional cooperation relations. Cooperation event data from 1980 to 2015 were used to judge the positions and roles of countries located along the Belt and Road. This study’s results indicate that the regional cooperation of the countries along the Belt and Road formed a bidirectional hub network structure with China and Russia as the core. The unbalanced pattern revealed showed that East Asia and South Asia were located at the core and periphery respectively; Central and Eastern Europe, along with Western Asia and the Middle East regions, were closely connected; and Central Asia was weakly connected. The level of differences, openness degree differences, and economic scale differences of the countries along the aforementioned line were found to have important influences on the strengths of the cooperative relationships. A single-center radiation structure and a multi-center tight structure were found to be the significant regional characteristics of the spatial organization pattern of the cooperation relationship network. The study provides a new perspective for identifying the structural characteristics and regional patterns of international regional cooperation relationship networks.
05 从传统基建到新基建：“中国“一带一路”外交的新重点？
【题目】
From traditional infrastructure to new infrastructure: a new focus of China’s Belt and Road Initiative diplomacy?
【作者】
Chuchu Zhang, Minwei Zhang，Chaowei Xiao
【摘要】
在北京提出“新型基础设施建设”（新基建）这一新概念后不久，北京将大数据中心、人工智能和工业互联网等前沿领域的合作视为“一带一路”倡议的新维度。作者认为，“新基建”外交是中国国内政策的延伸，旨在为“一带一路”摆脱困境提供一条突破之策。本文针对“一带一路”项目的空间统计分析显示，尽管中国与“一带一路”国家在许多新基建领域的合作可能正在发展，但距离实现目标仍面临许多工作。中国政府将对外投资重点从传统的实体基础设施转向高科技基础设施一举引发了“一带一路”国家以及世界大国越来越多的关注，而中美在数字领域激烈竞争的环境使得这种博弈进一步加剧。此外，“新基建”产品的预期市场需求和实际市场需求之间的巨大差距加剧了挑战。“新基建”创造了新的市场机会、带来了制定规则的机会、并为中方在“一带一路”带来多样化的参与机会，但它也为北京带来了超预期课题，因为在国际辩论中，“新基建”成为了一个比传统的实体基础设施更政治化的话题。
Shortly after Beijing proposed the new concept of “new infrastructure”, it perceived collaboration in frontier areas such as big data centers, artificial intelligence, and Industrial Internet as a new dimension of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). We argue that new infrastructure diplomacy is an extension of China’s domestic policy, and a new expedient approach designed to provide a route out of the predicament faced by the BRI. As our spatial statistical analysis of BRI projects shows, while China’s cooperation with BRI countries in many new infrastructure sectors may be evolving, it faces enormous challenges in fulfilling its objectives. Beijing’s redirecting of its foreign investment priorities from traditional physical infrastructure to high-tech infrastructure triggers increasing concerns from both the BRI countries and world powers, which has been exacerbated in the context of fierce competition between China and the US in the digital sphere. Adding to the challenges are the wide gulfs between the expected market demand and the latter’s real market needs for new infrastructure products. Although new infrastructure creates new market opportunities, brings rulemaking chances, and diversifies Chinese players in the BRI, it also brings more predicaments than Beijing expected, as it becomes a more politicized topic than traditional physical infrastructure in the international debate.
Volume 63 - Issue 4 - 2022
01 乌克兰的地区分歧是身份分歧吗？
【题目】
Is the regional divide in Ukraine an identity divide?
【作者】
Lowell Barrington
【摘要】
A large body of research has identified regional divisions as an important factor in understanding variation in political attitudes and behaviors in Ukraine. This article focuses on the extent to which regional divisions in Ukraine represent a key identity divide. Drawing on unique data from a national survey of residents of Ukraine, quantitative and qualitative evidence indicates that many respondents see their region as an important part of their identity and that the reasons why they do fall into identifiable categories. At the same time, the findings point to challenges in conceptualizing the region in Ukraine as an identity type. These include its contested nature, reflected in a deep divide between those who consider “region” to mean their oblast and those who see it as representing a larger area of Ukraine. These results shed new light on Ukraine’s regional divisions and may help explain why the country’s notable “regional effect” has not translated into identity-based mobilization along regional lines.
大量研究已将地区划分确定为了解乌克兰政治态度和行为变化的重要因素。本文重点关注乌克兰的区域划分在多大程度上代表了一个关键的身份划分。根据乌克兰居民的一项全国调查的独特数据，这些定量和定性证据表明，许多受访者认为他们所在地区是他们身份的重要组成部分，并且他们确实属于可识别类别的原因。同时，调查结果指出了将乌克兰地区概念化为身份类型的挑战。其中包括其有争议的性质，反映在那些认为“地区”是指他们的州的人和认为它代表乌克兰更大地区的人之间的深刻分歧。这些结果为乌克兰的地区划分提供了新的线索，并有助于解释为什么该国显著的“地区效应”没有转化为沿地区线基于身份的动员。
02 对后共产主义经济发展的争论：罗马尼亚的黄金开采、地方社区和农村衰落
【题目】
Contesting post-communist economic development: gold extraction, local community, and rural decline in Romania
【作者】
Nicoleta Toader Rîșteiu, Remus Creţan & Thomas O’Brien
【摘要】
Plans to open a globally significant gold mine at Roşia Montană, in the Transylvanian region of Romania, have led to decades of controversy and struggle. This paper explores different understandings of extraction amongst advocates for and opponents of the mine over the last two decades. We discuss the shifting roles of capital, the state, civil society organizations, and the local community over time, arguing for the need to distinguish between their different positions on mining. In particular, we contend that the understanding of extraction promoted by the owners of the mine, and by the local community, is fundamentally different in terms of cultural, social, and economic priorities. The local community argue for a traditional type of mining, embedded in local ownership and established labor identities, whereas the neoliberal vision of capital for the Roşia Montană site is that of a globally competitive, technologically advanced form of extraction. In uncovering and developing these hermeneutic differences, the paper reveals that pro-traditional development attitudes among economically marginalized groups are not necessarily attuned to the material global interconnections shaping neoliberal capitalism.
