托斯卡尼尼与川普丨作为权力工具的古典音乐
Toscanini, Trump, and Classical Music as a Tool of Power
托斯卡尼尼、特朗普和作为权力的工具的古典音乐
For a couple of days, the dumbfounding Presidency of Donald Trump was all about symphonies. On July 6th, in Warsaw, Trump gave a speech purporting to defend Western civilization against unnamed forces—“from inside or out, from the south or the east”—that threaten its values. Presuming to speak for that civilization, Trump said, “We write symphonies. We pursue innovation. We celebrate our ancient heroes . . .” The Internet cried with one voice: “We write what?” Like many of Trump’s utterances, the line was at once ludicrous and sinister. His veneration for orchestral music came as a surprise to almost everyone, and the implication that some cultures are incapable of creating symphonies stirred bad memories. Jonathan Capehart compared the passage to white-nationalist rhetoric about the genetic limitations of inferior races. Sentences like “The fundamental question of our time is whether the West has the will to survive” made me think of Oswald Spengler’s “The Decline of the West,” a fixture of the alt-right reading list. Will Bruckner now blast at Trump rallies in place of the Rolling Stones? A Trump-approved video celebrating his G-20 trip suggests no; the soundtrack is more in the vein of the “We Are the World” parody “Musicians for Free-Range Chickens.”
在过去的几天里，唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump) 总统令人瞠目结舌的都是有关交响乐的事。2017年7月6日，特朗普在华沙发表了一篇演讲，声称要捍卫西方文明，反对无名的、威胁其价值观的势力——“从内部或外部，从南部或东部”。特朗普说:“我们创作交响乐，我们追求创新，我们歌颂我们那些古代英雄……”互联网上异口同声地喊道:“我们写什么?“”就像特朗普的许多言论一样，这样的论调既荒唐又危险。他对管弦乐崇拜的同时，也暗示有些文化无法创造交响乐，这几乎使所有人都感到愕然，因而引发了人们糟糕的回忆。乔纳森·卡普哈特（Jonathan Capehart）将这段话与白人种族主义者关于劣等民族遗传限制的言论进行了比较。比如“我们这个时代最根本的问题是，西方是否有求生的意志”，这让我想起了奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒（Oswald Spengler）的《西方的衰落》，这本书是很合适的一个书目。现在布鲁克纳会代替的滚石乐队的音乐在特朗普的集会上奏响吗?一个由特朗普批准的、庆祝其20国集团之旅的视频显示：不会;影片的配乐更像是把“我们是世界”恶搞成“自由放养小鸡的音乐家”（ “Musicians for Free-Range Chickens.”）。
The following night, probably not by coincidence, Trump went to the symphony. During the G-20 meeting in Hamburg, the Elbphilharmonie, the city’s fortresslike new concert hall, presented Beethoven’s Ninth. Trump attended in the company of Angela Merkel, Emmanuel Macron, Justin Trudeau, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and other leaders. German television showed a chilling split-screen with protesters on one side and tuxedoed musicians on the other. Cameras caught the heads of state in various states of attentiveness: Trudeau was chatty, Macron was ostentatiously rapt, Merkel looked preoccupied. (Mark Swed, in the Los Angeles Times, has a rundown of the responses.) Joachim Lux, of the Thalia Theatre, in Hamburg, called the concert a “pornographic abuse of art.” In Lux’s view, the presence of leaders who had trampled on human rights made a mockery of the universal-brotherhood rhetoric of Beethoven’s “Ode to Joy,” the anthem of the European Union. You need not have gone that far to find the spectacle a dispiriting muddle of art and politics, with Trump oozing at the center.