在罗马尼亚特兰西瓦尼亚地区的 Roşia Montană 开设全球重要金矿的计划引发了数十年的争议和斗争。本文探讨了过去二十年来矿山的拥护者和反对者对开采的不同理解。作者讨论了随时间的推移，资本、国家、民间社会组织和当地社区的角色转变，作者认为有必要区分他们在采矿方面的不同立场，特别是矿主和当地社区对开采的理解在文化、社会和经济优先事项方面存在根本差异。当地社区主张采用传统的采矿方式，植根于当地所有权和既定的劳工身份，而新自由主义对当地矿场的资本愿景则是形成一种具有全球竞争力、技术先进的开采形式。在揭示和发展这些解释学差异的过程中，本文揭示了经济边缘化群体的亲传统发展态度不一定与塑造新自由主义资本主义的物质全球相互联系协调。
03 怀旧投票？解释后苏联时期摩尔多瓦对政治左派的选举支持
【题目】
Nostalgic Voting? Explaining the Electoral Support for the Political Left in Post-Soviet Moldova
【作者】
Ion Marandici
【摘要】
How does political nostalgia influence voting? Although nostalgic voters have been often mentioned as central to the rise of populism in the West, scholars have rarely shown empirically how nostalgia influences electoral choice. In this paper, I use survey data from 2009 and 2016 to investigate the extent and electoral impact of Soviet nostalgia in the context of democratizing Moldova. First, the paper reveals and explains why political nostalgia is distributed unevenly across Moldova’s territory with certain regions and ethnocultural groups embracing romanticized views of the Communist past more often than others. Second, the paper demonstrates that nostalgic orientations toward the past and cultural factors rather than perceptions of economic conditions structure party choice in post-Soviet Moldova. The paper also identifies the discursive similarities between varieties of Western populism, Euroscepticism, illiberal worldviews, and the nostalgic appeals of the Moldovan Left.
政治怀旧如何影响投票？尽管怀旧的选民经常被认为是西方民粹主义兴起的核心，但学者们很少从经验上证明怀旧是如何影响选举选择的。在本文中，我使用2009年和2016年的调查数据，调查了摩尔多瓦民主化背景下苏联怀旧的程度和选举影响。首先，本文揭示并解释了为什么政治怀旧在摩尔多瓦领土上分布不均，某些地区和民族文化群体比其他地区更倾向于接受共产主义历史的浪漫化观点。其次，本文论证了对过去和文化因素的怀旧取向，而不是对经济状况的看法，构成了后苏联时期摩尔多瓦的政党选择。论文还指出了西方民粹主义、欧洲怀疑主义、非自由世界观和摩尔多瓦左翼怀旧诉求之间的话语相似性。
04 劳动力形成的空间维度：塞尔维亚劳动力流动和净移民的相互关系
【题目】
Spatial aspects of labor force formation: the interrelation of cohort turnover and net migration in Serbia
【作者】
Marija Drobnjaković, Milena Panić, Vlasta Kokotović Kanazir & Vanja Javor
【摘要】
Labor force contingent is a very complex and dynamic phenomenon, sensitive to demographic and socio-economic changes. In many countries, the labor force is shrinking and it has undergone a major transformation, which is expected to continue in the future. Serbia is affected by the same problem. This paper focuses on the demographic aspects of labor force formation in Serbia. The aim is to estimate the components – working age population, cohort turnover, net migration and their interrelation - in order to identify and quantify fluctuations in the labor force. Seeking to identify regional disparities and areas with a “weak” or “strong” labor force potential, this study highlights the importance of the spatial dimension. It was conducted at the municipality level and a typology of five different types of municipality is established. A decline in the labor force is observed in most municipalities in Serbia. The municipalities with a significant economic downturn in the past decades experienced intensive emigration, which is reflected in the weakening of the labor force. At the same time, other municipalities failed to achieve labor force increase despite a good demographic potential, due to intensive emigration of young people. Positive changes were identified only in eight municipalities in Serbia, due to a favorable fertility rate, age structure and, to a lesser extent, immigration.
劳动力队伍是一个非常复杂和动态的现象，对人口和社会经济变化非常敏感。在许多国家，劳动力正在萎缩，并经历了一次重大转型，预计未来还会继续。塞尔维亚也受到同样问题的影响。本文重点研究塞尔维亚劳动力形成的人口学方面。其目的是估计各组成部分——工作年龄人口、群体更替、净移民及其相互关系——以识别和量化劳动力的波动。为了找出地区差异和劳动力潜力“弱”或“强”的地区，本研究强调了空间维度的重要性。研究是在市镇一级进行的，并确定了五种不同类型市镇的类型。在塞尔维亚的大多数市镇，劳动力都有所下降。在过去几十年中经济严重衰退的城市经历了密集的移民，这反映在劳动力的削弱上。与此同时，由于年轻人大量移民，尽管其他城市具有良好的人口潜力，但未能实现劳动力增长。由于有利的生育率、年龄结构以及移民，塞尔维亚只有八个市镇出现了积极变化。
翻 译：孙滢、任好为、丁岩森、王智灏、欧阳博雅
校 对：孙滢、任好为、石寒冰、王智灏、欧阳博雅
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编辑：焦 磊
一审：李璐雅
二审：郭见田