第二天晚上，也许并非巧合，特朗普去听交响乐了。在汉堡举行的20国集团峰会上，这座城市的堡垒般的新音乐厅——易北爱乐大厅（Elbphilharmonie），上演了贝多芬的《第九交响曲》（《Symphony No.9 in D minor》op.125作品第125号）。特朗普在安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)、伊曼纽尔•马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)、贾斯汀•特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)、弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)、秘书长和其他领导人的共同观赏了这场音乐会。德国电视台播放了一个令人恐怖的分屏画面，一边是抗议者，另一边是衣冠楚楚的音乐家。镜头捕捉到了每位国家领导人形形色色的画面:特鲁多健谈，马克龙招摇，默克尔看起来则心不在焉。《洛杉矶时报》(Los Angeles Times的马克•斯韦德(Mark.Swed)对此做出了回应。位于德国汉堡的塔利亚（Thalia）剧院的约阿希姆.卢克斯（Joachim Lux）称这场音乐会是“色情艺术的滥用”。在卢克斯看来，那些践踏人权的领导人的出现，是对贝多芬《欢乐颂》（注：这部作品第四乐章的合唱部分是以德国著名诗人席勒的《欢乐颂》为歌词而谱曲的，也是该作品中最为著名的主题）的一种嘲弄，这是为欧盟唱赞歌。你不需要走那么远的路，就能看到一幅令人沮丧的艺术和政治混合的景象，特朗普在中间逶迤前行。
Weird as all this was, I found it transfixing because it harked back to an age when, for better or worse, classical music had enormous symbolic power on the world stage. In particular I thought of Arturo Toscanini, the most celebrated conductor of the twentieth century. In the latest issue of the magazine, David Denby reviews Harvey Sachs’s monumental new Toscanini biography. The most riveting pages are devoted to the nineteen-thirties and forties, when the conductor converted his favorite repertory—Beethoven, Verdi, and Wagner—into emblems of the fight against Fascism. I couldn’t help wondering: What would Toscanini have done if he had been confronted by geomusical snarl in Hamburg? He might have had something to say.
尽管这一切都很古怪，但我发现这种改变是因为回到了一个古典音乐在世界舞台上拥有巨大象征力量的时代，无论好坏。特别是我想到了阿图罗·托斯卡尼尼，他是二十世纪最著名的指挥家。在最新一期的杂志上，大卫·丹比（David Denby）评论了哈维·萨克斯（Harvey Sachs）不朽的托斯卡尼尼的新传记。最吸引人的段落是20世纪30年代和40年代，指挥家把他最喜欢的曲目——贝多芬、威尔第和瓦格纳——转换成反法西斯的象征。我不禁要问:如果他在汉堡面对政治与音乐的混合，他会怎么做呢?他或许有话要说。
Until the early thirties, Toscanini was mainly known as a conductor of brusque brilliance who changed his profession from a gentlemanly calling into a priesthood. He transformed every orchestra he stepped in front of, imposing standards that define music to this day. A cult grew up around him, not least among musicians; Sachs tells us that one orchestra was incensed when a rehearsal was cancelled because it wanted more time with the Maestro. In popular culture, Toscanini became a byword for charismatic authority. By the twenties, when totalitarianism was on the rise, he could be seen as the embodiment of Führerprinzip, the leadership principle: Fascists wanted to conduct the people as Toscanini conducted his orchestras, inspiring love through force of will.
直到30年代初，托斯卡尼尼被认为是一位格外耀眼的指挥家，他使指挥从一个绅士的职位转变成为一个神职。他改变了他所走过的每一个乐团，将音乐定义为今天的标准。他周围有一种崇拜，尤其是在音乐家当中；萨克斯告诉我们，当排练被取消时，整个乐团都被激怒了，因为想要更多的时间和大师在一起。在流行文化中，托斯卡尼尼成为魅力型权威的代名词。到了20年代，当极权主义高涨时期，他可以被看作是元首的化身，领导原则是：法西斯想要指挥人民，就像托斯卡尼尼指挥他的管弦乐队一样，通过意志的力量激发爱的灵感。
When Mussolini seized power in Italy, Toscanini did not immediately strike an attitude of resistance. He was incensed by Fascist thuggery, above all when it encroached upon his turf. The musicologist Richard Taruskin, in a skeptical account of Toscanini’s behavior in the twenties, calls it “not an inspiring saga of political courage in the face of despotism but a rather less edifying spectacle of two Duci engaged in a protracted battle of wills.” That said, the regime saw Toscanini as a threat, and, in 1931, he was roughed up by a gang of Fascist youths. He did not conduct in Italy again until 1946.
当墨索里尼夺取意大利政权的时候，托斯卡尼尼没有立即采取抵抗的态度。他被法西斯的暗杀行为激怒了，最重要的是法西斯侵犯了他的领地。音乐理论家理查德·塔鲁斯金(Richard Taruskin)对托斯卡尼尼20年代的行为持怀疑态度，称其“不是在专制主义面前表现出政治勇气的、鼓舞人心的传奇，而是两名杜奇在旷日持久的意志较量中所表现出来的、不那么令人振奋的景象。”也就是说，这个政权将托斯卡尼尼视为威胁，在1931年，他被一群法西斯青年粗暴对待。直到1946年，他才重新在意大利指挥。
Toscanini took a stronger line against Hitler. Measures against Jewish musicians infuriated him, and in the spring of 1933 he decided to stop working in Germany. His most painful choice was to step away from the Wagner festival in Bayreuth, where he had achieved immense success in 1930 and 1931, even among Nazi-sympathizing members of the Wagner family. Toscanini saw Bayreuth as the ultimate musical shrine; so reverential was his attitude that he refused payment for his first season, because the invitation was reward enough. To Friedelind Wagner, one of the composer’s grandchildren, he later wrote that leaving Bayreuth was the “deepest sorrow of my life.”
托斯卡尼尼对希特勒采取了更强硬的立场。针对犹太音乐家的措施激怒了他，1933年春天，他决定停止在德国工作。他最痛苦的选择是离开拜罗伊特的瓦格纳音乐节，他于1930年和1931年在那里取得了巨大的成功，即使是在那些同情纳粹的瓦格纳家族成员中也是如此。托斯卡尼尼将拜罗伊特视为终极的音乐圣地;他的态度是如此的恭敬，以至于拒绝了第一季演出的报酬，因为受邀就已经是最好的报酬了。对于弗里德兰.瓦格纳（Friedelind Wagner），作曲家的一名孙子来说，他后来写道，托斯卡尼尼离开拜罗伊特是“我生命中最悲伤的时刻”。
The enigma of Toscanini is that he said so little in public about the turmoil surrounding him. Even Sachs, who knows more about the conductor than anyone alive, often has to guess at his motivations. The surmises are often plausible. What we see in the later thirties is an implicit campaign to take German music back from Hitler. Sachs notes that Toscanini made a habit of conducting Beethoven and Wagner in countries bordering Germany. In 1936 and 1937, he led Wagner’s “Die Meistersinger” in Salzburg, which is adjacent to Bavaria. In 1938 and 1939, he appeared at the Lucerne Festival, which was initially held on the grounds of Tribschen, where Wagner had lived during one of his periods of exile from Germany. Most remarkably, Toscanini twice travelled to Palestine, at his own expense, to conduct the Palestine Symphony. At one concert, he programmed music from “Lohengrin.” He was aware of resistance to performing Wagner in what would become Israel but argued that “nothing should interfere with music.”
令人不解的是，托斯卡尼尼很少公开谈论他周围的这种动荡。即使是萨克斯也大惑不解，萨克斯对指挥的了解比任何人都多，他常常不得不猜测托斯卡尼尼的动机。这些推测往往是可信的。我们在30年代后期看到的是一种隐蔽的战役，即把德国的音乐从希特勒手中夺回来。萨克斯注意到托斯卡尼尼在与德国接壤的国家里有指挥贝多芬和瓦格纳的习惯。1936年和1937年，他在萨尔茨堡(位于巴伐利亚附近)指挥瓦格纳的歌剧《纽伦堡的名歌手》（《Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg》Wvv.96作品第96号）。1938年和1939年，他出现在卢塞恩音乐节上，最初是在特里布森(Tribschen)瓦格纳故居举行，瓦格纳离开德国流亡期间曾在那里生活过。最引人注目的是，托斯卡尼尼曾两次自费前往巴勒斯坦指挥巴勒斯坦交响乐。在一场音乐会上，他从歌剧《罗恩格林》”(《Lohengrin》Wvv.75作品第75号)开始排练音乐。他意识到以色列人对瓦格纳音乐的抵制，但他认为“任何事情都不应该干扰音乐。”
In 1939, Toscanini led two complete cycles of the Beethoven symphonies, deploying them, Sachs suggests, as a “symbol of courage in the face of adversity.” It was probably because of Toscanini that Beethoven’s Fifth became sonic shorthand for the Allied cause in the Second World War: the opening notes, three Gs and an E-flat, were heard as Morse code for “V,” as in “victory.” Toscanini also led several all-Wagner programs, refusing to surrender the composer to Hitler. In 1944, in a benefit for the Red Cross, he appeared before a crowd of eighteen thousand at Madison Square Garden, conducting Wagner and Verdi—national heroes of the two leading Fascist countries. In a commemorative booklet for that concert, a program note for “The Ride of the Valkyries” was accompanied by a photograph of B-17 bombers on a run over Germany.
1939年，托斯卡尼尼领导了两次完整的全部贝多芬交响曲的演出，萨克斯说，完整地展现这些乐曲是“面对逆境时勇气的象征”。可能是由于托斯卡尼尼的缘故，贝多芬的《第五交响曲》（Symphony No. 5 in C minor，Op. 67）在第二次世界大战中成为盟军电台缩略语，三个G音和一个E-flat，被当作“V”的摩尔斯电码，代表“胜利”。托斯卡尼尼还主持了几个全部作品都是瓦格纳的节目，以拒绝将作曲家交给希特勒。1944年，为了给红十字会募捐，他在麦迪逊广场花园(Madison Square Garden)的一万八千名群众面前出现，指挥瓦格纳和威尔第——两个主要法西斯国家的民族英雄--的音乐。在这场音乐会的纪念手册中，有一张“飞翔的女武神”的节目单，旁边是一张B-17轰炸机在德国上空飞行的照片。
At the time, Toscanini’s largely unspoken argument on behalf of German music was met with general approval. Olin Downes wrote in the Times, “Never has the inherent and indestructible greatness of Wagner’s art been more triumphantly demonstrated.” But a contrary interpretation was gaining ground: the émigré philosopher Theodor W. Adorno, among others, linked Wagner’s anti-Semitism to Hitler’s. Over time, Toscanini’s faith in the ennobling influence of his favorite composers came to seem naïve, even as clichés about the “universal language” continued to circulate. Valery Gergiev’s activities on behalf of Putin and the fate of the El Sistema program in Venezuela show how easily music can fall in line with power. The G-20 concert was the latest yank of the rope in an eternal tug-of-war over the meaning of Beethoven.
当时，托斯卡尼尼无可争议地代表德国音乐得到了普遍赞同。奥林·唐斯（Olin Downes）在《泰晤士报》中写道:“瓦格纳艺术的内在和坚不可摧的伟大从来没有得到更大的展示。”但相反的解释却越来越多:移民哲学家西奥多·w·阿多诺(Theodor W. Adorno)将瓦格纳的反犹太主义与希特勒联系在一起。随着时间的推移，托斯卡尼尼那种对他最喜爱的作曲家的影响的信念开始变得天真，甚至关于“世界通用语言”的陈词滥调持续流行。瓦列里.捷杰耶夫（Valery Gergiev）代表普京进行的活动，以及委内瑞拉国立青少年管弦乐团系统的音乐救助计划（El Sistema program）的命运表明，音乐可以轻易地与权力保持一致。二十国集团的音乐会是对贝多芬的一场永恒的拔河比赛中最新的一场拉扯。
Still, the decisiveness of Toscanini’s stance in the thirties commands respect. In April, 1933, he received a letter from Hitler, addressed to “Hochverehrter Meister” (“Most honored master”), essentially begging him to return to Bayreuth that summer. Few artists would have been able to resist such flattery. But Toscanini knew how it would play out: he would be photographed with Hitler, and his presence would provide cover for Nazi oppression. Nothing should interfere with music, yet interference happens all the same. It is difficult to visualize Toscanini in a scene like the one that unfolded at the Elbphilharmonie. He would not have given a speech or released a statement; he would not have explained himself in interviews. He would never have been there in the first place.
尽管如此，托斯卡尼尼在30年代的立场还是值得尊重的。1933年4月，他收到希特勒寄来的一封信，信上写着“最尊敬的大师”(“最受尊敬的大师”)，恳求他那年夏天回到拜罗伊特。很少有艺术家能够抵制这种奉承。但托斯卡尼尼知道这将会怎样：他将与希特勒拍照，他的出现将为纳粹的压迫提供掩护。任何事情都不能干扰音乐，但干扰也会发生。在这样的情况下，很难想象托斯卡尼尼的处境，就像在易北爱乐大厅上展现的场景一样。他不会发表演讲或发表声明;他不会在采访中解释自己。他从一开始就不会出现在那里。
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